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Khanates emerged in Azerbaijan in the second half of the 18 century. As a result of the civil wars between the Khanates, there was no central power that could protect Azerbaijan, which was divided and divided, from invasion and external threats. Therefore, there were wars between Russia, Iran and the Ottoman states, who fought fiercely with each other to dominate the Azerbaijani geography. Russia, which stood out as the winner of the wars in the first quarter of the 1800s, occupied Azerbaijan, the most important country of the Caucasus, by using military force and dominated it politically and militarily. Russia; After the occupation, it changed the demographic structure of Azerbaijan by bringing Christian people to it, carried out efforts to convert it religiously and Christianize it, exploited its economic resources and completely captured it. Russia has developed strategies and prepared and implemented projects to invade Azerbaijan, annex it to its country and keep it under its control. By 1830, the entire South Caucasus, including Azerbaijan, was taken over by Russia. In this article, the process of Russia's annexation, exploitation and Christianization of Azerbaijan in the 19th century is examined and explained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Sociological Context / Sosyolojik Bağlam Dergisi is the property of Journal of Sociological Context and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cleopatra VII, who struggle for the throne with her brother Ptolemy XIII after the death of Ptolemy XII, went on a cruise on the Nile River with her Roman ally Caesar, with whom she had personal and political rapprochement, immediately after the Battle of Alexandria, which emerged as a civil war. The couple visited the settlements, mineral resources, quarries, and trade centers in Upper Egypt and ended the cruise before reaching Aethiopia. The fact that the cruise, which is not mentioned in contemporary sources, is mentioned in the works of non-contemporary authors such as Suetonius, Appian, Athenaeus and Lucan has led to controversy, and this situation has brought along the views that defend/doubt that the cruise took place. The main focus of this study is the purpose, scope and political and strategic objectives, especially the discussions about the Nile cruise. The study, which evaluates archaeological data, literary sources and modern views together, reveals that the cruise, which we have no information about because it is not included in contemporary ancient sources, was a discovery journey with political goals rather than a romantic honeymoon trip, and that it included more than what is described in ancient sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Science & Innovative Technologies is the property of Global Cooperation & Analytical Research Center Public Union and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Bu çalışma, 2014’te başlayan Yemen İç Savaşı’nı ülkenin bağımsızlığından bugüne yaşanan iç savaşlar silsilesinin tarihsel derinliği içerisinde ele almayı amaçlamaktadır. Çalışmada Yemen İç Savaşı’nın ülkenin modern tarihindeki savaşlarda gözlemlenen süreklilik ve kopuş unsurlarını bünyesinde bir arada barındırdığı ve bu unsurlar çerçevesinde yapılacak bir analizin daha açıklayıcı olacağı iddia edilmektedir. Bu çerçevede vurgulanan süreklilik unsuru, Yemen’in jeopolitik önemi nedeniyle 19. yüzyıldan bugüne bölgede stratejik üs edinmeye çalışan denizaşırı güçlerle, Arap Yarımadası’ndaki hâkimiyetini çepere yaymaya çalışan komşu karasal güçler arasında hep bir hâkimiyet mücadelesine sahne olmasıdır. Çalışmada vurgulanan temel kopuş unsuruysa, 1994’teki iç savaşta uluslararası aktörlerin rolünün asgari düzeyde olması ve savaşın çok hızlı bir şekilde sonuçlanmasıdır. 2014’te başlayan iç savaş, bir yandan 1994’teki kopuş anında ortaya çıkan Yemenli aktörleri ve çatışma dinamiklerini bünyesinde barındırmaktayken, diğer yandan bir dizi deniz aşırı ve karasal gücün müdahalesiyle uluslararsılaşmış ve böylece Yemen tarihindeki süreklilik unsuru tekrarlanmıştır. Çalışmada nitel bir yöntem benimsenmiş olup, ortaya konan analitik çerçevede gerçekleşen tarihsel bir anlatıya dayanmaktadır. Makalede kullanılan veriler çoğunlukla akademik yayınlar ve düşünce kuruluşu raporları gibi güvenilir ikincil kaynaklara dayanmakta olup, yer yer haberler ve devlet arşivleri gibi birincil kaynaklara da başvurulmuştur.

Copyright of TYB Akademi Dil Edebiyat & Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Turkiye Yazarlar Birligi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Crimean Khanate, which gained the status of an independent khanate with the Treaty of Küçük Kaynarca (1774), contended with internal conflicts until the Russian annexation in the year of 1783. The multi-ethnic and multireligious structure of the Crimean Peninsula paved the way for the emergence of very interesting stories during the conflicts. The Karaites come to the fore in terms of recording the sufferings they experienced in the multi-religious Crimean community, which was affected by the turmoil of the uprisings and the civil war. In this context, the stories of the Karaite society form the subject of the study. The study, based on the records of the Karaite community, which had to fight for its existence and was stuck between different ethnic and religious groups during the independent Crimean Khanate, discussed the dramatic events during the uprisings