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The aim of this study is to examine the effects of Law No. 6360, also known as the 'whole-city law', on rural development. It is emphasized in the literature that local governments can contribute to development, although not as much as the central government. Law No. 6360 increased the number of metropolitan municipalities from 16 to 30, turned the service border into a provincial administrative border, and closed down village, town and provincial special administrations, ending their legal personality, With the law numbered 6360, 509 villages and 41 towns in Mersin were closed and turned into neighbourhoods. This research article in the field of local governments compares the work carried out by Mersin Metropolitan Municipality in the rural neighborhoods of Tarsus, Silifke, Gülnar and Mut districts in the context of rural development in 2014, when Law No. 6360 came into effect, and the previous period. Quantitative research method was used in the study, a face-to-face survey was conducted with 336 people in 35 neighborhoods in Tarsus, Silifke, Gülnar and Mut districts of Mersin, which were selected due to their specific characteristics, using a questionnaire form prepared on a 5-point Likert scale, and the data was evaluated using the SPSS method. The study thus aims to contribute to the field that questions the contributions of local and central governments to rural development. In order to ensure efficiency and quality in the services targeted by Law No. 6360, which is the subject of our study, it is evaluated that a sufficient amount of funds should be transferred to metropolitan municipalities, services should be provided in line with objective criteria, and the central government and metropolitan municipalities should act in coordination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Turcology Research is the property of Ataturk University Coordinatorship of Scientific Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Depending on internal and external political developments, many constitutional changes were made in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia throughout its history. The evolution of socialist practices, differences of centralist and autonomous approaches towards the republics forming Yugoslavia, and the rise of nationalist movements formed the basis of these constitutional changes. The political effects of these constitutional amendments in Kosovo which later gained republic status and witnessed years of ethnic tensions between Albanians and Serbs, constituted turning points in the political history of Kosovo. Initially considered as part of the Socialist Republic of Serbia with a centralist perspective since 1946, Kosovo's constitutional status began to improve legally and administratively with the federal constitutional amendments of 1968 and 1971. Most especially with the 1974 Yugoslav Constitution, Kosovo attained a position almost equal to the federal republics in terms of authority despite being an autonomous region. But after Tito's death, in the 1980s, the escalation of nationalist discourse and movements in Yugoslavia began to disrupt the functioning of the federal government. The abolishment of Kosovo's autonomy in 1989 should be assessed as a result of this process. From that point onwards, the political unrest in Kosovo gradually escalated into ethnic conflicts, leading to a struggle that eventually culminated in independence, declared in 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the 2011 civil war in Syria, the country's economy has collapsed, cities have been destroyed, infrastructure challenges and social tensions have emerged. This civil war has deeply affected bordering countries such as Türkiye. Hosting millions of Syrians, Türkiye has been one of the countries that have directly felt the effects of the war. Türkiye has carried out activities in many areas such as health, shelter, and education for Syrians, and developed policies to ensure social cohesion. In the following period, Türkiye established safe zones in Syria with the Euphrates Shield, Olive Branch, and Peace Spring operations and started reconstruction activities in these safe zones. Together with central government units, civil society organizations, and local actors, Türkiye has made efforts to ensure the success of the reconstruction process. As one of Syria's border neighbors, Gaziantep has been one of the prominent cities in reconstruction activities. of Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality has undertaken various activities to create livable places in safe neighborhoods. This study examines the activities of Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality. The primary purpose of the study is to reveal the main motivations behind Gaziantep Metropolitan Municipality's cross-border activities and to analyze the nature of its relations with the central government in this process. The study is designed as a case study. The research findings indicate that the external relations of local governments in Türkiye are shaped in line with a political and legal framework whose boundaries are determined by the central government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Üniversitesi Fen-Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of University of Cumhuriyet, Faculty of Sciences & Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Journal of History / Tarih Dergisi is the property of Istanbul University, Department of History and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

