Search

Discussing education for individuals deprived of their freedom is a controversial topic. However, it provides the opportunity for the emergence of other paths and possibilities for further research in the area. The interest in the topic arose after learning about the Clube dos Livres extension project, from the Federal University of Northern Tocantins, developed at the Tocantinópolis Penal Unit with people deprived of liberty. This article, co-authored with the Advisor, is an excerpt from the research developed from a case study of the extension project. Thus, it is proposed to identify the meanings attributed by project participants to experiences with reading in prison, discuss some understandings of the rights attributed to these subjects, inside and outside prison, and how reading has the power to enhance the formation of readers even within an exclusionary space that is unfavorable for learning. We are looking for theorists who discuss literature and human rights aimed at people in situations of extreme vulnerability, as is the case of prisoners, aiming to answer the following question “How does reading, as an instrument of remission of sentence, contribute to the reading formation of subjects who have been in a situation of deprivation of liberty in the Tocantinópolis Penal Unit? To this end, qualitative research was developed, with an interpretative nature, within the area of ​​Applied Linguistics (LA), using for this purpose semi-structured interviews that captured the perception of the subjects investigated with their experiences and how the educational processes experienced in prison contributed to live in society so that they felt included or not in society.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 423-442 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The legal principles governing EU coordination in international law-making fora: a weakness or a strength of Member States' external sovereignty? – III. The case of the Maritime Labour Convention: the journey of human rights from the EU to China via international law. – III.1. The Conven-tion and the EU's role in its elaboration. – III.2. The EU's rationale for uploading human rights standards into international law: a rights-oriented approach. – III.3. The impact of the Maritime Labour Conven-tion in China. – IV. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article presents two arguments and explores the relationship between them. First, the principles governing coordination between the EU and its Member States in multilateral fora (mainly, sincere co-operation and unity in the EU's representation) serve to increase the Member States' influence in inter-national law-making. Thus, there is a trade-off between the autonomy of Member States to determine their own positions in multilateral fora, and their capacity to influence such fora: the lesser the former, the greater the latter. Second, such an influence can be used by the EU and its Member States to pro-mote human rights laws abroad, “uploading” high standards into multilateral treaties, which are subse-quently “downloaded” by third states through ratification and implementation. Therefore, there is a link between the mentioned EU external relations law principles (which are a “condition” for a success-ful promotion) and the obligation to promote values set in arts 3(5) and 21 TEU (which provides the “direction” of the promotion). Consequently, when Member States complain about excessive EU intru-sion into their autonomy through common positions in multilateral fora, they should bear in mind that they are not only bound by the above-mentioned legal principles, but that their obligation to promote certain values abroad is also at stake. The case of the EU's influence on the Maritime Labour Conven-tion and its impact on Chinese law and policy is used to illustrate the arguments.

Objective/context: To learn about the contributions of women of the organized Colombian diaspora in Catalonia to creating transnational practices in favor of peace and denunciation of human rights violations in Colombia. Specifically, we seek to identify the main actors, organizational spaces, and collective action repertoires developed by Colombian women in Catalonia. Therefore, we approach the literature on the political participation of migrant and exiled women from the perspective of political transnationalism. Methodology: This qualitative and participatory research study examines bibliographic and documentary sources, semi-structured interviews with Colombian women participating in the organized diaspora, and participant observation of mobilizations. Conclusions: The analysis and discussion of the results show that for some women, their participation is based on their exile and previous political involvement. For others, it is driven by the recognition of their condition as migrant subjects, as well as the different axes of inequality that cross them, which allows them to connect their individual discomfort with the collective discomfort of their country of origin and develop new interpretative frameworks and new repertoires of action aimed at sensitizing and influencing the Colombian socio-political reality. Originality: This research contribution allows for further debate on the transnational political role of migrations in a globalized world and what role women can play in it

Abstract: Transitional justice from below in Guatemala: Experience of the Association for Justice and Reconciliation Although criminal accountability is a central component of transitional justice (TJ), the way it converges or clashes with the practices and expectations of those affected by extreme violence is not always clear. What collective processes lead communities to embrace and pursue legal cases? What challenges does the involvement of historically violated and marginalized populations entail? In this article, we analyse the experience of an organization of survivors of the Guatemalan armed conflict that has been key to filing lawsuits for genocide. Based on the perspectives of its members, we highlight the importance of local and international intermediaries for the formation and persistence of the group, and we explore the challenges to its continuity. Our findings suggest the need to delve deeper into the contradictions between TJ and the diversity of indigenous conceptions of justice, economic constraints and gender inequities that limit the mobilisation of male and female survivors. Resumen Aunque la responsabilización penal es un componente central de la justicia transicional (JT), no siempre es nítido el modo en que converge o choca con las prácticas y expectativas de las víctimas de atrocidades masivas. ¿Qué procesos colectivos explican la adopción y sosteni-miento de causas legales en contextos comunitarios? ¿Qué desafíos conlleva el involucramien-to de poblaciones históricamente violentadas y marginalizadas? En este artículo analizamos la experiencia de una organización de sobrevivientes del conflicto armado guatemalteco que fue clave para posicionar demandas judiciales por genocidio. Con base en las perspectivas de sus integrantes destacamos la centralidad de los intermediarios locales e internacionales para la conformación y persistencia del grupo, y exploramos los retos para su continuidad. Nuestros hallazgos sugieren la necesidad de profundizar las contradicciones entre la JT y la diversidad de concepciones de justicia indígenas, así como las constricciones económicas y desigualdades de género que limitan la movilización de hombres y mujeres sobrevivientes.

