Search

The problems that affect Venezuelans today have a clear objectification in the border spaces that have been established around the territorial limits between Venezuela and Colombia. This has demanded, on the part of the Colombian government and some nongovernmental organizations, the creation of political and social projects that safeguard the life of the Venezuelan and, in general, of all inhabitants who live in these areas. However, the political edge in relation to a project that is consolidated around the theme of fraternity, has not yet been articulated. All of which raises the question of what one needs to understand and know to articulate a project of this caliber. One of such things is to know how the intercultural process occurs and how border spaces are articulated or function around territorial limits; which would allow us to know how such a project is possible. In this sense, the article addresses the entire theoretical-conceptual issue about what we understand by limit and border, and the way in which cultural interaction occurs in border spaces; realizing how such interaction is essential for fraternity to be possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the governmental measures implemented by Chile and El Salvador during the pandemic to manage the repatriation of their nationals and resident citizens who were stranded abroad due to the closing of borders, a decision imposed by governments worldwide as a measure to contain the health crisis generated by COVID-19 in their territories. The restriction to the freedom of movement of people across borders caused in several countries of the region an additional humanitarian drama to the devastating effects of the global health crisis, so this paper examines this problem from the coverage given by the Latin American media to the repatriation processes of Chileans and Salvadorans as case studies, through a qualitative documentary analysis of the news about the main difficulties and consequences generated by this humanitarian drama. An important conclusion of the study recognizes the relevance of the administrative, logistic, and communicational capacity that the diplomatic missions of Latin American countries should develop, as well as the preeminence of human rights in international relations in order to face more responsibly the migratory crisis caused by the closing of borders for sanitary reasons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/Context: The following article explores State formation in the frontier towns of Caquetá in the second half of the 19th century. It is argued that, rather than being an abandoned or isolated space, a particular form of government developed in this region that allowed it to engage with the Colombian state. This was vital both for the maintenance of international borders and for the very development of the extractive economies. Originality: The process of state formation in the Amazon is explored through the study of delegative forms of power -characterized by non-state actors exercising state functions--developed throughout the 19th century, which stands in contrast to interpretations centred on the rubber economy as the main factor in the process of incorporating Amazonian frontiers. Methodology: The research is based on the study of primary sources, relying on civil archives and the correspondence of the Capuchin mission. Conclusions: In rainforest and frontier spaces, the State operated under delegative forms of power, which led to unconventional actors appropriating its message of control and domination. This allowed Colombia to maintain its territorial claims, despite its precarious investment and institutional presence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civilization / barbarism dichotomy, from Sarmiento guiding the national construction process, served as frontiers as one of the founding pieces in the construction of subaltern and excluded national identities. This produced groups that were habitually invisible or, when not, reviled by the national literature subsidiary of the discourse of power. Returning to these categories, frontier and rewriting (Garramuño, 1997), in this article we will try to visualize the deconstructive process carried out by Gabriela Cabezón Cámara's novel, The Adventures of China Iron (2017), to permeabilize, erode and tear down those geographical and imaginary lines and often arbitrary, which we call borders. We start from the hypothesis that this rewriting exercise, in the mere fact of breaking down geographical boundaries, enables, in turn, the dismantling of all social conventions that operate as hierarchical segregators of otherness, for example, names or races, social or cultural backgrounds and, more than anything, gender and sexual orientation. In this way, we can ask ourselves if the blurring of the border, which shielded the dystopian world of the Indian from that of the Christians in Martín Fierro, does not facilitate the entrance to utopia in the rewriting of Cabezón Cámara. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalisation is restructuring the international division of labour. Old borders are undergoing intense changes - their function of isolation is being altered and some are becoming bridges for trade. This process is selective. Flows of labour and goods are tightly controlled, while the movement of capital is favoured. Despite the striking human drama of migration control, the borders of Melilla (Spain) and Nador (Morocco) have created opportunity for transnational capital, precisely because of the socioeconomic imbalance along the border. After analysing density maps, the labour market, and the supply and demand for services, we observed that a cross-border functional region is being formed: its urban form tending towards a conurbation hierarchically organised around Melilla and lacking any planned integration. Such integration plans are common within the European Union in border reconfiguration processes. We conclude that the asymmetrical frontier