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This paper forms part of an investigation about how the philosophy of John Dewey (1859-1952) can illuminate the practice of the teaching of English as a foreign language. The paper seeks to interpret and synthesize John Dewey's philosophical works to construct a "Deweyian lens" with which to analyze and evaluate the field of the teaching of English as a foreign language. During his 60 years of professional life, Dewey wrote, without being systematic, more than 50 books, 750 articles, and innumerable speeches, reviews, and encyclopedic articles. The paper is limited to an examination of his books which deal explicitly with education. The paper discusses the fundamental affirmations of Dewey's philosophy, his philosophical anthropology, and his political philosophy. Then, it examines how these disciplines translate into an educational philosophy. The paper begins with a brief biography of John Dewey. (Contains 7 notes and 65 references, both in English and Spanish.) (BT)

This paper describes the development of Turkish Children and Mothers, a project designed to help 5-year-old preschoolers in the Ruhr Valley of Germany develop linguistic, motor, cognitive, and social abilities. The paper also describes various aspects of the project, including those that relate to maternal involvement, educational facilities, the needs of project participants, and cultural factors that should be considered when serving the ethnic Turkish minority that is adapting to German culture. Focusing on issues that arise from learning in a multicultural context, this paper provides numerous brief anecdotes to illustrate how cultural obstacles can be overcome. Contains 49 marginal notes citing one or more references. (HTH)

Higher education is undergoing a complex process of transformation at the international level. This transformation is based especially in the fields of policies and governance of higher education institutions. In Latin America this trend has been growing since the 1980s, and higher education is undergoing a strong modification in its processes and structures. The first part of this essay offers a conceptual framework about the policies and governance of higher education from a comparative perspective. The second part examines the changing trends in Latin America and examines the cases of six higher education systems. The final portion of the essay addresses perspectives and future trends. (Contains 38 references.) (Author/RH)

In Latin America and the Caribbean, 240 million people, or 50 percent of the population, live in poverty. This report, written in Spanish, summarizes research by the Proyecto Costa Atlantica into the effects of such widespread poverty on the cognitive and social development of children. After an introduction on the general responses of the population and various governments to the oppressive economic conditions in these regions, the report discusses its approach to the two main themes underlying the research: quality of life and child development. Emphasis is placed on understanding how the individual constructs reality within his or her immediate, concrete environment, rather than on universal, biologically-dictated developmental trajectories. The report then describes various studies in areas such as: (1) the conceptions children from disadvantaged environments have about their world and life; (2) comprehension of emotions, leading to development of prosocial behaviors; (3) self-concept; and (4) the role of family and community in mitigating the effects of poverty. The report concludes with a discussion of issues left unresolved by the research. Includes a list summarizing the eight studies used in the report. Contains 36 references. (EV)

The Bernard van Leer Foundation sponsors nontraditional, nonschool programs designed to improve the chances that preschoolers will enroll in school. In these programs and other informal education efforts, the community facilitator plays an important role. Typically, the facilitator is a member of the community who works without remuneration as a nonprofessional human resource. Facilitators serve as intermediaries between the institution sponsoring the educational program and the community in which it is based. This booklet on the role of community facilitators draws from discussions that took place at a workshop for program organizers held in February, 1990 in Caracas, Venezuela. Chapter 1 focuses on the place of the community and the facilitator in the educational strategies of Latin America. This chapter provides background on the foundation's role in promoting informal education, the role of facilitators, issues of community development and popular education, and the foundation's Latin American experiences. Chapter 2 offers a look at the work of facilitators as education agents. In Chapter 3, the selection and training of facilitators is described. A case study of El Programa No Escolarizado de Educacion Inicial (PRONEI), a nonschool program for young children in Peru, is presented, as is information on training strategies, the need for systematization, and relationships between educational professionals and facilitators. Chapter 4 compares models that use volunteer and paid facilitators and raises questions about the institutionalization and continued funding of programs that use paid staff. Finally, conclusions and recommendations are presented in the fifth and last chapter. A list of workshop participants and additional information on the PRONEI program are appended. (AC)

