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The rapid development in communication opportunities and the fact that the international public opinion is more decisive in political developments in the global system than ever before have increased the interest in soft power. Many countries trying to have a say in the global system have recently begun to attach more importance to soft power policies. Türkiye has also adopted a political approach centered on soft power, especially in the context of the multifaceted foreign policy it has followed in the last twenty years. One of the regions where Türkiye focuses most on soft power, along with its intensive public diplomacy activities, is the Balkans. However, besides the factors that facilitate Türkiye's soft power policies in the Balkans, there are also factors that limit it. In studies on Türkiye's soft power, the positive aspects are generally emphasized and the weaknesses are neglected. However, public diplomacy activities that are carried out without taking into account the weaknesses will be less likely to be successful. In this study, the concept of soft power will be explained first and briefly. In the following, Türkiye's general soft power policies and its interest in the Balkans in this context will be discussed. Afterwards, the study will be concluded by discussing the strengths and weaknesses of Türkiye's soft power in the Balkans in the context of soft power resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Posters are graphic design products that have the function of directly conveying the message they contain to the audience. Poster designs, including many metaphors, are materials that carry out tasks such as memorising, arousing interest, and visually conveying the cumulative accumulation that needs to be transferred for a purpose to a community. Poster design and illustration are integrated in many multidisciplinary fields, primarily in the field of graphic design, seeing that they are artistic and subjective. The impressive and persuasive power of the illustration technique enables the reinforcement of meaning in poster designs and ensures memorability. This study tries to reveal the metaphoric meanings in Luba Lukova's minimalist illustration posters by analysing the metaphor phenomenon in illustration posters. With the phenomenon of metaphor, the actual meaning hidden under the visual elements is transformed from abstract to concrete and conveyed to the audience as a message. This study utilised from document analysis, one of the qualitative research methods, Luba Lukova's 10 minimalist illustration posters were randomly selected and interpreted. When Lukova's minimalist illustration posters were examined in relation to the subject matter, it has been concluded that she used a single colour background in all her minimalist posters, handled the metaphor phenomenon thematically competently, and conveyed the trilogy of ideas, emotions and meaning to the audience in a simple style. Lukova, who adopts a thought-provoking and powerful design style with depictions far from confusion, uses illustrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The origin of the Naghshbandiyeh was Transoxian and Khorasan and from these centers found its way into other regions, including Kordestan province which this important measure was taken by Mawlana Khaled Shahrzouri. Why and how the Huraman sheikhs (sufi outhorities) in fluenced among the public and their role in the political developments of the 20th century AD. Is the focus of the present study. The sheikhs and dignitaries of the sufi seets in Kordestan, particularly Naghshbandiyah, due to the people's support as well as through seizing the local rules power were in line with increasing their political social inflwence in various realms. The political influence of the Ouraman sheikhs was issued and encouraged them to fight against the two aforesaid governments. Generally speaking, the political activitis of the Naghshbandi sect, particularly the Ouraman shaikhs reached its Zenith during the Qajar era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sirnak University Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Üniversitesi Ilahiyat Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Sirnak University, Journal of Divinity Faculty / Sirnak Universitesi Ilahiyat Fakultesi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Many events that have occurred at the political, economic and cultural levels have once again demonstrated that the welfare, development and security of the Turkic states are highly interdependent and overlap. Today, the importance of regional organizations in creating a common strategic vision is increasing. Such platforms are used to promote greater mutual support and solidarity. One of the platforms serving these goals is the Organization of Turkic States. The Turkic world needs to adapt to the realities that are emerging on the geopolitical plane to meet the needs at the regional level in the context of rapid changes throughout the world. In particular, this situation has become even more important due to the wars that have occurred recently. For this reason, the adaptive and transformational potential of the Turkic world, especially in the field of information and media, is becoming increasingly important every day. This is possible by monitoring and applying the latest trends in the field in question. Given the need to form media policy as