The Polish medieval theory of the law of nations (ius gentium) was born in the nation’s conflict with the Order of Teutonic Knights, which pursued a bloody military expansion into Eastern Europe under the pretext of converting pagans, invoking the ideology of a holy war to justify its aggressive actions. The scholars of Kraków defended not just the Polish raison d’état, but also the rights of other non-Christian peoples who were also the subject of Teutonic aggression (Lithuanians, Samogitians, and Ruthenians). Paulus Vladimiri (Paweł Włodkowic), the main founder of ius gentium, in his method argued from several levels: the legal, theological, and philosophical, thus defending basic human rights: the rights to life, freedom, equality, tolerance, and the independence of nations. Vladimiri poses a fundamental question: who is a neighbor? He states that a neighbor is every human being, not only Christians, with this, in the context of the conflict with the Teutonic Order, showing the obvious contradiction of the Order’s actions with the injunction to love one’s neighbor. Vladimiri stood consistently on the grounds of the Christian religion, from which he drew the principles of the dignity of every human being, the freedom of the will, and one’s duty to love their neighbor, invoking, inter alia, the words of St. Paul in Corinthians (13, 2) and Galatians (5, 6; 5, 14). Vladimiri used a passage from the Letter to the Galatians (5, 19-21) to demonstrate the Teutonic Order’s misappropriation of the Christian faith, for “faith cannot be useful without love.” In this context, love (caritas) appears as a political virtue in the sense of self-giving, which is reflected in the vocation of the person realised in relation to others and which serves as the root and condition for the peaceful union of different nations.

This paper examines the costs, benefits, accountability, and human rights implications of private against public prisons in South Africa. The rationale is to determine which investment model between the two (public and private) is most economically viable as expressed in quantitative and financial terms. As such, the positive gains of the cost-benefit analysis should provide guidance in maintaining any prison model. The methodology that the study followed is Qualitative Systematic Archival Article Review. Data was collected through global and local archives, coded and analysed through triangulation, thematic and content analysis. This process was followed to establish robust themes and insights regarding the subject matter thereby enhancing rigor, reliability, and validity of the results. Consequently, the study noted that public prisons provide more value than private prisons in South Africa at this moment because of astronomical costs and human rights abuses associated with private prisons compared to public prisons. However, private prisons exhibit better maintenance as they provide improved living conditions for their smaller inmates’ population unlike public prisons. The study recommends that there should be robust training, strict monitoring, phased and gradual implementation of private prisons in South Africa. There should also be continuous evaluation of private prisons to ensure that they comply with government regulations.

The issue of human rights in Papua has received considerable scholarly attention in recent years. Therefore, this study uses the comprehensive Scopus database to evaluate global trends in publications related to human rights in Papua. Through bibliometric analysis, the study covers the period from 1981 to 2023. The data was visualised and analysed using VOSviewer software. The results showed that international publications on human rights in Papua covered various topics such as Papua New Guinea, Indonesia, indigenous peoples, West Papua, violence, human rights, geopolitics, foreign policy, investigative journalism, indigenous peoples and local communities, collaborative journalism, pregnant women, separatism and malaria. Australia emerged as the leading country of publication, with many authors associated with its institutions. The classification of human rights issues in this study is divided into three dimensions, namely: a) International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights; b) International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination; c) International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.

The motto «Let no one behind» sums up the concept of sustainable and inclusive development that envisions 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) Agenda. Localizing SDGs to the territory is a priority and at the same time complex task, in which each country has been confront with variable success rates, and where the proper design of the main planning instruments is a key task in this localization process. Local plans are conceived as policy designs; we analyze the design of six local development plans and strategic documents of three municipalities of Boyacá (Colombia) during 2016-2022. A critical debate is presented. Main findings show a great difficulty in assuming 2030 SDGs Agenda at design-content level, as well as persistent important structural challenges that reveals there is still a long way to go.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2024 9(1), 105-116 | European Forum Insight of 20 May 2024 | (Table of Contents) I. Introducing the impact of Artificial Intelligence. – II. The AI Act: the risk architecture. – III. Further AI policies: development incentives and state regulatory frameworks. – IV. Proposals for legislation and other measures in Italy. – V. The human-centric approach. | (Abstract) The development of new emerging technologies, such as artificial intelligence, has sparked a scientific debate on their risks and benefits. This debate necessitates legal and regulatory considerations, particularly regarding the balance between technological growth and the protection of human rights. This Insight analyses the legal framework established by the European Union in its initial regulatory measures. The Insight highlights the importance of considering the human-centric perspective and adopting a risk-based methodology in the Artificial Intelligence Act. It also mentions the AI regulatory measures proposed by Member States, with a particular focus on Italy.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1679-1695 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The normative positioning of the Union: a new space for the collective exercise of sovereignty. – II.1. Human rights and criminal law, a source of inspiration and legitimacy. – II.2. Normative interpretation and hybridization within the Council practice. – III. “Supplementing” criminal repression? A new space to overcome the limits of jurisdiction. – III.1. Foreign policy v. criminal repression: the nature and purpose of the measures involved. – III.2. Overcoming the limits of jurisdiction and extending the reach of the measures. | (Abstract) The EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime was adopted by the European Union in December 2020, following in the footsteps of its allies and some of its own Member States. Initiated across the Atlantic in response to the murder of Russian lawyer Sergei Magnitsky, these thematic international sanctions can now target anyone associated with the most serious human rights violations. Presented as key levers in the international fight against impunity, these instruments lie at the confluence of foreign policy and criminal justice. The EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime is therefore a privileged observation point for studying the evolution of practice in areas that are traditionally closely associated with State sovereignty. More specifically, the analysis, carried out within the framework of both EU external action law and public international law, shows how the EU Global Human Rights Sanctions Regime enables the Union and its Member States to grasp some international situations which would fall outside their single competences and jurisdictions. This in turn illustrates a form of enhanced, collective and long-armed sovereignty, exercised on the international stage by the EU and its members in the service of their values and strategic interests.