This paper examines the current status of programs for preschool children in Chile. Section 1 of the paper provides an overview of the situation of preschool children in Chile. The country's population includes more than 1.6 million children between the ages of 0 and 5 years 11 months, and in urban areas, 18.4 percent of children between the ages of 0 and 6 years live in extreme poverty. Figures on child mortality; incidence of malnutrition; norms for sensory, psychomotor, and intellectual development; and participation rates in preschool programs are presented. These presentations particularly focus on poor children. Section 2 discusses the objectives of and differences between infant care programs, which focus on ensuring the healthy development of all children, and preschool education programs, which emphasize cultural, psychomotor, affective, and social development. Sections 3 and 4 describe the major public, private, and community-based young child welfare programs currently existing in the country. These programs include those which focus on nutrition, parent and family involvement, cultural development, and intellectual growth. The final section offers recommendations regarding the expansion of school readiness programs; the incorporation of popular culture into the content of programs; the clarification of the responsibilities of different government agencies; the expansion of access to care programs to children in urban areas; the implementation of parent education programs in rural areas; the development of community programs; the development of compensatory, remedial, and cultural programs; and ways to meet other needs. (Contains 26 endnotes.) (AC)

In this paper Puerto Rico's history as one of colonial oppression and a struggle for national self-definition is described. The divergent conceptions of patriotism, national liberation, and human freedom as voiced by leaders of the national elite and of the Puerto Rican working class are discussed in terms of traditional themes in the culture. Attention is then turned to the related opposition of these two classes' understanding of migration and its impact on national cohesion and identity. Finally, the cultural expression of Puerto Ricans in the United States is interpreted and contrasted with official policies and institutions developed under the Commonwealth to explain and orient the emigrant community. It is concluded that today's Puerto Rican workers, who are "grappling to lend contours to a collective identity that has been battered and twisted by colonialism," have many lessons to learn from their working class forebears in the United States and Puerto Rico. (Author/WI)

There is growing consensus among policymakers, institutions and movements that GDP is not fit for purpose as the pre-eminent economic metric. Alternatives are urgently needed to facilitate the transition to a new economic model that supports a radically more equal, kinder, greener and feminist world in the present, while offering redress for historical damage and inequalities., However, despite growing experimentation, most efforts are insufficiently bold and remain mostly on paper, with only a few notable but relatively small-scale and still-developing exceptions., To dismantle GDP, different social movements will need to coalesce around key metrics that prioritise far greater equality, and align with feminist and decolonial values while challenging the systems of power and narratives that are holding GDP in its dominant place. Only in this way are alternatives likely to deliver the economic transformation needed to put people and planet first., Les responsables politiques, les institutions et divers mouvements s’accordent de plus à plus à dire que le produit intérieur brut (PIB), en tant que principal indicateur de la santé économique, n’est pas un outil satisfaisant. Il est urgent de trouver des alternatives pour la transition vers un nouveau modèle économique favorisant un monde radicalement plus égalitaire, bienveillant, vert et féministe et proposant des mesures de réparation des dommages causés par le passé et des inégalités qui en découlent. Toutefois, malgré de nombreuses expériences, la plupart de celles-ci manquent d’ambition et ne sont pas appliquées, à l’exception de rares propositions en cours de développement, notables mais d’envergure relativement restreinte. Pour détrôner le PIB, divers mouvements sociaux devront travailler à la création d’indicateurs clés qui privilégieront l’égalité, intégreront les valeurs féministes et décoloniales et remettront en question les systèmes de pouvoir et les discours qui perpétuent l’utilisation du PIB. C’est la seule manière pour ces alternatives d’entraîner la transformation économique indispensable pour protéger la planète et les êtres humains avant tout.