and the reasons were discussed. Although the revolts during the Sahin Giray era, mentioned in the current literature are approached politically, the social response of the revolt has been neglected. Here upon the lack of the study, the Crimean Karaims were examined in the light of the contemporary sources, and it tried to be brought to the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Babaī Rebellion was a religious, political, and social uprising stirred up in Anatolia in 1240 by Bābā Ilyās-i Khurāsānī and Baba Isḥāq, one of his caliphs, against the Seljuk rule due to its mismanagement. This uprising, which lasted for centuries, was the biggest Turkmen uprising in Anatolian Seljuk history and caused the Anatolian Seljuk State to fall under the yoke of the Mongol Empire. The rebellion, which constitutes an important place in the political and social history of Anatolia, is also a starting point in terms of analysing and understanding the popular movements in the history of Turkey and especially Alevism and Bektashism, which are discussed today, with a decent approach [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written literatures of the Altai Turks, which have a deep-rooted oral cultural tradition, started to form from the second half of the 19th century and developed with the Soviet Revolution. Chalchik Chunizhekov is one of the writers accepted among the founders of contemporary Altai literature. Chunizhekov was born in Üstügi-Koroçı in Kuyum in the Elikmanar region in 1898 and he died in Gorno-Altaysk in 1973. Chunizhekov, who was elected as a member of the USSR Writers Union in 1958, continued this duty until his death. In addition to literary works such as poetry, fairy tales, stories, Chunizhekov contributed to contemporary Altai literature with scientific works such as articles and interviews. Chunizhekov's work named Munduzak is an autobiographical story with traces of the author's life. The story tells about the life of the Altai Turks before the Soviet Revolution, the internal conflicts between revolutionaries and opponents during the revolution, and the new lives after the revolution, by being taken to a young center called Munduzak. Chunizhekov, a writer adhering to the principles of Soviet literature, also reflected these principles in his work named Munduzak. In the story, the traditional life styles of the Altai Turks are negated and the new life style created with the Soviet Revolution is highlighted. The author makes this comparison through themes such as exploitation of labor and faith, revolution and civil war, kolkhozes, and education, which are important icons of the new life. In this study, after briefly giving information about the life and works of Chunizhekov, the work named Munduzak will be examined in terms of structure and theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Dergisi is the property of Ege University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Afyon Kocatepe University Journal of Social Sciences / Afyon Kocatepe Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Afyon Kocatepe University (AKU) Sosyal Bilimler Enstitusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to analyze the Yemeni Civil War, which started in 2014, within the historical depth of the series of civil wars that have occurred since the country's independence. The study argues that the Yemeni Civil War contains both elements of continuity and rupture observed in modern Yemen history. The element of continuity emphasized in this framework is that due to the geopolitical importance of Yemen, it has always been the scene of a struggle for dominance between overseas powers, which have been trying to acquire a strategic base in the region since the 19th century, and neighboring territorial power. The main element of rupture emphasized in the study is the 1994 civil war, which ended quickly without the intervention of external powers. The current civil war is the continuation of continuity. While the civil war that started in 2014 included Yemeni actors and conflict dynamics that had initially emerged at the time of the rupture in 1994, on the other hand, it became international with the intervention of several overseas and territorial powers, thus repeating the element of continuity in Yemeni history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Academic Studies of Turkish-Islamic Civilization / Türk Islam Medeniyeti Akademik Arastirmalar Dergisi (Timad) is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The arrival of millions of Syrians to Turkey due to the civil war that started in Syria in 2011, and those who fled from African countries and the Taliban organization and came from Afghanistan have led to the problem of immigrants in Turkey. In addition, the fact that those from the Middle East who want to live in better conditions head directly to Turkey to go to Europe or to stay, has made migration management more important. The economic and social problems created by irregular migration in countries increase even more in extraordinary times such as the global epidemic. To prevent the Covid-19 global epidemic, which emerged in 2019 and spread all over the world and caused many global problems, the measures taken in Turkey and at the international level, its status as well as Turkish citizens; It has greatly affected all foreigners, whether immigrants, foreigners under temporary protection or asylum seekers. In this study, the effects of the Covid-19 