ABSTRACT We can often find in the literature (both popular and academic) ascriptions of complex collective duties to extensive unstructured collections of individuals. By ‘complex collective duties’, I mean collective duties that, plausibly, require that the individual members of an extensive unstructured collection should enact different contributory act-types to achieve an end jointly - for example, the alleged universal collective duty to end global poverty. In this paper, I argue that these duties are not action-guiding. The reason is that they do not pass what I call the ‘test of action-guidance’. This test assumes the intuitive belief that a moral duty is action-guiding only if it is clear to the duty-bearer the act-type that she should enact after the ascription of the duty. Complex collective duties ascribed to extensive unstructured collections fail to pass this test because, even though each duty-bearer (that is, each member of the collection) receives guidance on the end that they should achieve jointly, it is not clear to these agents the act-type that each of them should put into practice.

Sometimes the information provided on the 2030 Agenda is quite fragmented and dispersed and there is a lack of systematic explanation about the link between the SDGs and human rights. The lack of criteria that easily explain the content of the 2030 Agenda and the impact of human rights in the international order is one of the reasons why a visual and sound document is necessary. The problem that is detected regarding 2030 Agenda knowledge and its relationship with human rights will be a systematic and orderly absence of the meaning and scope of this Agenda and its impact on one of the critical areas: people. This innovation Project, while covering the conceptual and normative gaps that exist on the 2030 Agenda, delves into the central components that, from an innovation perspective, are necessary to study and understanding the SDGs content. There is a need for virtual and audiovisual tools that address sustainable development content and the aspects that define human rights. The main goal of this publication is letting know the results of the project carried out by four professors, and led by Prof. (...), within the framework of the URJC Educational Innovation Projects, 2022-23. The main result of the project was the development of an audiovisual on the 2030 Agenda and human rights that develops new teaching methodologies for learning these contents by undergraduate students.

The time to discuss, contemplate and philosophize about Transhumanism has inevitably come. Thanks to technology which continues to transform human lives in enormous ways. The length at which technology can go, and how far it can take humans is what transhumanism as a philosophy aims to explore. The significance of studying transhumanism lies not in personal beliefs but in the necessity to confront the profound questions surrounding technology’s influence on human life. Understanding transhumanism has become crucial in the contemporary world because radical transformations through technology are already underway. Consequently, contemplating transhumanism prompts critical thinking about the trajectory of humanity in the face of advancing technology. This exploration raises fundamental questions about the protection of human rights in an era where individuals are willing to undergo radical transformations. An intriguing question emerges about the reception of transhumanism: Could or should it be considered a right to which individuals may be entitled? Received: 22 May 2023 Accepted: 18 November 2023

Vitoria’s 1537 lecture On the American Indians asserts moral equality and fundamental rights for all humans but is contradicted by the significant inequalities between Spanish conquistadores and indigenous peoples of Mexico and Peru. Despite recognizing these rights, Vitoria’s vision supports an unequal Euro-American relationship regarding territorial sovereignty, self-defense, self-determination, and religious freedom. His insights have implications for contemporary international law concerning indigenous rights. However, his theological framework limits this potential. To better address indigenous issues today, I advocate reframing Vitoria’s perspective by replacing his natural law-based human-rights essentialism with a naturalistic approach that views human rights as social constructs. This shift can help develop international law to prevent violent interactions and promote equality between indigenous and non-indigenous peoples, reducing reliance on nation states to safeguard indigenous rights. Received: 03 August 2023 Accepted: 18 April 2024