Bringing a feminist intent to research, monitoring and evaluation practices leads to defining these as tools to contribute to transforming the lives of women, girls and non-binary people, and to bringing about social justice. This has meant putting gender and power at the centre of our practice, which has in turn shaped the technical choices made specifically in quantitative impact evaluations. This paper focuses on describing how these technical choices, as well as ethical considerations, are changed by this feminist intent. The paper also presents the lessons learned and questions raised along the way, which may be useful for MEAL and research practitioners, as well as programme managers. How can we bring intersectionality to the fore? What does it mean to go beyond the gender binary? How can this work be transformative?

The COVID-19 pandemic is exacerbating existing human rights violations, and enabling others. However, it is also stimulating opportunities to further the human rights agenda. A robust framing is needed to hold duty bearers to account, and to help governments and communities to build back better., This paper provides an overview of the issues through the lens of 5 key human rights principles. It uses a human rights framing to assist governments, business and civil society to understand their obligations and ways they can help manage the impacts of the pandemic., This is an advance version of the paper for discussion. The paper will be revised to take account of comments and a final version will be published in the coming months.

The US Care Policy Scorecard seeks to assess the US care policy environment at the federal level by adapting and implementing the Care Policy Scorecard Framework and Tool in the US context. The US Scorecard looks at 30 federal policy indicators related to both unpaid care and underpaid care work (UUCW). Each policy indicator is measured by an average of 18 assessment criteria with the aim to determine the existence of the policy as well as to evaluate the performance and progress of the policy in relation to its design, implementation, and impact., The US Care Policy Scorecard demonstrates that federal UUCW policies are severely lacking, and the needs of caregivers and care workers are not being met by federal policies. It is women of color and immigrant women who are most harmed by the US’s failure to fully support working families, caregivers, and care workers. This is a result of a history of policymaking rooted in sexism and racism that makes care work invisible and undervalued. The US receives an aggregate score of 43%, meeting less than half of all possible criteria when all care policy indicators in the US Care Policy Scorecard are examined and aggregated., In addition to showcasing how each policy indicator and policy area measured scored, the report includes examples of states that have passed care policies in light of absent or weak federal policies, as well as policy recommendations to strengthen the care policy environment in the US.

Este documento esboza una propuesta de agendas de trabajo para promover el debate sobre cómo reconfigurar el pacto social por vías institucionales en América Latina y el Caribe, fortaleciendo así los sistemas democráticos de la región y hacer frente a privilegios. Estas cuestiones son esenciales en el contexto actual de pandemia y de crisis políticas. Cruzando datos estadísticos y con los estudios de caso de financiación de partidos (Perú), desarrollo turístico (República Dominicana), telecomunicaciones (Argentina) y acceso al agua (El Salvador), este documento establece la relación entre captura de políticas públicas, desigualdad y desafección con la democracia. Los casos demuestran cómo el lobby, las puertas giratorias y las campañas mediáticas son los principales mecanismos con los que las élites ejercen influencia abusiva para alejar del interés general decisiones políticas cruciales., This paper sets out a proposed working agenda to reconfigure the social pact in Latin America and the Caribbean in a way that strengthens democratic systems and tackles extreme inequality of money and power. In the current context of pandemic and political crises, this is a critical issue for the region. Analysing case studies on party financing (Peru), tourism (Dominican Republic), telecommunications (Argentina) and access to water (El Salvador), we show how political capture is undermining democracy and driving greater inequality, putting privilege for the few ahead of rights for the many. These cases demonstrate how lobbying, revolving doors and media campaigns are wielded by elites to push crucial policy decisions away from the public interest.

This report – derived from work implemented by Oxfam Intermón and the University Institute for Studies on Migration (IUEM) of Comillas University in the EU SafeHabitus project – is based on a review of academic and non-academic literature from the past five years. It assesses research on working, living, health and transport conditions for migrants working in the agri-food sector in Europe, and cross-cutting gender issues.