a tool of "soft power" in modern politics, there is a need to analyze the information flow and determine adequate and timely approaches to solving a particular problem. In this context, the transformation of the information and media field into an ideological weapon through the use of common values, traditions and historical potential of the Turkic world serves the purpose of developing a vision based on an awareness of global dynamics. Analysis of modern socio-political reality reveals the need to ensure information security. In this regard, taking into account the role of the media in the transformation of state-political, sociocultural and other spheres of society, it is advisable to develop skills in managing society through media tools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Akademik Hassasiyetler is the property of Huzeyfe Suleyman Arslan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Considering its historical relations with the actors in the international system over the last century, Türkiye has been able to build pragmatic interaction networks in line with its national interests, to conduct policies that bring change under the contextual pressures of the international system, to have the ability to maintain its networks of relations cooperatively even if it does not agree on every issue with the relevant actors, and manage to keep the essence of the balance of power in its interactions as a requirement of its geopolitical status. Despite the difficulty of examining the 100-year course of Turkish foreign policy with cause-effect relationships, this article by taking the historical process into consideration aims to interpret the portrait of Turkish foreign policy in 2023 in a new framework with a descriptive infrastructure. In the 100th anniversary of the Republic, at a time when geopolitical ruptures are taking place in the world, it can be said that Türkiye, as a global player and a security-providing actor, is one of the countries that has been affected by these breaking points mostly. This article which argues for four basic features that could be attached to Turkish foreign policy, tries to explain this claim with relevant data, observations, and examples. This argument includes the following points: the development of Türkiye's diplomatic capacity and capabilities tends to make Turkish foreign policy more effective by expanding its sphere of influence within the international order; Türkiye interacts with the United States (USA), European Union (EU), China and Russia, which can be described as centers of power and tends to ensure its interests with a balance of power policy; Türkiye has become a security-providing actor within the international system, and finally the experience of the last 100 years of Turkish foreign policy contains elements that could transform Türkiye into a more resilient actor within the international system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mass media, which enables states to establish direct relations with societies, has become an effective element in disseminating the states' foreign policy messages, introducing themselves to the peoples of other states, and developing social dialogue to increase their soft power and further their interests. Türkiye, situated at the crossroads of Europe and Asia, asserts itself as a key regional and international actor and has a long history of projecting influence through cultural heritage, and diplomacy. This article searches the dynamic realm of The Republic of Türkiye, which is presently celebrating its centennial, public diplomacy, and communication strategy with its connection to soft power and a particular focus on cultural elements, spanning from the Ottoman Empire to exploring its evolution in response to shifting global dynamics. The study evaluates how Türkiye leverages its cultural components to foster communication with foreign publics, enhance its international image, and increase its regional and international influence. By analyzing the multifaceted aspects of Türkiye's public diplomacy, including its utilization of soft power and cultural promotion, this article seeks to present the integrity of the underlying principles guiding its foreign policy messaging. Methodologically the study benefits from a literature review to determine Türkiye's public diplomacy instruments within historical change and continuity and is based on the analysis of the contents of the most effectively used instruments and institutions. Within this context, the institutionalization of communication tools in the realm of public diplomacy and the role of institutions in conveying Türkiye's image in the Republic's centennial are addressed. The study finds that Türkiye, carrying out public diplomacy activities at a global scale, has enhanced its communication with foreign publics through activities and international broadcasting designed for publicizing its cultural heritage, language, and art in the areas of education, arts, and culture to be an efficient actor in the international arena. Its public diplomacy and communication strategy carried out through bilateral cooperations, agreements, international activities, and broadcasting contribute to Türkiye's soft power within the scope of its foreign policy targets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The neighborhood of the Bulgarians with Byzantium started with the settlement of some Bulgarians in the Lower Danube region. The