global epidemic on migration management in Turkey were examined. In the study, literature review was made and using statistical reports, Turkey's migration management, the level of impact of migration management from the global epidemic and solution proposals were discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Situations are stated as crises on condition that occur at an unexpected time, have a long-lasting effect, and negatively affect the functioning of organizations. Accordingly, crisis management is to reduce the negative effects of crises with various methods and to try to turn disadvantaged situations into advantageous ones. Although the concepts of crisis and crisis management have been used mostly for natural disasters and economic downsides, the migration phenomenon and the negativities brought by this phenomenon can also be considered as a crisis according to its size and effect. With the measures they take and the public policies they develop, the administrations try to keep this process under control, to eliminate the negative consequences of the crisis and/or to reduce its impact. As a country that is constantly confronted with the migration phenomenon from past to present, Turkey has developed various policies and tried to manage migration processes. As a result of the events that started to protest the government in Syria in 2011 and then turned into a civil war, millions of people migrated to Turkey, which is Syria’s border neighbor. The idea that the people who came to Turkey with this migration wave are primarily “guests” and that they will return in a short time have caused delays in taking effective decisions in the face of migration and has led to various problems. Consequently, Syrian migration has affected Turkey in many areas such as security, accommodation, education, economy and urbanization. In this study, against Syrian migration and the problems caused by this migration, the decisions made and the policies developed by Turkey will be evaluated in the context of crisis management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As it is known, with the start of the Syrian civil war in 2011, there has been an intense migration wave from Syria to Turkey. In the face of these immigration waves that continued for several years, Turkey followed an open-door policy toward the people fleeing the war as a border country. The Ansar-muhajir discourse has accompanied this open-door policy from the very beginning. In the early stages of the Syrian civil war, Turkey did not look for a clear policy regarding managing migration because of the prevailing opinion that the “war would not last long.” So there was a prevailing opinion that “Syrians will return to Syria before long.” For this reason, the method of hosting Syrian immigrants in camps was adopted. Today, 11 years after the arrival of the first convoy, there is an almost absolute state of uncertainty for the vast majority of Syrians in Turkey. Undoubtedly, it is worth investigating what kind of effects this uncertainty has created in aspects such as cohesion and integration, security/public order, discrimination/marginalization, culture conflict and identity, settlement and employment, etc. In addition, this study deals with the cheap-labor dimension of the issue. It has been revealed by many studies conducted in the field that Syrian immigrants are seen and used as cheap labor potential. From this point of view, the main problem of this study is the relationship between the reproduction of social practice formed in the triangle of immigration, uncertainty, and cheap-labor potential and the technique of politics which is crystallized in the Ansar-muhajir discourse. The study concluded that the Ansar-muhajir discourse, as a technique of politics is a form of non-decision-making and therefore serves to reproduce deep exploitative relations in which identity and class are intertwined [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the twentieth century, Spain experienced a tragic civil war between Republicans and Nationalists under General Franco. Many domestic and foreign studies written on this war reveal the causes and consequences of the war in detail. However, the evacuation of thousands of Spanish children, including infants, from the country while the war was going on is an aspect of this war, that is little known and poorly studied. While thousands of civilians died in this war, which was not only limited to Spain but reached an international dimension on an ideological basis, thousands of children were displaced from their home and homeland in this way. A significant part of the children who were sent to countries such as France, England, Belgium, Switzerland, Denmark and Mexico to protect them from conflicts were also sent to the Soviet Union of that time. Children who were stuck between the two countries in terms of language, religion and lifestyle, faced many psychological, sociological, political and cultural problems when they returned to their countries after years. In this respect, these children of the Civil War are an issue that needs to be addressed with their historical and social aspects. Thanks to the new documents that have been declassified and removed from the archives, it has become possible to more comprehensive research on this issue. In this study, the stories about departure of the Spanish children to USSR (today's Russia) their life and education in the USSR, the process of returning