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1403-1439 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. – II. The concept of autonomy beyond a jurisdictional claim. – III. Autonomy as a source of coherence. – IV. Autonomy’s omnipresence in the case law of the Court. – IV.1. Autonomy operating visibly. – IV.2. Autonomy not explicitly mentioned but operating actively. – IV.3. Autonomy as a silent undercurrent. – V. Conclusion. | (Abstract) This Article aims to demonstrate that if there is a single vision of the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union, it is the idea of autonomy. It portrays how autonomy, defined as an idea of a new legal order with its distinct ontological and axiological character, serves as an organizing principle ensuring the coherence of the case law. It first examines the concept of autonomy, and then investigates the presence of autonomy in the case law of the Court, arguing that it is either explicitly or implicitly always present as the undercurrent in the Court’s legal reasoning. It goes on to show the inextricable link between autonomy and the fundamental principles of the EU legal system, among them the rule of law, the protection of human rights and the effectiveness of the EU legal order. By drawing upon case law of the Court in varied areas of EU law, the Article establishes that autonomy, with its distinct character, is the most important guideline in understanding the Court’s jurisprudence, ensuring its predictability and coherence. Autonomy vitally ensures pluralism of the European Union by contributing to the integrity of the judicial process and enabling the Court to speak with one voice. Through Aristotle’s’ approach for the search of knowledge, the Article portrays that autonomy is not the end in itself, but is rather vital for realizing the goals and values of the European Union.

In the last fifteen years, the European Court, the US Supreme Court and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights have all ruled on the issue of same-sex marriage. The Strasbourg Court has not, at this stage, dared to affirm the right to marriage, unlike its (inter)American counterparts. The article proposes a comparative analysis of the decisions rendered by the three jurisdictions: it highlights, beyond the (obvious and indisputable) differences between the three legal orders, the similar issues – of applicability, proportionality and subsidiarity – with which the judges responsible for ensuring respect for human rights are confronted. As the analysis also reveals, these issues are sometimes hotly debated within the courts themselves, while their understanding can be enriched by inter-jurisdictional dialogue. In conclusion, it is argued that, with regard to the recognition and protection of same-sex couples, the European Court should draw inspiration from American experiences and (1) clearly (re)affirm that the right to marry (art. 12 ECHR) applies to same-sex couples (2) mobilise the full potential of the prohibition of discrimination (art. 14 ECHR) and (3) move away from strict adherence to the European consensus rule. En los últimos quince años, el Tribunal Europeo, el Tribunal Supremo de Estados Unidos y la Corte Interamericana de Derechos Humanos se han pronunciado sobre la cuestión del matrimonio entre personas del mismo sexo. El Tribunal de Estrasburgo no se ha atrevido, por el momento, a afirmar el derecho al matrimonio, a diferencia de sus homólogos (inter)americanos. El artículo propone un análisis comparativo de las decisiones dictadas por las tres jurisdicciones: pone de relieve, más allá de las diferencias (evidentes e indiscutibles) entre los tres ordenamientos jurídicos, las cuestiones similares –de aplicabilidad, proporcionalidad y subsidiariedad– a las que se enfrentan los jueces encargados de velar por el respeto de los derechos humanos. Como también revela el análisis, estas cuestiones son a veces objeto de acalorados debates en el seno de los propios tribunales, mientras que su comprensión puede verse enriquecida por el diálogo interjurisdiccional. En conclusión, se sostiene que, en lo que respecta al reconocimiento y la protección de las parejas del mismo sexo, el Tribunal Europeo debería inspirarse en las experiencias estadounidenses y (1) (re)afirmar claramente que el derecho a contraer matrimonio (art. 12 del CEDH) se aplica a las parejas del mismo sexo (2) movilizar todo el potencial de la prohibición de la discriminación (art. 14 del CEDH) y (3) alejarse de la estricta adhesión a la norma del consenso europeo. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1347

This paper explores the dynamics of family law’s transformation over the past 50 years as the result of interactions of two autonomous systems: the law and the family. The interesting feature in the change of family is its democratisation. Equality, consent, freedom of partners, participative governance have become ideals of the Western family. Law is a motor of this family transformation through its own internal transformation on two points: the transformation of legal reasoning, based on human rights; the use of mediation in judiciary conflict resolution. This U turn can be explained by the new mechanisms of social order in modern differenciated societies. Following Anne Rawls’ reading of Durkheim’s insights, the article argues for the centrality of “constitutive practices” in modern societies. Legal framework can no longer derive and perform social order through moral rituals. Modern law must fit the procedural morality (instead of a moral consensus) of family interactions in order to be able to solve conflicts. This explanation of the success of mediation in family law is also the key to understand the constitutionalisation of family law via the use of principles (instead of rules) in legal reasoning. Intercultural conflicts arise inside families as well as inside societies. New flexible family law becomes a factor of pluralization of family forms. On this basis, transnationalization of family law can develop, even if state sovereignty remains a powerful brake of this evolution. Este artículo explora la dinámica de transformación del derecho de familia en los últimos 50 años como resultado de las interacciones de dos sistemas autónomos: el derecho y la familia. La característica interesante del cambio de la familia es su democratización. La igualdad, el consentimiento, la libertad de las parejas y el gobierno participativo se han convertido en ideales de la familia occidental. El derecho es un motor de esta transformación familiar a través de su propia transformación interna en dos puntos: la transformación del razonamiento jurídico, basado en los derechos humanos; el uso de la mediación en la resolución de conflictos judiciales. Este vuelco, a su vez, se explica por los nuevos mecanismos de orden social en las modernas sociedades diferenciadas. Siguiendo la lectura de Anne Rawls de las ideas de Durkheim, el artículo defiende la centralidad de las “prácticas constitutivas” en las sociedades modernas. El marco jurídico ya no puede derivar y realizar el orden social a través de rituales morales. El derecho moderno debe adaptarse a la moralidad procedimental (en lugar de a un consenso moral) de las interacciones familiares para poder resolver los conflictos. Esta explicación del éxito de la mediación en el derecho de familia es también la clave para entender la constitucionalización del derecho de familia mediante el uso de principios (en lugar de normas) en el razonamiento jurídico. Los conflictos interculturales surgen tanto en el seno de las familias como de las sociedades. El nuevo derecho de familia flexible se convierte en un factor de pluralización de las formas de familia. Sobre esta base, puede desarrollarse la transnacionalización del derecho de familia, aunque la soberanía estatal siga siendo un poderoso freno de esta evolución.