is driving the economy of a broad cross-border region that is devoid of other resources, and is following a geoeconomic approach that exploits (and maintains) inequality. Furthermore, the urban shape is similar to the model of Latin American crossborder cities. It is essential to acknowledge this reality and develop strategies of supranational cohesion and integration, and implement joint governance plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border areas have been and remain present in public discourse because of growing concern around the spaces they entail for the transfer of humans and goods. Taking this as a starting point, this paper discusses some analytical frameworks related to the notion of borders in order to locate the current discussion. On the one hand, it shows the tendency to associate borders with a limit marking the sovereignty of states and determining who is inside and who is outside. On the other, the focus on the national ignores the daily life unfolding in the border areas, whose constitution also demarcates conflict spaces. Using the Tarapacá border (Chile) as a case study, the analysis concludes that the functioning of the border acts as a heterogeneous architecture. It is also observed how it has changed in materiality and operates as a multilocal exclusion/inclusion mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking Spain as a case study, this paper analyses the institutional production of border apparatus within reception countries, which affect very diverse areas of the daily life of migrants. Hence, rather than as a rigid line dividing the population into included and excluded, the border is approached as a flexible governance mechanism that differentially regulates access to rights. Starting by analysing the formal and informal operation of some of the institutions that manage the process (immigration offices, social services and the healthcare system), an attempt is made to give an account of the norms, requirements, administrative procedures and infra-penal mechanisms that especially affect vulnerable groups, stratifying the recognition of rights and condemning subjects to a legal limbo in which their legitimacy is - at best - blurred. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Lower Bidasoa region, which encompasses the municipalities of Irun and Hondarrabia in Spain and Hendaye in France, has been cultivating municipality collaboration for decades, especially after the foundation of the international partnership of Bidasoa-Txingudi in 1998. The objective of the investigation is to show the activity of this entity as an example of the development of policies between interstate border boundaries in the European Union, and of the spatial socialization schemes that operate around them. We opted for the in-depth interview to contrast the results obtained through published sources. The results suggest an unquestionable willingness to materialize this relationship. However, this collaboration is limited by the difficulty of initiating common projects governed by legislation from two different states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this manuscript is to contribute to the discussion of transborder and border issues based on border studies in order to develop an explanatory framework that allows one to understand what makes a border region or space a transborder region or space. The consideration of scale and perspective from the territory under analysis is important for understanding this shift. We theorize that a region or space becomes transborder mainly through the interaction produced by the constant crossing and mobility of people as well as the deployment of a series of social practices in which the border is both a reference and a resource. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migrants, while in a position of subordination and vulnerability in the host society, can be defined as subjects of analysis of cultural studies. It is from this theoretical framework, which will investigate the social and cultural practices of Brazilian migrants settled in the northeast of the province of Misiones, Argentina. We focus our attention on analyzing whether these practices are truly ways to resist the dominant culture or simply constitute forms of reproduction and naturalization of them. Through four concrete practices (portuñol, el brique, the buying and selling of improvements and spontaneous occupation of private land) will reach the conclusion that the same evidence loans, grants, amalgams, conflicts, subordination and yet interstices creativity with the dominant culture. It shows the relational character that owns the popular culture with the dominant culture and its position of subordination and domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we explore frontierization practices, understood as the ways in which social groups mark an inside and an outside, in correlation with the differentiation we / others. We seek to identify how these practices operate in the dialectics State - ethnic minorities, which are core elements in the historic architecture of Latin American societies. Although as social constructs these boundaries emerge as sharp dividing lines, we address them as porous membranes selectively volatile, open to reconnections. In order to suggest some relevant and necessary analytical displacements that the current period fosters, we divided the text into four overlapping but distinguishable steps. We address first the dis / continuities in the border conceptualization in social thought. Then we enunciate how political boundaries influence the frontierization practices resulting from difference marking and recognition policies. After that, we examine what we understand as a pluralization of spatial, social and categorical boundaries. Finally, we address social and disciplinary challenges unleashed by the epistemic boundaries recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the autonomy process carried out by the Pasto indigenous