relationship between the two states continued until the beginning of the 11th century In this process of Danube Bulgarian political life a political relationship was maintained in which the Danube Bulgarian State had intense contacts with the Byzantine State. In some periods, Bulgarians and in other periods Byzantium became politically powerful and superior. Of course, as the political power has changed, the nature of the relations has also changed. Political agreements, alliances, and pledge practices are among the diplomatic methods used from time to time within the framework of this relationship. One of these diplomatic practices is diplomatic marriages. In the diplomatic relations between the two states, diplomatic marriages have been one of the important methods used and it is an important element to be taken into account when examining the Bulgarian-Byzantine relations. The aim of this study is to determine the marriage ties planned to be established between the members of the dynasty within the framework of the political relations of the Danube Bulgarian State and the Byzantine State and to reveal on which political ground they developed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a single case study analysis conducted with the qualitative research methodology. The quality of democracy in Venezuela during Nicolas Maduro's Presidency (2013 –) is analyzed within the framework of three main concepts of democracy. These three main concepts are the electoral regime, the institutions of horizontal accountability, and socioeconomic dimensions. The electoral regime is damaged, and the fairness of the elections has become questionable. As a result of the weakening of institutions of horizontal accountability, the political power of the elected officials cannot be limited by democratic institutions. Finally, the socioeconomic collapse, which includes essential developments such as high inflation, poverty, inequality, high crime rates, corruption, nepotism, and high immigration, hinders the direct participation of Venezuelan people to the Venezuelan democracy. The findings revealed by the analysis of these three main concepts indicate that the democratic quality of Venezuela has deteriorated rapidly during the Maduro Era, which started after the death of former Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez in 2013. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, municipalities are key institutions about ensuring local development. In addition, municipalities play a leading role in the institutionalization of democracy, closest to the public, where the central government can share its power and authority. The strategic plans of the municipalities are the documents that explain their current institutional status and contain the policies, goals and objectives for the coming years. In this study, the issue of women has been sought in the strategic plans of the municipalities. In this respect, Istanbul Ankara and Izmir Metropolitan Municipalities, which have the most populous population in Turkey, are included in the scope of the study. Within the scope of the study, the latest 2020-2024 strategic plans and 2021 activity reports prepared by the relevant municipalities will be examined by focusing on the issue of women. In the study, document analysis technique, one of the qualitative analysis techniques has been used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most influential figures in the history of Islamic thought is Fakhr al-Dīn al-Rāzī (d. 606/1210). The identities of mushakkik, which creates problems on many subjects, especially metaphysical and theological ones, the muhaqqiq who tries to solve the problems above the sects, and the jâmî who brings many different views together in the highest concepts, have seriously affected all the thinkers after him. Therefore, in the tradition, all schools had to inherit the philosophical and scientific dynamism that he created and displayed an attitude about the problems he created and the solutions he offered. The real important motive that makes Râzî so indispensable and effective is his problematic identity (mushakkik), which carries the kalām to philosophy and philosophy to kalām, and criticizes philosophy on the basis of the kalām, and the kalām on the basis of philosophy. For this reason, when we look at the works of Râzî, who has been evaluated politically and sociologically within Ash'arism throughout his life, it is clearly seen that he is a thinker who is suitable to be embraced by different schools and to be interpreted in different ways. The fact that many Ahl as-sunnah theologians emphasized the works written by Râzî with a theological-Ash'ari theme, caused his supra-sectarian identity to be overshadowed. On the other hand, it is seen that some thinkers are making an effort to know and recognize Râzî as a philosopher-theologian and muhaqqiq. This effort is clearly seen especially in scientific figures who benefited from Kamaladdin Ibn Yûnus (d. 639/1242) in some way. Af?al al-Dīn Khūnajī (d. 646/1248), Athir al-Din al-Abharî (d. 663/1265), Najm al-Din al-Qazwinî al-Kâtibî (d. 675/1277) can be given as examples. These personalities, on the one hand, played an active role in the spread of Râzî's scientific heritage and they were effective in bringing Râzî to the fore with his supra-sectarian identity on the other. Sirāj Al-Dīn Al-Urmawî (d. 682/1283), who inherited his scientific legacy, is among the important