to Spain, were tried to be revealed objectively with the help of the sources written on this subject and the interviews with the Spanish children of that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO developed its last concept for deterrence and defence in 1967 to address potential military conflict with the Soviet Union. At the end of the Cold War, the Alliance shifted from its main concept of guiding deterrence and defence actions to supporting military reaction towards various forms of instability. Bases of instability at the time included terrorism, reform problems in post-Soviet Russia, nationalism, authoritarianism, ethnic, sectarian, and local conflicts, economic destabilization, natural disasters, and civil wars. Consequently, Alliance's responses to instability since 1991 were various, each addressing a specific challenge on a case-by-case basis. Instability continues to be persistent and diverse and holds risks for damaging Allies' security. Nowadays, instability continues to risk the security of widely different subjects. Two forms of instability identified in the early 1990s, which are Russia and Terror Groups, have emerged as challenges on a strategic scale with aims and patterns that can weaken and threaten the security of an Ally, a group of Allies, or the Alliance as a whole. These two challenges are strategic in terms of geographic scale and the impact they have on their targets, considering the possible risks they will create for the security of the Alliance and their ability to persist in the long term. A new Euro-Atlantic Area Defence and Deterrence Concept Paper is needed to counter these security risks within NATO's strategic scope and 360-degree range and support the implementation of the Alliance's three main tasks: collective defence, crisis response, and security cooperation. In this research, NATO's latest deterrence and defence studies, which have started to be updated in parallel with the changing security environment, will be analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The XIVth century was a period of political conflicts, civil wars and continual territorial losses for the Byzantine Empire. In this period, when they witnessed the fight for throne between Ioannes Kantakouzenos and Ioannes Palaiologos after the civil war between the two Andronikoi, Byzantium was in an enfeebled state in terms of political and economic power. It lacked the strength to defend its territory on its own. The Ottomans, on the other hand, had crossed to Gallipoli and started their conquests, which would leave the Byzantine Empire almost solely consisting of Istanbul. Demetrios Kydones has been an important member of the Byzantine administration for a long time in this process. He was highly respected by the emperors that he worked under and was able to influence the general policies of the empire. Demetrios Kydones has also written many works that are very valuable for both Byzantine history and Turkish history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The migration mobility originating from Syria, which has been continuing since 2011, is the result of the Syrian Civil War, which is evaluated within the Arab Spring (political-social movements series) that started in 2010. Migration mobility is multi-layered in its emergence, development and effects. Historically, it has elements related to the past, present and future. Ethnic, religious and cultural structures remaining from all historical periods of the Middle East continue to exist, and the developments since the beginning of the 20th century have deepened the relations, cooperation and rivalries between these elements and formed the historical basis of what is happening today. The heterogeneous character of the political-cultural structure of the Middle East has also affected this civil war. The most important thing is that international competition for the seizure of natural resources, including oil, creates alliances and coalitions with tribes, sects, political parties, legal or illegal organizations and even governments in the region by non-regional states, international organizations and terrorist groups. Another layer is the problem of the destruction of cities, each of which is the remnant of ancient civilizations. The destruction is not limited to the fact that the warring parties are applied to seize the city and end when it is captured. The architectural and historical structures of the city are destroyed, the land registry and population records are destroyed, the inhabitants of the city are forced to migrate to change the demographic structure, and "people from other parts of the country are encouraged to settle in the city". In addition to the urban-oriented spatial changes, the administrative structures of the cities include "assembly", "self-defense". New governance models are being tried with names such as "governance", "commission." Border regulations created with the Sykes Picot Agreement in 1916, which do not take into account the heterogeneous and ethnic-cultural disintegration of the Middle East, are replaced by a new homogenized, ethnic-cultural identities concentrated in their own cities and regions. In this article, the hypothesis of "Redistribution of Ethnic Composition in Syria through Migration and De Facto Federated Urban Settlements" is discussed by examining the political and ideological actions of the parties in the Syrian Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hacettepe