communities that are settled down along the Colombian-Ecuadorian border. This process demonstrates the colonial continuum that the indigenous communities have had in the Nation-States of Colombia and Ecuador, which despite having a legislative production on the subject, have not operated to develop breakthroughs to reduce the exclusion and extermination process experienced by the original communities. Firstly, it is carried out an analysis of the challenges presented in the border States where mobilization of the population is interfered by the militarization adopted as a measure against the danger of the Colombian armed conflict. Secondly, we examine the process of regional recognition that the Pasto community has made progress on, which has been developed on both sides of the border in search of the reconstruction of their identity and the survival in their ancestral lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article displays two cases of resistance that question the predominant role of the State as the locus in which diverse social imaginaries are constructed. On the one hand, it deals with the case of Cabinda's Angolan enclave, where the border acts more as a channel than as a barrier, causing the transnational focus gains weight in front of the state. On the other hand, it deals with the emergency of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States as a political forum for symbolic legitimation of the 'Latin American family'. Departing from the similarities and differences that arise in these two circumstances, it is possible to analyze actions that diverge from the dominant International Relations explanation, which presents a dichotomy between the inside and the outside of borders, and in which the State is cast as the primary actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to approach the administration and functioning of justice of first instance in the Parish district of Manizales between 1855 and 1865. Through the analysis of the judicial processes for sluggishness, games and forbidden dances, we want to show the capacity scope of the Neogranadinian State to establish an order in a peripheral society, and the roles that prosecuted social actors played in the social and legal fabric of that time. Our hypothesis is that prosecuted individuals were not mere spectators but that they participated, altered and used the processes of normalization of their practices to negotiate punishments, accuse their enemies, defend themselves from justice and flee when there was nothing else to do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is a conceptual model for the comparative geographical study of border areas formed between national states. The empirical systematization this proposal is based on has been carried out in southern South America, defined as the area where, during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, the territories of six national states were differentiated: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Paraguay and Uruguay. This article aims to renew the studies on Argentine borders, from a critical geographic tradition point of view and based on a relational and multiscalar aspect on the construction of territories. The model recognizes six main components for the study of border areas: territorial differentiation, frontierization, internal territories, external territories, border areas and mobilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research addresses the drug trade in Tamarugal Province for the years 2003 to 2010, through an analysis of crime statistics from the police (Chilean Carabineros and Police Investigations Unit), and penal system institutions (National Prison Service and the Office of the Prosecutor). The analysis of the drug trade situates the drug trafficking issue in the international context of globalization and in a border area emergency that does not necessarily correspond to the traditional definition of the nation state. The research proposes to situate this issue of criminal offence in the context of the international legal order, focusing on the specific characteristics of the Tarapacá region and its condition as a trans border territory. It also proposes to situate this issue in a regional context, as well as in terms of the efforts of the international order to control illegal trafficking of drugs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing human mobility is having a direct impact on a political category that has been usually taken for granted in democratic liberal theories: the category of border. Political Theory has not paid enough attention to the concept of 'border'. This "silence" becomes highly relevant, since it is by discussing the issue of borders that one can detect most of the incoherencies of the Liberal Political Theory. It is also surprising to see that the notion is a taken-for-granted concept in the current debates on immigration. Based on these premises, the goal of this article is to discuss the grounds for a Political Theory on Borders (PTB). As a first step, I identify those analytical distinctions that allow us to provide a solid base for this line of research. Thus, as an introductory section (section 1), I shall highlight the reasons to initiate this debate and will analyze the existing links around the category of border and its conceptual uses, taking into account its historical dimension. Section 2 will tackle the functional aspects of this approach as a framework that will legitimize discourses and policies, conceptions and political positions. Section 3 will concentrate on the issue of border as a political category, while section 4 will focus on the most relevant theoretical approaches on borders. Section 5 will go through the arguments that justify the need to control human mobility. Finally (section 6), I shall conclude by pointing out the most relevant aspects needed to build the foundations for a Political Theory on Borders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article proposes