There are ongoing debates in the literature on whether central or the local governments will implement income redistribution policies more effectively, and in this direction the impact of fiscal decentralization on income inequality and poverty have been frequently researched especially in the recent period. In this study, the impact of fiscal decentralization on income inequality and poverty in Turkey are analyzed using panel data methods based on six different models with regional data from 26 sub-regions for the years 2014-2020. The empirical results of this study, where fiscal decentralization is measured by expenditure and revenue decentralization as well as local fiscal autonomy indicators, find strong evidence that revenue decentralization reduces income inequality but weak evidence on the impact of fiscal decentralization on regional poverty. The results of the analysis on the impact of fiscal decentralization on regional income inequality support the second generation fiscal decentralization theories and show that revenue decentralization in Turkey can have an important role in reducing regional income inequality. On the other hand the results of the analysis on the impact of fiscal decentralization on regional poverty support the first generation fiscal decentralization theories and show that central government can be more effective in combating poverty in Turkey. However, the results also suggest that both expenditure and revenue decentralization in Turkey should be re-evaluated in terms of their welfare effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today, municipalities are key institutions about ensuring local development. In addition, municipalities play a leading role in the institutionalization of democracy, closest to the public, where the central government can share its power and authority. The strategic plans of the municipalities are the documents that explain their current institutional status and contain the policies, goals and objectives for the coming years. In this study, the issue of women has been sought in the strategic plans of the municipalities. In this respect, Istanbul Ankara and Izmir Metropolitan Municipalities, which have the most populous population in Turkey, are included in the scope of the study. Within the scope of the study, the latest 2020-2024 strategic plans and 2021 activity reports prepared by the relevant municipalities will be examined by focusing on the issue of women. In the study, document analysis technique, one of the qualitative analysis techniques has been used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent days, it has been observed that the number of discussions on the phenomenon of nationalism and religion has increased all over the world, both in the national and international arena. This situation arises from the urge to reactivate the consciousness of being a nation in the memories of societies. The same is true for the Russian Federation. Looking at their historical traditions, autocracy, nationalism and Orthodoxy in the Russian land are inseparable parts of a whole. Christianity, which is one of the most prominent components of the Russian land, constitutes the subject of our research. Our study is based on the assumption that Russian governments and people do not always approach the concept of religion in the same way. In order to clarify this situation, the religious policies and their reflections on the society in the Russian lands were examined from the acceptance of Orthodoxy until the XXIst century. The wide time span created limitations in detailing the developments. On the other hand, it contributed to illuminating the events on the basis of a holistic view and cause-effect connection. While conducting the research, the principles of the holistic approach, historical, descriptive and comparative methods were used. As a result of a large-scale examination, it is striking that there were different approaches to religion in Russian geography at various times. The acceptance of Orthodoxy as the official religion at the end of the Xth century completely changed the way of life of the Russians. Traces of this change could be seen in many fields such as culture, art, literature, craft and trade. Slavs living on different lands came together and the foundations of the Russian state were laid. The principality of Moscow, which formed the main core of the new state, was built on a religious unity, that is, founded and raised on the basis of Orthodoxy. The Russian Orthodox Church became one of the few institutions that survived during the Mongol invasion (1243-1480). Religion gained the identity of being the main element feeding the desire and feeling of being a nation at that time when the lack of central government was felt. Since the middle of the XVth century, the Russian Orthodox Church gained its freedom when it started to appoint its own clergy without asking the Byzantines. The exit from the Time of Troubles (1598-1613), in which there was an administrative gap and a crisis in the country, was again realized with the help of religion. The process of schism (raskol) that started in the 1650s was the first major blow to religion. These separatist views in the church also paved the way for secularization to be experienced in the future. With the abolition of the patriarchate and the establishment of the Holy Synod in 1721, the power of the church decreased and it turned into an institution dependent on the tsar. Although a secular management approach was adopted, Orthodoxy continued to maintain its importance for the Russian people. During Catherine II’s period, the policy of religious tolerance was followed for the first time in Russia and the other religions and sects were approached moderately. The tsarist regime, which left secularism aside in the XIXth century, used religion to establish its own power. Religion, which directed the movements of thought in the country, was seen as indispensable by the Slavophiles against the Westerners. The advances in science, the politicization of the church, the worsening of economic conditions, and the spread of movements of thought such as nihilism and Marxism led to the questioning of religious feelings in society. As a matter of fact, with the Bolsheviks taking over the government, the biggest blow was dealt to religion. It was determined that the Communist Party administration, which adopted the scientific atheism doctrine, applied oppressive religious policies even though they were flexible from time to time, and tried to remove the concept of religion not only from the public sphere but also from private life, but these efforts did not find a full response in the society. It’s interesting that although the Communist Party leaders were mostly criticized for the fight against religion, it was seen that the previous administrations also used religion as a tool to implement their own policies with different methods. In fact, the aim was not a direct struggle against religion, but a struggle with religion. The common goal of all of them was to increase the power and dominance of the central authority. Thanks to the findings, answers were sought to the questions of why Christianity was brought up for discussion with the schism process, why politics turned into one of the main administrative areas and tools, whether religion was included in the gap between the