names who established his identity as a muhaqqiq who mostly solved supra-sectarian problems. Human actions are at the forefront of the issues in which this facility has clearly emerged. Urmawî tries to revise al-Arba'în's expressions, which seem to ignore the power and influence of human beings in terms of human actions as well as criticizing Razi's arguments very seriously. In his work Lübâb, on the one hand, he summarizes al-Erba'în of Razî he seriously criticizes Razi's Ash'ari attitude towards human actions on the other. He does this largely on the axis of the arguments that Râzî himself expressed from his encyclopedic works such as al-Matâlibu'l-'âliyya mina'l-'ilmi'l-ilâhi. It is clear that this is not an ordinary situation. Because human actions are at the forefront of the issues that determine the thinkers' conception of divinity and the relationship between God and man. In this study, Râzî's attitude on this issue and Urmavi's philosophical and theological criticisms will be tried to be determined. Thus, it is clearly seen that he is trying to establish Râzî as a muhaqqiq in the axis of human actions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resettlement movements in Turkey regulate with the Settlement Law No. 2510 (1934) and Law No. 7269 (1959). Due to the flood and landslide that occurred in Trabzon, Çaykara in 1959, 408 families from the villages of Kabataş (Fotinos), Şahinkaya (Şur), and Ulucami (Zeno) were resettled in Hatay Kırıkhan in 1965. This study aims to scrutinize the resettlement processes to Kırıkhan in 1965 of the people of Çaykara, known as the people of Trabzon or the Laz people according to the Law 2510 and the Law 7269. In this resettlement, the state provided them a detached houses with a cowhouse in a garden and 2030 decares of fields in the Amik plan. The resettled people of Çaykara encountered and had serious serious social, cultural, economic difficulties with the Mediterranean climate and culture. In this study designed as a qualitative research, the data was gathered with in-depth interviews and observations. In this study, the affect of resettlement processes of the people of Çaykara as a social policy application after the natural disaster was scrutinized through the change and transition within their everyday, social, cultural and economic life and the interaction with the people of Kırıkhan. In this research, it is found out that the resettlement in 1965 was created a change in the socio-cultural and economic lives of the people of Çaykara, caused an interaction with the people of Kırıkhan, overcame all difficulties with hardworking, social solidarity networks, hemşerilik (fellow-townmenship) and imece (collective work). In this process, the people of Çaykara protecting their Black Sea's social and cultural characteristics have adopted the Mediterranean's culture. At the same time, they learned cotton and wheat farming and utilized the offered house and field by the state to accumulate capital and to enter trade, industry and construction sectors and then gained an economic power in Kırıkhan. Thus, they are happy to be resettled in Kırıkhan and to live here. For this reason, this resettlement is called and evaluated as a "privileged resettlement" when compared with other cases of forced migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Academic Value Studies is the property of Asos Egitim Bilisim Danismanlik and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Inönü University International Journal of Social Sciences / İnönü Üniversitesi Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi (INIJOSS) is the property of Inonu University International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Globalization, which gained a new momentum with the end of the Cold War, also made international relations multidimensional and multi-layered. Non-state actors such as non-governmental organizations (NGOs) not only have the opportunity to have more influence in international relations, but also play a role in diversifying the aforementioned dimensions and layers. Many contexts other than "high policy" such as health, education, culture, and sports have become important parts of states' foreign policies. In this respect, the aim of the study is to analyze the situation of NGOs in terms of Turkey's soft power through the example of Eğitim-Bir Sen, by discussing the effects of NGOs in terms of foreign policy with globalization. The main question that the study seeks to answer is: What kind of role do NGOs have on Turkey's soft power, and with what discourse, method and activities does this role emerge? In order to answer this question, first of all, the concept of soft power is evaluated conceptually and theoretically, and the place of soft power in Turkish Foreign Policy is briefly explained. Afterwards, the international activities led or contributed by Eğitim-Bir-Sen union, a Turkey-based NGO working in the field of education, were analyzed with a qualitative-hermeneutic method in the context of Turkey's soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses Abide-i Hürriyet as a place of memory. The subject is the construction, reshaping and reproduction of the monument. The place has been an implement for remembering or forgetting for every political power it is the object of. Remembering or making one forget as the socialization of memory means experiencing the space constructed by power. Experience a place is both