In this introduction, the authors present the ambition that guided the composition of this edition devoted to family law. They first highlight the interest in addressing the intersection between the process of democratisation and the process of transnationalisation of families. These two processes are refracted in family law. They find their origin in the same refusal of a substantial moral definition of the “good family”. However, all normative perspective is not abandoned. A new normative and effective relationship is established between interactions and institutions. The new regulation of the family gives an important place to interactions and their immanent normativity. Legal principles (human rights, procedural standards) give expression to this mutation. Institutions are no longer given before the interaction, but rather constitute instruments for repairing the interactional order. This trend in the evolution of the law is particularly visible in the two cases treated in the issue: homosexual marriage and international child abduction. The close analysis of these two situations, however, suggests the persistence of obstacles to these transformations, due to the persistence of the principle of national sovereignty. En esta introducción, los autores presentan la ambición que guió la composición de esta edición dedicada al derecho de familia. En primer lugar, destacan el interés por abordar la intersección entre el proceso de democratización a y el proceso de transnacionalización de las familias. Estos dos procesos se refractan en el derecho de familia. Encuentran su origen en el mismo rechazo de una definición moral sustancial de la “buena familia”. Sin embargo, no se abandona toda perspectiva normativa. Se establece una nueva relación entre interacciones e instituciones. La nueva regulación de la familia da un lugar importante a las interacciones y a su normatividad inmanente. Los principios jurídicos (derechos humanos, normas procesales) reemplazan las reglas que definen la “buena familia”. Las instituciones ya no se dan antes de la interacción, sino que constituyen instrumentos para reparar el orden interaccional. Esta tendencia en la evolución del derecho es particularmente visible en los dos casos tratados en el número: el matrimonio homosexual y la sustracción internacional de menores. El análisis cuidadoso de estas dos situaciones, sin embargo, sugiere la persistencia de obstáculos a estas transformaciones, debido a la persistencia del principio de soberanía nacional.

From 2010 to 2020, several efforts to decriminalize sodomy have taken place in Singaporean courts. Although these efforts have been largely unsuccessful, the cases have highlighted how courts can serve as a space to push for rights in a city-state that some have labelled “soft-authoritarian”—a state with democratic institutions in place, but with an under-developed set of democratic ideals and practices. This article argues that strategic litigation to decriminalize sodomy is forcing institutions in Singapore to evolve, become more democratic and responsive to a rising cultural backlash particularly with regards to sexuality. This article will examine some of the incremental changes that have come about due to the legal challenges, such as the strengthening of the court, the modification of laws to protect minorities, and the growth and diversification of civil society. Entre 2010 y 2020, los tribunales de Singapur han intentado despenalizar la sodomía en varias ocasiones. Aunque estos esfuerzos han sido en gran medida infructuosos, los casos han puesto de relieve cómo los tribunales pueden servir como un espacio para presionar por los derechos en una ciudad-estado que algunos han etiquetado como “autoritario blando” –un estado con instituciones democráticas, pero con un conjunto subdesarrollado de ideales y prácticas democráticas. Este artículo sostiene que el litigio estratégico para despenalizar la sodomía está obligando a las instituciones de Singapur a evolucionar, a ser más democráticas y a responder a una creciente reacción cultural, especialmente en lo que respecta a la sexualidad. Este artículo examinará algunos de los cambios graduales que se han producido debido a los desafíos legales, como el fortalecimiento de los tribunales, la modificación de las leyes para proteger a las minorías y el crecimiento y la diversificación de la sociedad civil.

The purpose of this essay/editorial - closed on 8 January 2024 - is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict that has lasted at least seventy-five years, with the creation of the state of Israel, the first Arab-Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self-defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern - war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide -, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context.This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary-General.In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, there are also briefly discussed the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six-Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two-State solution.The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRA EN GAZA Y EL CONFLICTO PALESTINO-ISRAELÍ: UN PUNTO DE INFLEXIÓN EN MEDIO DE UN CICLO SIN FIN DE VIOLENCIA El objeto de este ensayo/editorial -que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024- es el de formular de la manera más completa posible -aunque resulte necesariamente provisional- una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino-israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe-israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico-internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico-internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional -crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio-, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino-israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico-político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución bieestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial - qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 - est de formuler aussi complètement que possible - bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire - une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino-israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante-quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo-arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico-internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies.À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale - crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide -, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico-politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