public and the palace, and in summary, it was tried to illuminate the way for Russia to have a bipolar Christianity understanding, from spiritual to material. After the schism process, two different understandings of Christianity settled in the Russian belief system: ‘spiritual Orthodoxy’, which had historical, traditional foundations and Russian people followed, and ‘material Orthodoxy’, which was guided by the tsarist, imperial or communist regime rulers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Kastamonu University Journal of Economics & Administrative Sciences Faculty / Kastamonu Üniversitesi Iktisadi ve Idari Bilimler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Kastamonu University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs) have started to make a name for themselves in Turkey as well as in many countries of the world. CSOs, which appear as one of the most important elements of the idea of pluralist democracy, carry out important activities in many fields, especially in politics, economy and culture. Today, NGOs, which are established in many different forms such as foundations, associations and community and on a voluntary basis, are one of the most important balancing forces against the administrations. NGOs have become important stakeholders that are frequently consulted not only in central governments but also in local governments. In local governments, especially NGOs, which ensure that the demands and wishes of the people are conveyed to the administration, make an important contribution to the development of the idea of local democracy. Therefore, NGOs, which appear as one of the most important actors of governance, directly lead the development of an effective and efficient democratic understanding at the local level. In this study, the main role of CSOs in governance studies carried out at the local level is discussed and the problems encountered are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Covid-19 pandemic first broke out in December 2019 in China and since then it has caused global crises all over the world. Therefore, most countries of the world have been struggling to meet current pandemic-based problems in many areas first in health, economy, education and to stop any other potential crisis with more effects. Both central and municipalities have fought against corona virus with their means and sources because quick and efficient measures taken against the rapid growth of the global crisis have made the countries deal with the period more effectively. In many countries, municipalities along with central governments have worked to offer various social work practices. This study focuses on these various social work practices that municipalities in different countries have shouldered since the beginning of the coronavirus pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Economic & Social Research is the property of Abant Izzet Baysal University, Faculty of Economics & Administrative Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the study, educational activities in Kastamonu were discussed as a reflection of the education policies carried out in the central government during the reign of Abdulhamid II. In this study, in which the scanning-compilation method, one of the qualitative research methods, was used, the Education Yearbooks were taken as the main source. From the documents discussed, data were obtained on subjects such as the courses given in the provincial center, sanjak, township and villages, the number of educators and the number of students. In the examined period, the schooling rate in Kastamonu province, the lessons taught, the teachers and the situation of the libraries in the province were discussed and the projection of the educational environment of the period was tried to be reflected. As a result of the examination, it was concluded that many primary schools were opened in Kastamonu province during the reign of Abdulhamid II, secondary schools were expanded, high schools were given special importance in the province, and besides, an agricultural and industrial school providing vocational training was established. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Council of Municipalities and Regions (CEMR) was established in 1951 as the European community with the widest representation in the local and regional context, constituting the European regional organization of the United World Organization of Cities and Local Governments (UCLG). The Council accepts local government associations at the national level as members. Turkey is represented in the council by the national delegation of the Union of Municipalities of Turkey. The Focus work of the council is known as the development of local government autonomy, decentralization, and citizen participation. Various crises that have occurred in the world in recent years have led the council to different policy areas. Migration and refugee influx to Europe are one of them. With the emergence of urban refugees, local governments, as well as national governments, are struggling with the challenges brought by new responsibilities. Therefore, councils like CEMR have undertaken the mission of guiding their members by issuing policy documents on migration. This study aims to reveal and analyze the strategies developed by the council on immigration policies. In the research, a qualitative content analysis method was made by scanning the policy documents on immigration, immigrants, asylum seekers, etc., published between 2000-2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ottoman historiography has a modern branch of study is growing leaps and bounds, but still has a long way to go before reaching maturity. One area it needs to focus on is the Ottoman timar system, namely the Ottoman "zeâmet," or "middle class," and the who it was comprised of. The zaims were some of the most active actors in this system - which also happened to form the foundation of the Ottoman economy and military structure, and was welcomed by the viziers. Some attempted to gain financial and political influence by increasing their territorial holdings over earning and losing zeâmet. Others succeeded or failed to gain local influence. Alas, few have examined either topic in any length. This article will study of the representatives of rural and urban zaims in the Turkish province [then "sanjak"] of Amasya between and 1700 and 1740. We have looked at Tapu Tahrir, Muhimme, and Şeriyye