participatory and exclusionary. Abide expresses a historicity in which we can follow these experiences. Monument's authenticity highlighted certain moments. These moments, from the 1908 Revolution to Turkey, have been the moments when the political power took decisions and was forced to take decisions about place. The funeral of Mahmut Şevket Pasha, the transfer of the bodies of Talat Pasha in 1942, of Mithat Pasha in 1951, and of Enver Pasha in 1996 to Hürriyet Hill are moments that reconstruct the place. As the burials of the historical identities of the revolution were moved to the shadow of the monument, a timeless historical block emerged. The historical block is the continuity between those who construct the place and those who shape it. This study discussed Abide-i Hürriyet as the symbolic place and pursued its spatial existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Childhood takes place in the most important time period in which future citizens gain their identities. For this reason, children are exposed to ideological transfers through the mechanisms held by the political power. The power carries out its own ideological transmission and reshapes many fields such as education, press, media, history, literature, art and cultural activities. Children's literature is not excluded from this practice. The effort of the power to transform the common living spaces also shows its effect on the formation of urban images. In this process, it is important how local government mechanisms use the relevant transmission channels and how they create a city image. In this context, the existence of a separate publication area for children makes it very easy to analyze the image of Istanbul that is aimed to be formed in the world of children. Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Culture Inc. has also published many books about Istanbul for children, especially after the year 2000. In this context, this study will be within the framework of the main themes, the image of Istanbul in the books accessible during the said period, the symbolic elements used, the pictures in the background, and whether there is a dominant discourse. While the relevant sources are titled according to their types, it should be noted that the main axis of discussion is traditional versus modern, purity versus unspoiled, rural versus urban distinctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Myths include stories about the beginning, creation and the end and destruction of the world and the universe. The narrative types about the beginning constitute the myths of cosmogony, while the narratives about the end of the world constitute various eschatological myths. The general acceptance about eschatology myths is that these myths take place in oral or written products and beliefs that contain traces of the archaic period. For this reason, the beliefs of distant past communities are seen as the source of eschatology myths. However, in recent years, some beliefs about the end of the world and humanity show that eschatology myths have been produced among modern societies as well. Therefore, it is possible to say that myths continue their existence in different ways today. These myths can be encountered in communities, beliefs, daily practices, ritualistic actions, and verbal narrative types. These myths can also be encountered in recent social events, which are highly sought after by the society, or in the case of doomsday scenarios spread over social media. These scenarios have included the coronavirus since the beginning of 2020. When coronavirus first emerged, it did not cause fear in human communities. However, with the subsequent deaths from the virus and the declaration of the contagiousness of the virus, the virus has put the world into a transformation that will leave deep traces in the history of the world. The fact that the virus has such a social impact has brought along many discussions on the source of the virus, the reason for its emergence, its effects on the human body and its consequences. The lack of information about the virus and the characterization of the virus as an invisible enemy made it easier to evaluate the virus as a doomsday scenario. Particularly, the posts on social media platforms that have no scientific basis about the virus provided content for the negative scenarios of the epidemic. Based on the beliefs about the virus in social media, this study aims to determine the emergence of a new element of the eschatology myth. In order to make this determination, first of all, an analysis is carried out regarding the formation of beliefs about the end of the world and humanity around the virus. The rapidly changing scientific views about the virus, the negative epidemic process such as the variant of the virus, caused the acceleration of the fear and panic process based on false information called infodemic. The mystery of the virus, the increasing fear and panic, and the negative thoughts about the virus that spread rapidly on social media fed the process of turning the epidemic into an eschatology myth. The fact that people have recently increased ideas about the abuse of nature during the epidemic has made the virus compatible with the traditional content of eschatology myths. In the findings obtained in the study, it is seen that a context has emerged that will enable the virus to become a current element of eschatology myths. Finally, there are two important outputs about