El objeto de este ensayo/editorial –que se ha cerrado el 8 de enero de 2024– es el de formular de la manera más completa posible –aunque resulte necesariamente provisional– una aproximación desde la perspectiva del Derecho Internacional a la guerra en Gaza iniciada hace poco más de tres meses y, en general, al conflicto palestino–israelí que perdura, como mínimo, desde hace más de setenta y cinco años, con la creación del Estado de Israel, la primera guerra árabe–israelí y la Nakba a la que fue abocado el pueblo palestino. Es decir, se trata de una somera aproximación jurídico–internacional a un momento de crisis y de agudización de un conflicto histórico, que configura en estos meses un auténtico punto de inflexión en el ciclo sin fin de violencia que asola la región desde hace décadas.A estos efectos, en este ensayo se abordan diversas cuestiones de relevancia jurídico–internacional en relación con la actual guerra en Gaza, como la conceptualización del terrorismo internacional; la justificación de la legítima defensa usada por Israel y, en especial, las condiciones que exige el Derecho Internacional para su ejercicio; así como la posible comisión de graves crímenes de trascendencia internacional –crímenes de guerra, crímenes contra la humanidad y genocidio–, la aplicabilidad del Derecho Internacional Humanitario y la exigencia de responsabilidad penal individual en este contexto. También se analiza en este ensayo la reacción de la comunidad internacional organizada en las Naciones Unidas ante la actual guerra en Gaza y, por tanto, se presenta la insuficiente actuación del Consejo de Seguridad a lo largo de estos meses de crisis aguda, la mayoritaria reacción de la Asamblea General pidiendo un cese de las hostilidades y los llamamientos humanitarios formulados vana y reiteradamente por su Secretario General. Para situar la fase actual de crisis en la perspectiva del conflicto palestino–israelí se aborda asimismo, sumariamente, su contexto histórico–político, en particular con los resultados de la ocupación de territorios en la guerra de los Seis Días de1967; la constante posición de la Asamblea General sobre la cuestión Palestina; la acción de las Naciones Unidas en relación con los derechos humanos en los Territorios Palestinos Ocupados; así como la actuación del Consejo de Seguridad respecto de estos Territorios y las iniciativas de paz propuestas especialmente en relación con la solución biestatal. Por último, se formulan unas consideraciones finales y un epílogo en el que, atendiendo a la actual catástrofe humanitaria y a la perdurabilidad del conflicto, se formula un llamamiento para el cese inmediato de las hostilidades y la liberación de los rehenes y para que la actual fase del conflicto se convierta en un genuino punto de inflexión que pueda propiciar una oportunidad para la paz en la región. THE WAR IN GAZA AND THE ISRAELI-PALESTINIAN CONFLICT: A TURNING POINT IN THE MIDST OF AN ENDLESS CYCLE OF VIOLENCE The purpose of this essay/editorial – closed on 8 January 2024 – is to formulate as fully as possible, although necessarily provisional, an approach from the perspective of International Law to the war in Gaza that began a little over three months ago, and more generally to the Palestinian– Israeli conflict that has lasted at least seventy–five years, with the creation of the State of Israel, the first Arab–Israeli war and the Nakba to which the Palestinian people have been condemned. In other words, this is a brief international legal approach to a moment of crisis and intensification of a historic conflict that, in these months, has been a real turning point in the endless cycle of violence that has plagued the region for decades.To this end, this essay addresses various issues of international legal relevance in relation to the current war in Gaza, such as the conceptualisation of international terrorism; the justification of legitimate self–defence used by Israel and, in particular, the conditions required by International Law for its exercise; as well as the possible commission of serious crimes of international concern – war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide –, the applicability of International Humanitarian Law and the call for individual criminal responsibility in this context. This essay also analyses the response of the international community organized in the United Nations to the current war in Gaza, highlighting the insufficient action of the Security Council during these months of acute crisis, the majority reaction of the General Assembly calling for a cessation of hostilities, and the repeated and futile humanitarian appeals made by its Secretary–General. In order to place the current crisis in the perspective of the Palestinian–Israeli conflict, the historical and political context, in particular the results of the occupation of territories in the Six–Day War of 1967, the consistent position of the General Assembly on the Palestinian question, the United Nations action on human rights in the Occupied Palestinian Territories, as well as the Security Council’s action on these Territories and the proposed peace initiatives, in particular with regard to the two–State solution, are also briefly discussed. The essay concludes with concluding remarks and an epilogue where, in view of the current humanitarian catastrophe and the protracted nature of the conflict, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities and the release of hostages, and for the current phase of the conflict to become a genuine turning point that can be grasped as an opportunity for peace in the region. LA GUERRE À GAZA ET LE CONFLIT PALESTINO-ISRAÉLIEN : UN TOURNANT AU MILIEU D’UN CYCLE DE VIOLENCE SANS FIN Le but de cet essai/éditorial – qui s’est achevé le 8 janvier 2024 – est de formuler aussi complètement que possible – bien qu’il soit nécessairement provisoire – une approche du point de vue du Droit International de la guerre à Gaza qui a commencé il y a un peu plus de trois mois et, en général, du conflit palestino–israélien qui dure depuis au moins soixante–quinze ans, avec la création de l’État d’Israël, la première guerre israélo–arabe et la Nakba à laquelle le peuple palestinien a été contraint. En d’autres termes, il s’agit d’une brève approche juridico–internationale d’un moment de crise et de l’intensification d’un conflit historique qui, en ces mois, constitue un véritable tournant dans le cycle sans fin de la violence qui sévit dans la région depuis des décennies. À cette fin, cet essai aborde diverses questions de Droit International en rapport avec la guerre actuelle à Gaza, telles que la conceptualisation du terrorisme international, la justification de la légitime défense utilisée par Israël et, en particulier, les conditions requises par le Droit International pour son exercice, ainsi que la commission éventuelle de crimes graves de portée internationale – crimes de guerre, crimes contre l’humanité et génocide –, l’applicabilité du Droit International Humanitaire et l’exigence de responsabilité pénale individuelle dans ce contexte. Cet essai analyse également la réaction de la communauté internationale organisée au sein des Nations unies à la guerre actuelle à Gaza et présente donc l’action insuffisante du Conseil de sécurité tout au long de ces mois de crise aiguë, la réaction majoritaire de l’Assemblée générale appelant à la cessation des hostilités et les appels humanitaires lancés à maintes reprises et en vain par son secrétaire général. Afin de replacer la phase de crise actuelle dans la perspective du conflit palestino-israélien, sont également brièvement évoqués le contexte historico–politique, en particulier les résultats de l’occupation des territoires lors de la guerre des six jours de 1967, la position constante de l’Assemblée générale sur la question palestinienne, l’action des Nations unies en matière de droits de l’homme dans les Territoires Palestiniens Occupés, ainsi que l’action du Conseil de sécurité sur ces Territoires et les initiatives de paix proposées, notamment en ce qui concerne la solution à deux États. L’essai se termine par quelques considérations finales et par un épilogue dans lequel, compte tenu de la catastrophe humanitaire actuelle et de la durée du conflit, un appel est lancé en faveur d’une cessation immédiate des hostilités et de la libération des otages, et pour que la phase actuelle du conflit devienne un véritable tournant qui pourrait offrir une occasion de paix dans la région.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1037-1045 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction - II. Protection of war refugees from Ukraine - III. Targeted sanctions against citizens of the Russian federation and of Belarus - IV. Human rights of the general population of the EU Member States - V. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) The conflict in Ukraine, triggered by the Russia’s act of aggression in March 2014 and, in full scale, in February 2022, has had a profound impact on the human rights situation not only in Ukraine itself but also in the Member States of the European Union. This impact manifests itself in three main areas. The first area concerns the protection of war refugees from Ukraine. The second area pertains to the sanctions imposed on the citizens of the Russian Federation and of Belarus. The third area relates to the effects of the conflict on human rights of the general population of the EU Member States, stemming either from the economic or social hardship brought about by the conflict, or from restrictive measures adopted by the EU Member States in response to the conflict. In addition to introducing each of these areas in more detail, the Insight recalls that not paying adequate attention to all of them simultaneously might result in violations of human rights and in the radicalisation of certain segments of society that might feel (rightly or not) ignored and left behind.