Defters, retail documents obtained from the General Directorate of State Archives of the Republic of Turkey, and the domestic and foreign research on the subject. Eighty one (81) zeamet records reveal that a significant part of the zaims owned lands in the Amasya, and that they were state officials. What we can infer from that is that it central government used them as part of a broader "controlled growth" policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Court of Accounts / Sayistay Dergisi is the property of Turkish Court of Accounts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Increasing population, expanding borders, and strengthening local trends in globalization have brought cities to the forefront as significant actors. Local governments, which aim to gather residents and outsiders under a specific romantic idea, have the opportunity to shape urban planning and urban transportation in line with this purpose. Cities planned with a political, cultural, economic, functional, and social point of view can also contain an ideological narrative. This study argues that urban transportation effectively creates the identity of the national city. In Azerbaijan, where the emphasis on ethnic identity is quite substantial due to the influence of historical and political conditions, it is claimed that urban transportation is used to create a human type suitable for the ideological identity of the central government. In this context, the effect of the routes on the national identity formation process was handled through the Baku example, and bus route number 18 was examined as a sample since it is one of the most used lines of the city. As a result, it has been observed that most of the names, symbols and images, from the names of the stops to the line route, from the urban furniture around the route to the writings on the bus, are a tool for the political power to legitimize its own sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the establishment of the Hamidiye Regiments, he became the commander of the 48th Regiment, Mustafa Bey (Mistoyê Mîrî), the leader of the Miran Tribe, was brought in by II. Abdülhamit and he was given the rank of ‘Pasha’ after a short time. Before long, he tries to control the different religious and ethnic elements that continue to exist in the region, and to make the tribes and lineages obey by using violence and force. It designs the social structure according to itself; He sends the families he sees as having problems to other places and settles many families from outside in Cizre. It causes the agalık system to take root in the region, to establish a culture of fear, usually by using violence and force, and to understand the state as a system based on oppression and force. He uses his armed unity to bring rival tribes to heel, takes away the property of the people through taxes and extortion, loots or plunders them. Despite all this, he is not heard by the central government. His atrocities are voiced by the people of the region, even after a century. This study consists of data obtained through in-depth interviews of the events that left their mark on the shaping of the social structure of the region. The social structure of Cizre before and after the Pasha, the social segments that existed at the regional level and their relations with each other, and the feudal structures that were formed are discussed. In addition, effective powers in the administration of the region, class divisions formed by various interventions, the role of religious and cultural statuses in the social structure are emphasized. The general result is that the effects of the developments in the relevant period continue today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first years of the Republic of Turkey was a process when, on one hand, revolutions based on social transformations were carried out and, on the other hand, administrative regulations based on institutional transformations were introduced. Atatürk went on a nationwide tour in the years 1930-1931 in order to see on site to what extent central government policies are realized and listen to the citizens. This study discusses the report prepared by the Ministry of Interior as required by the notes taken by Atatürk during his nationwide tour. The report prepared by the Ministry of Interior involves quite significant data concerning many issues such as the reconsideration of the administrative division of Turkey, authorities of governors, land reform in Turkey, statistical data regarding the transition of the nomads into settled life, functioning of the local authorities and public investigators. The purpose of this study is to contribute to the literature by revealing the administrative structure and demographic characteristics of the period, administrative issues, and alternative solutions on the basis of the information supplied by this report which was prepared by the highest authorities of the period and presented to Prime Ministry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central government budget expenditures, which are very important for parliamentary systems, are respectively in Turkey; It goes through the stages of preparation, approval, implementation and control. Stability is essential for these public expenditures, which will take place in the following fiscal year. Otherwise, budget deficit occurs as a result of public expenditures being more than public revenues. Central government budget expenditures are divided into two as economic and functional classification. The parameters included in the economic and functional classification are presented as the sum of the expenses under them. The aim of this study is to examine the cluster analysis results of Central government budget expenditures per capita in Turkey with Self-Organizing Maps, which is an artificial neural network model and also a clustering analysis method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bursa was one of the most important production centers inherited to the Republic with its dynamic economic structure dominated by the textile industry, in which silk was the center, since the imperial period. At the beginning of the 20th century the global and national political and economic developments created important changes in the socioeconomic structure of the city. Especially the Armenians and Greeks, who had a dominant position in the sericulture industry, had to leave the city due to the political and socioeconomic developments