Law Review is the property of Hacettepe Law Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Hafez Assad, who ruled Syria for nearly 30 years, draws attention as an important leader in the political history of the country. Assad was not only a leader, but also the sole power in the country. The regime he built was shaped under the umbrella of the Baath party, and this party became the institutionalized version of Assad, as it were. After his death, the Baath regime continues with his son Bashar Assad in Syria, despite the Civil War environment. Hafez Assad's ability to be this strong is owing to the decisions he made both in his personal life and in his political life Assad's strategic decisions determined the future of Syria as well. Analyzes of leaders have drawn attention as one of the most important fields in political studies. Leadership studies are generally included in decision making theories. In this study, Assad's decisions were analyzed from the perspective of prospect theory through analytical examples, Prospect theory is included in decision-making theories. As a result, it was determined that the important decisions Assad made in his life supported the assumptions of prospect theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although many European countries took sides during the Spanish Civil War, Turkey adopted the policy of "non-intervention". In this context, Turkey forbid selling weapons to the parties in the Civil War and the Turkish civilains to join the war. Although Turkey was negatively affected by the Civil War particularly in terms of domestic andforeign politics, she demanded that the Civil War should be settled down through peaceful ways in accordance with her policy of "peace at home peace in the world". Although the Civil War progressed against the Republicans, Turkey officially recognised the elected government of The Republicans during the Civil War. Only after the Civil War ended and it was recognised internationally, Turkey recognised the Nationalist government and sent diplomatic representative, which was a mutual act. As part of this policy, Turkey was closely concerned with the humanitarian side of the Civil War. In case of the most serious issue of the Civil War, that is the refugees, she decided to solve the problem of the Spanish Nationalist refugees in Madrid that took refuge in Turkey in line with her political tradition and took steps in the direction of bringing them to Turkey in 1937. In 1938, when the Republican Government interfered with the Spanish Nationalist Refugees that took refuge in Turkey, she showed numerous reactions. Although Turkey officially recognised the elected Republican Government, during the Civil War, when needed, she offered humanitarian help to both the Nationalist and the Republican sides. Although the Turkish media supported both sides, in line with Turkish foreign policy, it defended the idea that the Spanish domestic affairs should not be interfered with, the process of solution should be left to the Spanish people themselves and the problem should be solved peacefully. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has always been an area of interest for great powers and regional actors in terms of its strategic location. The history of Afghanistan includes processes such as "occupation, civil war and political instability" where periods of conflict and turmoil are frequent. With the "civil war" that started after the Soviet Union's (SSRU) invasion of Afghanistan and the influence of external factors, the Taliban organization emerged in 1994, dominated almost the whole country in a short time and lost power in 2001 with the US intervention in Afghanistan. The Taliban organization, which regained its power in Afghanistan after 2001, started a struggle with the USA and its allies after a short period of "withdrawal". The Taliban organization came to power again in Afghanistan in 2021, after twenty years of struggle between the US and NATO forces. In this study, the power periods of the Taliban organization in Afghanistan after 1996-2001 and 2021 are examined. The aim of this study is to analyze the foreign policy of the Taliban organization. The main hypothesis of this article is the argument that "the main reason for the emergence of the Taliban organization, taking over the country in a short time and not losing its effectiveness in Afghanistan for the last two decades is not only external factors, but also the political instability in the country and the authority vacuum created by the power struggle". In this respect, it will be examined whether the foreign policy approach of the Taliban government has changed compared to the previous period, and it will be questioned whether the policies of the states that did not formally recognize the Taliban organization and remained distant in the new period after 2021 have changed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As modern studies depict, the weak point of steppe empires were power struggles among dynasty members. Behind these power struggles were dynasty members' own legitimacy claims on the throne. Their claims on the throne are based on a succession system that allows each one of the ruler's sons to ascend to the throne. Due to the nature of the system the throne passes on from father to son, among brothers, from uncle to nephew and vice versa. Some scholars argued that the political culture of the steppe produced no succession system, because of its many