The main purpose of the present contribution is to analyse the constitutional paradigm from the book Norme, giudici e Stato costituzionale which, thru the study of the historic evolution of the concepts of Rule of Law and Constitution, outlines the opportunities of the international expansion of the constitutional paradigm.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(3), 1067-1075 | European Forum Insight of 28 December 2023 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction - II. Labyrinth of legal issues - II.1. State-owned assets - II.2. Private assets - III. A way forward. | (Abstract) This Insight explores the legal terrain surrounding constraints on repurposing of state-affiliated property (both state-owned and private assets affiliated with the state) to compensate for human rights violations caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine. It briefly examines evolving norms regarding sovereign immunity, third-party countermeasures, and their impact on international human rights law. Key issues include the role of jus cogens norms and obligations erga omnes in potentially waiving state immunity, the legality and reversibility of third-party countermeasures, and the potential clash between sovereign immunity and human rights law. The Insight also discusses the relevance of investment treaty law and international humanitarian law to property constraints. Recent developments, such as establishing a compensation mechanism for Ukraine's damages, are outlined, underscoring the need for adequate funding for these mechanisms to be effective. The author proposes potential approaches to asset confiscation, including transferring frozen assets to a dedicated fund or providing financial assistance while retaining the right to reclaim assets upon reparations. Acknowledging the intricacies involved, it calls for further research to address the multifaceted issues arising in this evolving area of international law.

This paper reflects on health reparation practices in the context of neoliberal hegemony and long-lasting impunity. It builds on an ethnographical approach (2019-2022) to four health reparation initiatives created by users and workers of a state reparation program together with civil organizations in the South of Chile. It states that the way these initiatives deal with the damage produced by state violence (1973-1990) point toward an alternative horizon for health reparations, which may also counter today’s authoritarian orientations.