Climate change affects food production in many regions, including lost crops and dwindling employment opportunities. These impacts will become more severe by 2030 and beyond, putting at risk global food security and the livelihoods of hundreds of millions of people. Now is the time to scale up efforts to reshape the agriculture sector to support farmers, avoid the extensification of food production, improve the productivity of farms, build resilience and reduce emissions., This paper aims to help countries think through the process of enhancing their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) by including strengthened actions in the agriculture sector. It highlights the need for tailor-made approaches suited to a country’s unique set of circumstances. It identifies a range of possible actions for climate change adaptation and mitigation in the agriculture sector, given the right enabling environment, and offers examples of how these actions can be included in an enhanced NDC., Les changements climatiques ont des incidences sur la production alimentaire dans de nombreuses régions, notamment la perte de récoltes et la raréfaction des offres d’emploi. Ces impacts s’accentueront d’ici 2030 et au-delà, menaçant ainsi la sécurité alimentaire mondiale et les moyens de subsistance de centaines de millions de personnes. Il est temps de redoubler d’efforts pour repenser le secteur de l’agriculture, afin de soutenir les agriculteurs et agricultrices, d’éviter l’extensification de la production alimentaire, d’améliorer la productivité des exploitations agricoles, de renforcer la résilience et de réduire les émissions., Cette publication vise à aider les pays à envisager le processus d’amélioration de leur CDN au travers de l’introduction de mesures renforcées pour le secteur agricole. Ses auteurs insistent sur la nécessité d’adopter des approches adaptées aux circonstances uniques de chaque pays. Ils présentent une série de mesures possibles, pour autant que les bonnes conditions soient en place, s’agissant de l’adaptation aux changements climatiques et de l’atténuation de leurs effets dans le secteur agricole, et proposent des exemples de la manière d’intégrer ces mesures dans une CDN améliorée.

The outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic was an unprecedented event in the modern era. Earlier studies demonstrated how ‘critical junctures’, which comprise major historical events and emergencies, often play an essential role in social change. This paper seeks to explore whether the COVID-19 pandemic would prove to be a similar pivotal moment, and what lessons and insights we could gather for positive social change., The research set out to find key insights on how individuals, communities, and organizations in civil society were responding to the pandemic in low-income populations at the intersection of multiple inequalities. These lessons could inform how donors, governments and NGOs might reshape their efforts to reduce emerging or deepening inequalities, and how civil society organisations and community-based organisations could amplify their positive impacts., Over 18 months, from September 2020 to March 2022, the ‘Emergent Agency’ research convened a global conversation between activists, development practitioners, researchers, and academics to better understand the phenomena that were taking place in response to the pandemic. The research collected more than 200 case studies and held a series of webinars and conversations in thematic clusters to uncover what these responses could teach us. The research project was enabled with funding from The Atlantic Fellows for Social and Economic Equity programme (AFSEE) of the London School of Economics., The findings from the collaborative research have been summarised in two main documents, - this research report, which retraces the steps of the study, its methodology and main findings;, - and a brief, which summarizes key points that we believe are important for those working in international and national NGOs, and donor agencies.

The world faces twin crises of climate breakdown and runaway inequality. The richest people, corporations and countries are destroying the world with their huge carbon emissions. Meanwhile, people living in poverty, those experiencing marginalization, and countries in the Global South are those impacted the hardest. Women and girls, Indigenous Peoples, people living in poverty and other groups experiencing discrimination are particularly at a disadvantage. The consequences of climate breakdown are felt in all parts of the world and by most people, yet only the richest people and countries have the wealth, power and influence to protect themselves. With that power comes huge responsibility., If no action is taken, the richest will continue to burn through the carbon we have left to use while keeping the global temperature below the safe limit of 1.5°C, destroying any chance of ending poverty and ensuring equality. The world needs an equal transformation. Only a radical reduction in inequality, transformative climate action and fundamentally shifting our economic goals as a society can save our planet while ensuring wellbeing for all., Find all the underlying data on SEI's emissions inequality dashboard: Emissions Inequality, To find out more information, please visit the dedicated website: Climate Equality: A planet for the 99%