alternatives. This paper will examine the development of the succession system based on the assumption that steppe people did develop a succession system whose prime impact was to ensure political stability. Vertical succession to the throne from father to son decreased power struggles since it allowed only sons to ascend to the throne. If ruler had designated an heir apparent there was usually no conflict between his sons. On the other hand, horizontal or crosswise succession from brother to brother or uncle to nephew could temporarily cause conflict, however, succession between cousins almost inevitably led to a long term struggle. All these forms of succession had an effect on the stability of the empire allowing or preventing civil wars, division or foreign intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Throughout the history, migration movements of many different individuals or groups towards various countries, regions and geographies have been witnessed. While these migration movements can be carried out voluntarily in order to achieve higher life standards in target country, they can also be practiced involuntarily due to the civil war, hunger, natural disaster, political pressures etc. in home country. Migration movements, which have increased intensively in recent years due to the spread of globalization, civil war, climate change, etc. have not only been stuck between internal borders, but have also become a form of international and mass circulation by exceeding external borders. Many reasons can be pointed out that initiate and trigger these migration movements, which have become a global phenomenon. Causes of migration have been the subject of push-pull theory as well as many theories in the literature, appeared as pushing and pulling factors. In this study, the reasons why Syrians migrated to Aydın province due to many factors created by the Arab Spring and wanted to stay in the city after migration were analyzed in the context of push-pull theory, within the scope of a field research in Aydın. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian-Soviet writer of Kazakh origin, Aleksandr Serafimovich (1863-1949), is one of the important writers who played an extremely active role in the social-literary life of his country. The work of Iron Flood, which reflects the civil war quite strikingly and became the bedside book of the masses shortly after its publication, brought Serafimovich a great reputation in his artistic life. In this work, the author reveals the struggle for the survival of the people, who show an unwavering will to the opposing forces that try to divide the country, even though they suffer in great poverty, and highlights the women, who are the unsung heroes of this community, with very striking scenes. In the novel, all women, from young to old, each of whom is a mother, wife and lover, take on the duty of guards, who were tasked with protecting their families at first. However, these women, who lost their homes, children and spouses as the war conditions worsened over time, show a great example of struggle by turning into warriors when they have nothing to lose. In our study, the acumen of the heroines who managed to impress the reader in a short time in Serafimovich’s Iron Flood, and the great transformation in their selves for this purpose, will be presented by supporting with striking quotations from the work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the inevitable consequences of the 'asymmetrical' encounter of identities is marginalization. Considering that national identity is constructed based on a dialectic of inclusion and exclusion, it is inevitable that the dimension of marginalization will be more substantial when a national identity that has made the geography as homeland and gained institutionalization encounters another national identity that does not "belong" to this homeland. Because of these reasons, a kind of "competent-subordinate" relationship comes to light. The marginalized identity begins to become "problematic" within the power relations created by this situation. This will inevitably have an impact on those who belong to the marginalized identity regarding their identities. In this study, how the Syrians who immigrated to Turkey due to the civil war and who are relatively "successful" in Gaziantep today relate to their own national identities as they fall into a secondary position against the inhabited and dominant national identity and are marginalized, and in this context, what kind of message is given to the "competent" subject have been discussed. As a result, it has been determined that "some" Syrians tend to make intra-identity marginalization. This is a strategy of being accepted by the "competent" subject. The main discussion of this study is about the issue that tends to make intra-identity marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, the Soviet Union succeeded in establishing an important sphere of influence in the Middle East. However, with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Russia began to rapidly lose its influence in the 1990s in the Middle East. The process of Russia’s transformation into an important actor again in the region took place in the 2010s. Moscow’s policy toward the civil war in Syria has increased Russian influence in Syria and enabled it to be more actively involved in the developments in the Middle East. Similar to the Soviet era, Russia’s increasing influence in