the relationship between myth and virus. The first is that eschatology myths have been revived in modern societies through coronavirüs, making the virus a new element of eschatology. The second is that the virus turns into a mythical element and regains its influence and sanction power on the community with the holiness of coronavirüs. As a result of this, it is possible to say that the beliefs formed around the virus and the effect of these beliefs are a current example for the continuity of the myth, the context of the performance of the myth and the function of the myth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ottoman historiography has a modern branch of study is growing leaps and bounds, but still has a long way to go before reaching maturity. One area it needs to focus on is the Ottoman timar system, namely the Ottoman "zeâmet," or "middle class," and the who it was comprised of. The zaims were some of the most active actors in this system - which also happened to form the foundation of the Ottoman economy and military structure, and was welcomed by the viziers. Some attempted to gain financial and political influence by increasing their territorial holdings over earning and losing zeâmet. Others succeeded or failed to gain local influence. Alas, few have examined either topic in any length. This article will study of the representatives of rural and urban zaims in the Turkish province [then "sanjak"] of Amasya between and 1700 and 1740. We have looked at Tapu Tahrir, Muhimme, and Şeriyye Defters, retail documents obtained from the General Directorate of State Archives of the Republic of Turkey, and the domestic and foreign research on the subject. Eighty one (81) zeamet records reveal that a significant part of the zaims owned lands in the Amasya, and that they were state officials. What we can infer from that is that it central government used them as part of a broader "controlled growth" policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the discipline of International Relations, studies have concentrated on regionalization and regional powers along with globalization. There are studies examining in which ways and how much regional powers can influence their regions in the literature. Accordingly, a regional power can use empire, hegemony, or leadership strategies. In this context, being a regional power, Türkiye's sphere of influence and interest extends to the Middle East, the Balkans, and the Turkic World. This study examines that the key to Türkiye's geopolitical reality and being a regional power is the Turkic World. A theoretical and historical analysis has been presented by utilizing the qualitative research method. Destradi's article has been used to create a theoretical framework, and this study has determined that Turkish foreign policy implemented a regional hegemony strategy in the Middle East between 2002 and 2016 and turned to the Turkic World in 2016. In this context, this study has concluded that Türkiye is on the way to becoming an egalitarian regional leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last period of the Ilkhanid state, local dynasties started to act independently and established local dynasties in the Ilkhanid lands. Injuids, one of these local dynasties, was founded by Sharaf al-Din Mahmud Inju. Sharaf al-Din Mahmud was appointed as inju to the Fars region by the Ilkhanid ruler Öljaitü. He, who gained strength both economically and politically in a short time, took over the administration of Fars province and declared its independence in 1325. His activities caused to have problems with the Ilkhanid ruler Abu Sa'id Bahadur Khan. Sharaf al-Din Mahmud was killed in 1336 by Arpa Khan, the successor of Ebu Said Bahadır Khan. After his death, there were struggles for the throne between his sons Jalal ad-Din Mesud Shah, Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusev, Shams al-Din Muhammad and Abu Ishaq. In the end, Ghiyath al-Din Kaykhusev, Jalal ad-Din Mesud Shah and Abu Ishaq ruled the Injuids in turn. During the independence period of about twenty-two years, the Injuids had various struggles and relations with the Ilkhanids, Chobanids, Celayirids and Muzafferids. The Injuids struggled mostly with the Muzaffarids. Because Incuids and Muzafferids were neighbors and they wanted to have the same lands. During the reign of Abu Ishaq, the last ruler of the Injuids, the struggles with the Muzaffarites had reached a peak. At the end of this struggle, the Injuids were destroyed by the Muzaffarîs in 1357. Despite its short political life, the Injuids has influenced the political, economic and sociocultural history of Fars province. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power is accepted as a determinant parameter in the international system. Power also has a character that can be transferred. With the development of technology, the meaning and dimension of the concept of time and space have changed. Additionally, the new power projection tools and methods have shifted the traditional power projection strategy. This change facilitated the projection of power not only in physical but also in non-physical quality. With the development of communication opportunities and increasing interaction between states, suitable conditions have emerged to use soft power as an alternative to hard power. The calculation and projection of power have gained a new identity with the use of hard and soft power components in a hybrid structure at the point of effective projection of national power. In the study, a proposition will be made by seeking answers to the following questions. What are the main parameters that determine the national power projection strategy? Have the main parameters affecting power projection changed in the historical process? How has the impact of technological development on the power projection strategy? Has there been a change in the paradigm of power projection and its implementation? Has there been expansion/diversification in the areas where power projection is applied? In the light of all these questions, it is argued that the parameters affecting the national power projection strategy in the international system, the fields and forms of power projection strategy have changed in the historical process, including the post-Cold War period, and technological development has been more effective in this change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines reflections on freedom in the thinking of two important representatives of the democratizing changes in Czechoslovakia in the 1960s. Both Miroslav Kusý and Milan Hamada were among the original thinkers who dealt with the issue of the institutional and power determination of man and his freedom. Despite their different philosophical perspectives, both focused on seeking answers to questions about defining the conditions for the development of individual freedom, which was combined with an interest in the humanistic interpretation of Marxist philosophy. In this context, Kusý's thinking concentrated on the practical problem of social democratization, which he defined using the term "institutional revolution." In contrast to this perspective, the thinking of Milan Hamada was inspired by an interest in the issue of power interference in the creation of a space of personal freedom, which he interpreted from an existential-phenomenological point of view. The study will detail how both thinkers reflected on possible solutions to the struggle for freedom and human dignity, which is determined by the risk of a homogenising political power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The history of discourse studies in the social sciences can be traced back to the 1970s. Post-structuralist thinkers, by giving central importance to the concept of discourse rather than ideology in explaining social variables, made the concept popular in social science research. During this period, social scientists began to emphasize the use of discourse in socio-cultural contexts through language and symbols, attempting to determine the characteristic features of political behaviors and systems. At this point, culture show itself in the political arena via language and signs has led to the establishment of a close link between political discourse and culture in the studies to be conducted. Cultural elements, on the one hand, form the toolset that shapes people's political attitudes, while on the other hand, politicians incorporate this toolset into their policies through their discourse. As a matter of fact, this study will focus on the connection between discourse, culture and society and the theoretical background that creates this connection will be emphasized. The aim of the study is to reveal how the relationship between discourse and culture affects political and social life in societies exhibiting collectivist characteristics and which materials can be used to examine this effect in political discourse studies. The aim of the study is to provide an alternative perspective to the theoretical background of political discourse studies of cultural characteristics such as "high power distance" and "high uncertainty avoidance" seen in collectivist societies, and the examination of materials that are the source of discourse analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the inevitable consequences of the 'asymmetrical' encounter of identities is marginalization. Considering that national identity is constructed based on a dialectic of inclusion and exclusion, it is inevitable that the dimension of marginalization will be more substantial when a national identity that has made the geography as homeland and gained institutionalization encounters another national identity that does not "belong" to this homeland. Because of these reasons, a kind of "competent-subordinate" relationship comes to light. The marginalized identity begins to become "problematic" within the power relations created by this situation. This will inevitably have an impact on those who belong to the marginalized identity regarding their identities. In this study, how the Syrians who immigrated to Turkey due to the civil war and who are relatively "successful" in Gaziantep today relate to their own national identities as they fall into a secondary position against the inhabited and dominant national identity and are marginalized, and in this context, what kind of message is given to the "competent" subject have been discussed. As a result, it has been determined that "some" Syrians tend to make intra-identity marginalization. This is a strategy of being accepted by the "competent" subject. The main discussion of this study is about the issue that tends to make intra-identity marginalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Nag Hammadi Library, the second book of the sixth codex, The Thunder: The Perfect Mind, consists of a single poem with two hundred