La professionalització dels intèrprets en l’àmbit jurídic està guanyant importància a Espanya a causa de les directives de la Unió Europea sobre els drets processals de persones sospitoses o acusades d’algun delicte. A això s’hi ha d’afegir la prolongada crisi humanitària, que ha sensibilitzat l’opinió pública sobre la qualitat de la interpretació proporcionada per diverses ONG i altres organismes que s’ocupen dels sol·licitants d’asil. Actualment, els proveïdors de serveis privats contracten els intèrprets en funció de les llengües que necessitin o que estiguin disponibles, sense exigir-los una formació específica. En aquest article, analitzem la qualitat percebuda dels serveis d’interpretació i el paper de l’intèrpret des de diverses perspectives, incloses les dels agents de les ONG (assessors jurídics, treballadors socials i psicòlegs) i els advocats que participen en aquesta mena de processos, seguint mètodes d’investigació descriptiva. A continuació, tractarem les diferents percepcions sobre la figura de l’intèrpret que tenen els diferents professionals que intervenen en el procediment de sol·licitud d’asil, amb l’objectiu d’obtenir una imatge vàlida, basada en dades, de la interpretació en el context de la sol·licitud d’asil a Espanya. S’espera que aquesta informació serveixi per omplir el buit que existeix en el desenvolupament professional dels intèrprets com a part essencial dels processos d’asil i, el que és més important, com a garantia dels drets humans. També contribuirà a sensibilitzar els professionals que desenvolupen la seva feina amb l’ajuda d’intèrprets.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2023 8(2), 1013-1035 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Setting the scene. – II. Challenges of EU Member States’ extraterritorial border management measures in select scenarios. – III. Allocating international responsibility of EU Member States for their extra-territorial border management activities: Twilight zone. – III.1. First scenario: Activities carried out by EU Member States within third countries or for their benefit. – III.2. Second scenario: Activities of EU Member State officials carried out on board of third country vessels with the aim to prevent irregular entry to the EU. – III.3. Third scenario: EU Member States sharing information with neighbouring third countries. – IV. Assessment and outlook to the future. | (Abstract) EU Member States are ever more involved in border management activities in cooperation with third countries. Such activities entail risks of violating various human rights of the people on the move, such as the right to leave any country, the principle of non-refoulement, and the prohibitions of ill-treatment and arbitrary detention. When Member States carry out various cooperative border control activities outside their sovereign territory, their responsibility is unclear. Under international law, responsibility may also arise when a State aids or assists another State to engage in conduct that violates international obligations (art. 16 of the Articles on the Responsibility of States for Internationally Wrongful Acts – ARSIWA). Member States’ responsibility can thus emerge via “derived responsibility” flowing from an internationally wrongful act committed by a third country. The Article seeks to discuss selected extraterritorial border management scenarios, which are in the “grey zone” in terms of State responsibility from the perspective of various human rights violations. More legal clarity is needed in such (and similar) concrete scenarios, especially when Member States “aid or assist” third countries in their efforts to manage migration flows. The Article submits that it is still debated whether related conduct entails State responsibility in such specific externalised border management situations, which involve activities carried out under the umbrella of international cooperation, but with the aim of preventing migrants from reaching the EU. Nevertheless, this piece argues that complicity of Member States under the ARSIWA can be established under certain circumstances as the presented scenarios demonstrate.

This paper argues that the progressive inclusion of human rights criteria in ESG indicators can have an unprecedented impact. Based on a conceptual study of the ESG legal framework and major normative developments in Europe, this paper presents indicative evidence of a new set of incentives and obligations for transnational corporations. The novelties that the ESG movement brings could be extremely useful in advancing the agenda of international human rights law which, for years, has suffered the ravages of having no real enforcement mechanisms at the international level. In Europe, for example, human rights due diligence could soon condition permits in the world of mergers and acquisitions, and the list of potential impacts is long. Based on a systematization of regulatory developments and some projections, this research shows the emergence of a new and potentially transformative relationship between human rights and the financial sustainability of private companies.

Operation Irini is a new EU naval operation, in the framework of CSDP, to address violations of the arms embargo and illicit export of petroleum products in Libya, imposed by the United Nations Security Council. As a second objective, the Operation contributes to the training of Libyan coastguards in their fight against illegal immigration, as well as combating the mafias involved in the smuggling of migrants in the Central Mediterranean. From the outset, the naval operation has had scant resources and, unsurprisingly, its results have been poor in these first three years. In short, this new Operation, in the wake of Sophia’s poor results in the last months of its activity, represents a new setback for the CSDP and for the EU’s ambition to become a relevant actor in contemporary international society. Unfortunately, moreover, allegations of significant violations of migrants’ human rights by Libyan coast guard forces cast a shadow over the EU, which is assisting and training these security forces. Received: 04 September 2023 Accepted: 24 January 2024

This article shows one of the organizational and normative reactions that indigenous peoples in Mexico have had to safeguard their rights in the current context of a structural and human rights crisis, specifically due to the implementation of megaprojects in their territories. The analysis of the results of the presents research, on the impact of the structural reform, established in previous six-year terms and continued in the current government, is done as part of the academic and teaching activity carried out, but also as part of a professional exercise in which we have accompanied social organizations for more than 20 years. Therefore, what is shown in this work has to do with the attempt to regulate the relationship with the State and other internal and external actors, based on the community exercise, the way in which peoples deliberate and make decisions, and which in other countries is called prior consultation protocols.