The evidence can no longer be ignored: when women and feminist activists are able to use their collective power to challenge inequalities, they are having a transformational impact. From women’s rights organizations and movements breaking down harmful social norms, to political leaders advancing highly progressive policies, there is a growing body of evidence from feminist organizing across the world that when decisions are made more equally and inclusively, and are rooted in locally-owned, intersectional feminist movements and political agendas, they have immediate and long-term human development benefits for all. ‘It made us feel capable, knowledgeable, revolutionary...’ Young feminist activist, RootsLab

With mining set to expand as part of the sweeping energy transition, it is imperative that future mining only proceed with the full support and consent of Indigenous peoples and frontline communities., In the first policy brief of its kind to focus on the public policy commitments of mining companies extracting five key transition minerals to respect Indigenous rights, Oxfam concludes that the battery mineral sector’s approach to free, prior, and informed consent (FPIC) is not sufficiently ready to support a just energy transition under current company policies. More companies need to adopt strong FPIC policies that unequivocally commit them from proceeding with a project if Indigenous peoples withhold consent.

The purpose of this research is to understand the broader context of the humanitarian response to COVID-19 from the perspective of women’s rights organizations (WROs) and to understand how well Oxfam has upheld local humanitarian leadership (LHL) commitments in relation to its partnerships with WROs. From the literature, as well as from Oxfam’s experience in Colombia, Iraq, and Kenya, it is evident that WROs have been key figures in the COVID-19 response while also managing acute challenges around lack of recognition, funding, and exclusion from decision-making spaces. Local organizations, including WROs, have continued their work in humanitarian response, shouldering even more as international actors have reduced their participation. By adopting a feminist approach that pays close attention to unequal gender norms, incorporates an intersectional lens, and delves into power dynamics, this study provides a clear assessment on the ways that Oxfam—and other international actors—can better support WROs involved in humanitarian response., As noted in the three case studies that accompany this synthesis report, WROs provided crucial response activities in ways that were additive to Oxfam’s efforts, such as embedding self-care in their response in Colombia, gender-specific expertise on legal issues in Iraq, and access to urban communities in Kenya. The report also includes several practical though perhaps challenging suggestions on how support of WROs can be better achieved, from including indirect cost recovery for partners to creating more equitable learning exchanges where Oxfam and partners can learn from each other., Additional practical suggestions no doubt exist, and we recommend that Oxfam and other international actors create space for frank dialogue with their WRO partners to discuss other ways they can be supported. Lastly, it is important to recognize that Oxfam is just one actor in the sector, and several of the recommendations cannot be carried out by Oxfam alone. Changes to better support WROs in the humanitarian sector need to be responded to jointly by a diverse set of actors, ranging from international nongovernmental organizations, United Nations agencies, donors, governments, and others.

Migrants and asylum seekers often flee unspeakable acts of gender-based violence (GBV) at home such as human trafficking, sexual assault, sexual slavery, kidnapping, harassment, and other trauma. In trying to seek safety in the US, many endure further atrocities and exploitation at the US-Mexico border., Drawing on interviews and surveys of social and legal service providers working at the US southern border, this report documents how migrants and asylum seekers experience gender-based harm in two different but related ways as a consequence of seeking safe haven in the US. This report focuses on the experiences of women, girls, and lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, queer, and intersex (LGBTQI+) individuals.

While intra-Afghan talks have started, sustainable peace is still a distant reality in Afghanistan. Ongoing peace efforts ignore women’s meaningful participation: women are included in only one in every five meetings. Evidence shows that when women have a meaningful role in peace negotiations, peace is more sustainable. Afghan and international actors must stress the importance of including women in all stages of formal and informal talks at national and local levels., This research paper uses the seven modalities of the Broadening Participation framework to identify practical ways to include Afghan women meaningfully and pave the way for inclusive peacebuilding.