experienced during the Balkan Wars, the First World War and the War of Independence. This situation negatively affected the economic dynamism of the city in the short term. Since the first years of the Republic, the economic policies organized by the central government within the framework of objectives such as national economy, national bourgeoisie, industrialization and self-sufficiency found their reflections at the local level. In this context, on the tenth anniversary of the Republic, the production branches in the city began to show the characteristics of a modern industrial structure. While the mechanization process expanded, the number of enterprises and the volume of production increased, the capital and labor dimension of production gained a national character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With its significant amount of energy reserves, Eastern Mediterranean has become a geography that regional and global actors are interested in since the 2000s. Libya, which did not achieve the expected stability with the 2011 Arab Spring, overcame its fragility and became involved in the resource competition in the Mediterranean region in order to increase domestic stability and thus regain its influence in the international arena. Tripoli and Tobruk-based administrations, which stand out in Libya, where many different groups are in conflict, are trying to strengthen their position in the country through foreign support. Libya has become one of the important components of the energy competition in the region, especially when the Tripolibased Government of National Accord at that time, which was considered legitimate by the UN, signed an agreement with Turkey in 2019 to determine the Eastern Mediterranean maritime jurisdiction areas. Libya's involvement in the process has emerged as a factor that determines the political future of Libya, as well as significantly affecting the energy equation in the Eastern Mediterranean. In the study, the process of creating one of the important actors of Libya's Eastern Mediterranean energy resources, the effect of Libya's aforementioned policies on the energy competition in the region and their reflections on Libya are discussed. The aim of the research is to reveal Libya's Eastern Mediterranean energy policies and the possible effects of these policies on the country. The inclusion of Libya in the Eastern Mediterranean energy competition has deepened the competition in the Eastern Mediterranean. On the other hand, the Eastern Mediterranean policies of the Government of National Reconciliation directly affected the relations between both domestic actors and foreign powers in Libya, and naturally the political outlook of the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the most compact sources giving information about the economic mechanism of a city in the 19th century Ottoman world is undoubtedly the notebooks of "ihtisap". Until 1826, the collection fee, which was collected and spent on site, started to be collected on behalf of the central government in response to the needs of the "Asakir-i Mansure-i Muhammediyye" army from this date on. The Kayseri İhtisap Rüsumu Notebook dated H.1243 (M.1827-1828) states the amount of tax to be collected on the traded crop, as well as the tradesmen groups subject to "ihtisap" taxes. This notebook provides very valuable data that will enable us to get an idea about the sectoral distribution of economic activities in Kayseri and their weight in the city economy. Accordingly, in 1827/28, there were a total of 3303 taxpayer tradesmen in 106 different tradesmen groups in the city of Kayseri. The number of "ihtisap" taxpayers, which is an urban tax collected from tradesmen, merchants, craftsmen, commercial places, goods and services in the town centers, shows us that Kayseri was a settlement in accordance with the definition of a "city" where industrial and commercial activities were carried out rather than agricultural production at that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bread is the main food source that cuts horizontally across historical, social, cultural and economic areas. Bread is produced and consumed in the context of economic, political and social relations throughout human history. The factors affecting the production of bread are discussed. The political economy of the public bread practice, which is produced and distributed by the municipalities, is studied. Firstly, it was concluded that the production and consumption of bread, which is the staple food of the city, has been under the control and control of the central and local administrations throughout history. Second, it was noted that the price and tariffs of bread produced in the city are under the control of central and local authorities. It is stated that the central government has increased its role in determining the price of bread in recent years, and that new actor and processes have been started in determining the price of bread. Thirdly, it was argued that as a requirement of the producer and regulatory urban policies of the municipalities, they undertake a function of breaking the urban rent and balancing the market. However, it was concluded that this function is an unfair competitive practice for local bread producers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Turkish Court of Accounts / Sayistay Dergisi is the property of Turkish Court of Accounts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to analyze the smart city perception and vision in Turkey through the in-house organizations and policy documents of both central and local governments. In the study, in-house organizations and current strategic plans of 30 metropolitan municipalities were examined, as well as the institutions and upper policy documents affiliated to the Presidency, which constitute a reference in coordination and policy documents in the organization in smart city policies. In the study, the strategic plans of local governments are evaluated in a way that compares with the dimensions of the smart economy, smart transportation, smart environment, smart people, smart life, and smart governance in which content analysis, one of the qualitative research methods of social sciences, was applied. With the 'word trees' created through the NVivo program, a qualitative data analysis software, the context, and frequency of use of the words smart, technology, and digital in the plans of local governments were analyzed. With