the Middle East in recent years, was largely achieved by military means. This study aims to analyze the recent transformation of Russia’s military presence in the region, which is the most important indicator of its influence in the Middle East. In addition, in order to evaluate the success of its return to the Middle East, Russia’s military influence in the region was compared with the influence of the Soviet Union during the Cold War. As a result of the evaluation, it was concluded that Russia managed to reestablish a sphere of influence in the Middle East. The biggest factor behind this success of Russia is the rapid development of its military relations with Syria and Egypt in the 2010s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Arkhaia Anatolika: The Journal of Anatolian Archaeological Studies is the property of Arkhaia Anatolika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Folklor / Edebiyat is the property of Cyprus International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ictimaiyat is the property of Ictimaiyat and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

States give direct, indirect, formal, and informal aid to violent non-state actors. Historical foreign aid examples suggest that foreign aid to violent non-state actors are free from the development degree and ideology of the state and the region in general. This article initially examines how and to what degree states give foreign aids to these non-state actors. The second purpose of the article is to reveal the underlying reason behind the foreign aid to non-state actors. We suggest that most effective and tangible foreign aid to violent non-state actors are steming from the instrumental foreign policies of states. We will also examine the surrogate warfare as a method that paves the wave to such foreign aids. We utilized from case study method to test our theory in Syrian civil war in general and relationship between the US and PYD/YPG/SDG in general. Finally, we also explore the non-state actor dimension of the issue. Our aim here is to reveal the effects of foreign aids on violent non-state actors. We concluded that foreign aid might endanger the future of violent-nonstate actors, especially when there is a high dependency to such aids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fact that 30 years have passed since Tajikistan gained its independence in 1991, the government of communist President Imamali Rahmon, which led to a civil war that lasted for five years, continues to implement anti-Islamic politics to pressure Muslims who try to live their faith, to prevent and ban them from receiving religious education and closing religious educational institutions. Since 2009, there has been a gradual tightening in the field of religion and religious education; headscarves is banned in state and educational institutions, all madrasahs have been closed, students studying abroad have been recalled, and only the Islamic Institute remains as the official religious education institution in the country. In this context, the general aim of the study is to reveal the state of religion-state relations and the field of religious education in Tajikistan in the post-independence period. In the article, the legislation regulating religion-state relations in Tajikistan is evaluated, institutions that carry out religious services are discussed, and the current situation of Muslims is mentioned in general with an emphasis on the state's policy against Islam. Subsequently, the situation in the field of religious education in the country is mentioned and information is given about the practices and issues of formal and non-formal religious education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The success of the October 1917 revolution put an end to the chaos and uncertainties of the Provisional Government period and made the Bolsheviks the sole owner of power. But this was just the beginning. The Bolsheviks set out to build a new order-a socialist society. In other words, in the Soviet Union, a radical change was necessary in the social and cultural field as well as the political and economic system. It is not surprising that the Bolsheviks made use of all means to achieve such a difficult goal. As a matter of fact, while implementing their new policies, Soviet administrators had to strive for these policies to be absorbed by society. Soviet administrators used numerous propaganda methods for this. The Bolsheviks sought primarily to educate the people who have been deprived of education for centuries under the tsarist autocracy. However, it was a difficult and long term solution. But a more urgent solution was needed to survive for the revolution, which was threatened by internal and external. Soviet rulers thought that the most effective and short-term method was to make use of all kinds of propaganda methods. The Department of Agitation and Propaganda set up intended to control and promote agitation and propaganda work among the people in the Soviet Union. It was the duty of every Soviet institution and every Soviet citizen to assist in the propaganda work in the Soviet Union. Agit-trains that served during the Civil War, served exactly that. The main function of the trains was to lure the people to the side of the Soviet power and to propagate the Soviet ideology. This study focuses on the following issues: the reasons for the critical importance of propaganda in the Soviet Union, the aspects of Soviet