verses. Whether the poem is a Gnostic text, or it is an aretology in which a divine being describes himself, or it was written to overturn the discursive, psychological and political forms of power in the society, continues to be debated among scholars. This poem, with its structure not complying with any known template, contains much greater difficulties of understanding in terms of its meaning. It is woven with contradictory statements that constantly contradict and refute each other, and then with asymmetrical statements that break the contradiction. In this article, after we compile the discussions on this poem, we seek to indicate how the text is related to types of experiencing the oneness of God. We analyze the meaning of the poem, as a performance based on Durkheim's analysis of ritual and his conception of totemism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media, which has very important functions in the life of societies, and which is used in the policy development of states or people with its pioneering role in matters such as news, information, etc., aims to reach people from all walks of life, and this feature positions it as a means of mass communication. Within the scope of this study, it aims to evaluate the role of the media in the presentation of the coup or memorandum news, which is very closely related to society and the public. As an example, the news texts of two newspapers representing different views on the subject, which is described as the "retired admirals' statement" in April 2021 in the media, were handled, and analysis was tried to be made within the framework of T. Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis as a qualitative research method. In the findings obtained as a result of the study, it was concluded that the media has an important role in creating discourse, as well as a social power, and it has a direct effect on the ideological view on the texts and the discourse preferences completely differ in line with their ideological view the comments and evaluations are included in this direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, which aims to investigate the gender of migration, the first issue to be identified is that, if there is a gender distinction, it can be revealed what the characteristics that make women different from men in this distinction. The subject will be evaluated in two different ways: migration and gender / migration and gender, and will be based on the relationship between those who manage and manage migration. It will be tried to explain how women have a power relationship in the migration process with other / othering concepts and possible strategies. In the historical migration adventure of women, economic, social, political and cultural factors as well as important multidimensional areas such as war, disaster, discrimination will be examined in order to contribute to the future. The differences between the experience of migrant women and the experiences of male migrants and the disadvantaged factors will be associated with future migratory movements. Does immigration involve a male-oriented mindset? What is the validity of the discourse that migration puts women in a fragile position as the other and reinforces their secondary position? What are the roles that women and men should be given in finding their rightful place during and after migration? In this study, we will discuss the gender of migration and the role of women in the migration process in societies without being accepted as individuals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The political disputes that occurred between the Islamic Ummah immediately after the death of the Holy Prophet naturally led to the emergence of political decisiveness and expectations. One of these expectations is the savior who will come from the progeny of the Prophet and is called the "Mahdi". While the Mahdi was a political figure in the early periods, he was accepted as a religious leader as well as her political personality with the influence of ancient beliefs and cultures, and turned into a religious issue. With the leadership of this process by the Shia, taking into account some narrations attributed to the Holy Prophet, it was accepted by a significant part of the Ahl as-sunnat circles. It is possible to detect this in the fraq pamphlets written in the early periods of the history of Islamic thought. There is no doubt that the pamphlets written in the hijri 3rd century, which witnessed a turning and transformation process in all political, intellectual and theological fields among Muslims, have a special importance. For this purpose, Nashi al-Akbar, one of the poets, edip, scholar and polemicists of the century mentioned in our article, and his treatise called Mesailü'l-imame, are taken to the center and the mentioned process is tried to be examined. In order to test the views and thoughts of nashi al-Akbar and to establish connections when necessary, information and evaluations that will shed the process mentioned by Nevbahti and Abu'l-Hasan al-Ashari, who lived in the near future and are considered among the classical Euphrates authors, are being sought to decipher. From the statements of nashi al-Akbar, comparing the meaning loaded at the time of the appearance of the Mahdi and the meanings it acquired in the subsequent process is examined how original the Mahdi is as a matter of itikadi. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]