the analyzes made and the findings obtained in the study, it has been determined that the upper policy documents are effective in determining the smart city strategies of local governments, and accordingly, almost all local governments have a strategy in the field of smart mobility. The areas of smart economy and smart management were the least discussed in local government plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the fact that the Ottoman Empire could not exercise full control over the provincial administraion in the 18th century, great problems arose among he tribes, local lords and governors in the provinces. During this period, many complaint records were found in the petitions sent from the provinces to the center about tribes and local lords, and in these records, the complainants stressed the unfair practices of the tribes and local lords. In this context, it is staed in the relevant archive sources that local lords and governors committed serious abuses while they were on duty in the sanjaks of Erzurum Province. On he other hand, there were also many cases in which he central government tried to protect the subjects. However, it is not possible to say that the solution mechanism against these complaints was operating effectively because such problems continued throughout the 18th century. Also the administrators who were put on trial or considered as rebels were assigned again in following decades. In fact, after the second half of the 16th century, such situations were frequently encountered and people involved in such events were even assigned to other duties. Apart from the administrators, it is seen that the Yezidi tribes were also involved in some events within the sanjak in this century. During this period, he Yezidi tribes, which did not want to pay taxes to he state and acted against the directives of the central government, also rebelled against the state. After the revolts of the Yezidi tribes and the revolts of the local ords, great material and moral damages occurred in he sanjaks of the province. Although there were trials of local lords or tribes alleged to have caused great harm to the rayah, we do not have any record of what kind of punishment they received. In this study, the methods used by the governor of sanjaks of Erzurum Province to obtain power or remain in government will be discussed and the political alliances they had with the Yezidi tribes will be investigated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Ottomans had established their management systems accoirding to the time and needs by forming the provincial administrative structure around the central goverment. The source of legitimacy of absolute administration was the Imperial Council. The Ottomans had formed their property structures as provinces, sanjaks, towns and villages in a strong and dependent way. The existence of the central government on the management system, which was knitted with a permanent bond like the links of the chain, was always active and dynamic. The central government, its power to the farthest corner of the country; had provided with a dynamic and strong management network. Had used the inspection effectively to bring the administrative mechanism into force. The Ottomans had inspected the provinces in different methods. Among them, cadastral registers were the first ones. In the sixteenth century, most of the complaints of the people/subjects to the Imperial Council was decisive that the cadastral records were not made in accordance with the law and the book. In the inspection of the provinces, the complaints of the people about various issues and the submissions of the previous administrators to the council about the abuses of the provincial administrators were decisive. Thus, the central government tried to control the provincial administration with multiple control and inspection mechanisms. This study is based on the complaints that were reflected in the Mühimme registers during the inspection of the provincial administration in the Ottoman Empire in the sixteenth century. Mühimme records are therefore used as the main source. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Art History / Sanat Tarihi Dergisi is the property of Ege University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Inquiries / Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi is the property of Akademik Incelemeler Dergisi (Journal of Academic Inquiries) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public spaces play important roles in developing and maintaining social life. Many benefits are offered by public spaces, from providing socialization and trade opportunities, protecting urban culture and identity, improving physical and mental health of the community, accessing services and information. Public spaces, which are not managed from a holistic point of view, may face many problems such as neglection, poor quality, abandonment, insecurity and privatization. To prevent these problems, various design tools are used in many countries to develop and design public spaces. As the practice of developing urban design tools is not enough in Turkey, this study aimed to investigate the role of urban design tools in increasing the quality of public spaces. In the study, public space quality dimensions, criteria and components were identified by making a literature research and seven urban design tools, especially design guidelines used in different cities were examined. As a result, public space design principles for the different elements of public space were identified to increase public space quality in Turkey. It is expected that central and local governments can benefit from this study in the preparation of design guidelines about public places in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Managing the state from a single center may not be sufficient to reflect the effectiveness of public policies and services and their responses in society. Functionally, this type of management cannot gain efficiency due to the diversity and different needs of local services. In this respect, performing local services by local units in accordance with the principle of locality will increase efficiency and enable the targeted management unit to produce a correct, fast and participatory solution to the needs. From another point of view, empowering the local units by the central government will also reduce the workload of the central government and will enable it to focus