quantitative and qualitative elements and parameters to delimit the Ensenada-Mexicali economic corridor. In addition to discussing the effects of its dual condition as border and peninsula and defining its composition and structure, the article establishes the corridor's dimensions and areas of influence based on a proximity analysis, in order to obtain a delimitation that goes beyond political-administrative region, which entails problems for both analysis and representation. This problem is solved through a methodological alternative which facilitates an integrated analysis from a relational and organizational perspective. The geographical unit defined is useful to support the regional competitiveness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ups and downs of the bilateral integration process and the economic and diplomatic crisis of the regional integration have crossed trough the Colombo-Venezuelan border in the last decade. In front of this process, this paper places the question about over the relationship between the coverage of the national press headed by El Tiempo, and the border policies advanced by the Colombian chancellery during the last ten years. In this sense, the work done establishes that El tiempo's media logic has mainly focused on official, mainly presidential speeches, and on security issues and external threats at the border. The implemented policies by the chancellery are centered exclusively on the activities and the development of integration mechanisms and on regional development. The job shows the independence of the national press from political institutions, when it ignores most of the work and advancement that has been made on the bilateral policies of integration and gional development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is possible to perceive a frontier only when spaces placed on both sides of the limit have a demographic base and when a real net of social relations exists between these populations located on both sides of the international limit. The general aim of the present work contributes to the knowledge of the demographic potential of the Argentinian-Paraguayan border, specially its spatial distribution and demographic structure, in order to establish differences and similarities on both sides of the political limit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how the image of Mexico has been constructed in the United States based on the idea of risk, and the border's special role in this process. This analysis seeks to explore the way limits between societies prevent possible threats for a group In this process the definition of otherness plays an important role. However, in this work we explore the way in which the other (Mexico) has been defined and constructed flora the United States' point of view. By way of an analytical example, we'll use movies filmed in North America using Mexican or Latin American images. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In "The Andes mountain range: a wall or a gateway? Views of one's neighbors across space", we have considered how the changes in perception of a geographical feature, such as the Andes mountain range from Colonial times to the present day, shed light on the ways we see the world. As a matter of fact, generalizations on particular features of various social identities can be drawn on the social groups' relationship with geographical space. Such a relationship has been tackled by anthropology as well as other fields of study which have dealt with the interplay between identity and geographical space. Our interest is to focus on the types of significance assigned to the Andes mountain range on both sides of it in certain time periods. The significance of the range as a wall is one of several views circulating in literary and non-literary writing. The relevance of this view can be best appreciated in terms of international relations between Argentina and Chile as bordering countries. However, other types of state-space representation relationships have been put forth which have promoted closer integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text proposes an approach to the environmental history of a border region such as the Low Atrato and particularly the Cacarica's river basin. In its treatment, it incorporates the notion of border territorial complex, which allows a better understanding of how over time different dynamics of territorial appropriation are superimposed, among those the settlement of black communities, Indian towns and farmers; the development of extractive economic models centered around wood; the dynamics of conservation with the implantation of natural reserves, and development policies related to the advance of agro-industrial and cattle production among others. When all those territorial tensions worsen due to expansion and a limit that surges from the intersection of these different logics, the result is armed conflict that seems to be either the outcome of this history or the beginning of a new one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite Mexico sharing borders with three other countries, as recently as the beginning of the 1970s, there still predominated the idea that the only important border was the one with the United States. Chiapas, at the southern end of Mexico, constituted a territory apart, to which one could always turn in search of natural resources and political favors, but about which federal officials had little interest. As new variables appeared on the horizon—connected to both petroleum and hydroelectric exploitation and the Central American conflicts, as well as to the adjustments within the Mexico's political class—the scene began to alter, and the region went from abandonment to being of strategic interest. This work focuses on these considerations, and it seeks to prove that, by the beginning of the 1990s, the relationship between the federal and the state government spheres had already changed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]