propaganda that differ from propaganda techniques in other countries, and the "Agit-trains", one of the most unusual in propaganda work mainly in the Soviet Union, and how these trains played a role in adoption of socialist ideas by the Soviet people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anti-government protests that began in Syria in 2011 as part of the Arab Spring resulted in a civil war which led to over 3.6 million Syrian refugees residing in Turkey. Syrian refugees have become an important issue, both in Turkey and around the world. The main purpose of this study is to analyse the dynamics of the social exclusion of Syrian refugees in Turkey, and the tactics of resistance to this exclusion developed by the refugees. In this context, Bourdieu’s field theory and Michel de Certeau’s concepts of “strategy” and “tactics” are utilised as theoretical frameworks in the exploration of the everyday life of Syrians in the Altındağ district in Ankara, Turkey. The study adapts a qualitative research methodology, utilising face-to-face interviews with a total of thirteen Syrians living in Altındağ district in Ankara, for the expression of subjective perceptions of Syrians in everyday practices of social exclusion. The data obtained has revealed that Syrian refugees face economic, spatial, and cultural exclusion, while also experiencing hardship in accessing social services, and that these problems are closely related to one another. Morever, it was found that the refugees developed resistance practices or tactics to combat the dynamics of social exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anadolu University Journal of Art & Design / Sanat & Tasarım is the property of Anadolu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Asylum seekers, who have to leave the geography they live in and migrate to different places, face various problems in the geographies they migrate to. While continuing their education in the geography they live in, they may be deprived of the possible benefits of higher education by leaving their education unfinished due to migration. This situation leads to the emergence of various problems both for themselves and for the country they go to. Asylum seekers who took asylum seekers in Turkey after the Syrian civil war are experiencing these problems. It is seen that various policies are implemented by YOK in order to maintain higher education services effectively. It is aimed to increase the participation of asylum seekers in higher education by opening programs where foreign students can receive education within the body of Mardin Artuklu University. With the increase in the participation of foreign students in higher education, the integration of asylum seekers will be ensured, and the society will not be deprived of the social benefit created. In this study, the data on the programs opened within Mardin Artuklu University where only foreign students can receive education were analyzed. Since the programs do not have a long history, it is difficult to make an analysis between outputs and inputs. It seems possible with the available data to reveal the social benefit that will be created by the students who participate in higher education services. Therefore, a connection between inputs and outputs could not be established due to the low number of graduates and the fact that graduates have not yet been involved in social life. This situation constitutes the limitation of the study. In the future, the data will be analyzed more accurately by conducting studies that can establish a relationship between inputs and outputs. In the study, it has been found that the expected outputs of this program are compatible with the social benefits of higher education and that the level of benefit may increase further with the spread of these programs in different universities. The aim of the study is to contribute to the literature and to guide policy makers by presenting the social benefits of higher education and developing policy proposals that will include refugees in these social benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Maximinus Thrax is one of the prominent emperors with different features in the history of the Roman Empire. He is not from a noble family, nor is he a soldier who has reached the rank of praetorian prefect. With his becoming emperor, a period begins between the Severan and Constantinian dynasties, when soldiers ascend to the imperial throne. This period, which called the crisis of the 3rd century, represents a period of weakening in which military strength comes to the fore, the state treasury was emptied, the inhabitants of the empire became impoverished and foreign invasions increased. Maximinus Thrax became an emperor for the first time in a long time, seen as a tyrant, due to his military discipline-based rule and his ruthless and ruthless personality. He subjected the inhabitants of Rome to harsh rule in order to consolidate his power, hide his ordinary origin and strengthen his position. Despite adopting a military discipline and an effort to concentrate power, his military victories are very few. There were uprisings against the emperor by the people and the senate because his power was not voluntarily accepted. But these counter attempts resulted in violent civil wars. The aim of this study is to discuss the reign of Emperor Maximinus Thrax and the events that brought the empire into crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)