on more important and national policies. In addition, it should not be forgotten that local government units can evaluate the existing opportunities in terms of entrepreneurship much more effectively and quickly. It should be noted that one of the most important building blocks in the development of Anglo-Saxon societies is entrepreneurship. In this study, which was prepared using the literature review and observation method, the importance of decentralization and participation was tried to be brought to the agenda. It constitutes the first stage of the participation of local people in the administration, as the democratic roles assumed by local governments and the governance elements that citizens have first access to in terms of providing public services. From democratically, the existence of local government units is a vital brake-balance task in preventing countries from becoming overly centralized. The request of the people to participate in the administration, together with the different problems and needs of local communities; It constitutes the most important arguments in terms of explaining the existence of local governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this study is to examine the changes that have taken place in central and local governments both in general and in the provision of municipal services during COVID 19, with a particular focus on Trabzon, Turkey. According to the literature, outbreaks constitute large-scale health events that lead to changes in management and life on a historical scale. Turkey's administrative system features both centralized and decentralized management. It is only natural that the services provided by municipalities - which are part of decentralization - are also affected by the coronavirus epidemic. In this context, the researchers of this study both interviewed and surveyed those working for the Municipality of Trabzon, including district mayors, officials, and various other civil servants, and then compared and contrasted the data they extracted from that. What they found was that coronavirus epidemic has indeed sparked number of changes in how the city/province delivers municipal services, as well as changes in how Trabzonites lead their lives. It is anticipated that the findings from this study and the innovative use of a hybrid interview-survey method will contribute to the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine the progress of local government system in Turkey starting with the proclamation of the Republic until the 12 September 1980 military coup d'etat and make an overall assessment in the context of legislation, operation and local elections related to different periods. To achieve this aim; the relevant literature, legal regulations and local election results were examined. Within the scope of this article, firstly, local government system and municipal policies during the single-party rule were reviewed. Secondly, the local government system after 1950 is compared with the single party period. Finally, relations beetween local governments and central government were examined in Turkey in the 1960s and 1970s and the general framework of policies implemented by the mayors in big cities in the 1970s is evaluated by taking historical developments and social conditions into account. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Academicians and researchers in political sciences in Turkey often state that general parliamentary elections and local/municipal elections are conducted in a very different atmosphere. It is the common belief in these circles that the identity/personality of the mayor, satisfaction from municipal services and other local factors are more determinants in the local elections while international politics, macroeconomic policies and domestic political issues are more important in general elections. In addition, there seems to be a perception in public opinion that the services might be increased or improved if the mayor and central government are from the same political party. This study, using the Life Satisfaction Research data set conducted at province level across Turkey in November 2013 by the Turkish Statistical Agency, aims to determine if the vote difference for the incumbent mayors between 2009 and 2014 local elections can be explained with the level of satisfaction from municipal services. Correlation and multiple regression analysis are used to achieve this goal. According to the results of the study, a limited effect of the satisfaction from municipal services on vote difference of incumbent mayors is found. However, this effect turns out to be greater when the data related to certain South Eastern and Eastern provinces where ethnic politics play a much more dominant role in the election results are excluded from the analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Antalya Bilim University Law Review is the property of Antalya International University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Within the scope of the changes in the administrative system following the Presidential Government System; State Supervisory Council (SSC) has been restructured and its audit powers have been expanded and equipped with ‘investigation authority and suspension from office’. With this authority, SSC, has gained a privileged position among managerial audit institutions and has become one of the most influential actors of central government. SSC investigations may become a sanction, with the chairman of the group and the decrees of the President. Based on the qualitative research approach and content analysis research design, the main sources are the relevant legal regulations and decree. The purpose of the study is to reveal how SSB can function in terms of control and guardianship with its new structure and powers. In this context, the historical background, new structure and functions of the SSC are examined, and the new position of the council is compared with the previous position. In line with the findings obtained as a result of the study, it can be said that the new structure of the board can strengthen centralization and this situation will lead to new discussions in the context of center-local relations. On the other hand, when evaluated in terms of implementation, there is no intensive supervision of tutelage of local governments by the SSC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Arastirma Merkezi Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)