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Global events of recent years indicate that it is the turn of the Developing World to take the lead in international relations. China, which positions itself as the «largest developing country», a «member of the Global South», but at the same time a «responsible world power», cannot stay away from this trend. The article examines the reasons for the recent rise of the Developing World to the forefront of international life, which include: the cumulative economic growth of the South, the increase in its political importance in the balance of power on the world stage, the growth of self-esteem of the South, whose stance, being consonant with the interests of the East, contributes to the loss of the West's ability in dictating conditions to the world majority, etc. In addition, the author considers important to determine the semantic content of the terms «Global South», «third world», «developing world» for a better understanding of the essence of the great global phenomenon that these definitions have denoted at different times. It seems that these definitions not only reflect the realities of the times that gave birth to them, but also undergo internal upgrade, becoming not just a «signboard», but also a characteristic of the phenomenon they designate. The main burden of the article falls on the analysis of the Chinese factor in the modern evolution of the Global South. It is characterized through the prism of why the importance of the South for China is growing and how Beijing is trying to provide relations with «southern» countries with additional qualitative support. The article also attempts to identify new challenges facing China in the processes of its further «rooting» in the Developing World. The article ends with a number of conclusions, among which is the author's opinion on whether the reformatting of relations between China and the Global South is taking place as a reaction to an increase in its global weight, or whether they are «simply» undergoing a stage of timely optimization.

One of the priorities of global importance is to reduce reoffending. The article examines the issues of the development and implementation of the United Nations standards on crime prevention and criminal justice in the Russian legal system, in general, and the UN model strategies on reducing reoffending, in particular as a universal model adapted to national conditions. The purpose of the paper is to identify the fundamental features of the UN strategies and their implementation in Russian legislation at the present stage. The methodological basis of the research consists of the provisions of the dialectical method of cognition. The methods of formal legal and logical analysis, deduction and induction are also used. Results: the study reveals that the model strategies recognize individualization at each stage of criminal proceedings as the main condition for reducing reoffending. The strategies call for the effective implementation of noncustodial measures, including the replacement of criminal liability with other types of corrective measures designed to exclude offenders from the criminal justice system and provide an alternative to detention. The strategies address the functioning of rehabilitation programs aimed at reducing reoffending, which are based on the needs of specific individuals. The author concludes that the pace of development of Russian legislation and law enforcement practice complies with the most up-todate UN standards in the field of crime prevention.

Aim. To study the features of strategic planning and practical implementation of the concept of sustainable development of the countries of the Eurasian Economic Union, taking into account the Sustainable Development Goals in the context of the formation of a new architecture of the world structure and a change in the current world order.Tasks. Consider the essence and principles of the SDG implementation; identify the specifics of the integration of the SDGs into the national strategies of individual states of the post-Soviet space; analyze the features of the localization of SDGs at the regional level using the example of Eurasian integration; determine the role of the EAEU in the context of the formation of a multipolar world system and strengthening the its position as a macro-regional center of the power; justify the priorities for achieving the SDGs in the context of sustainable development of the EAEU.Methods. To achieve the set goals the following methodological approaches were used in the article. The constructivist approach makes it possible to determine the essence of sustainable development, its significance for society and the economy, as well as to analyze the regulatory and legal framework of the EAEU countries in this area. Comparative analysis made it possible to determine the relationship of SDGs with changed world architectures in retrospect and the current conditions. Empirical analysis makes it possible to assess the practical steps and efforts of the EAEU countries to achieve the SDGs, including the implementation of innovative projects and the rational use of the resource base.Results. Understanding and regulation of sustainable development in the EAEU is justified. The study made it possible to establish that the countries of the Union attach importance to sustainable development, but at the legislative level there remains a problem of insufficient consistency of regulatory legal acts on this topic. This highlights the need for a clearer and more concrete regulatory framework for sustainable development. The study allowed to analyze the impact of globalization on the world and regional structure. It is argued, that the EAEU, as a regional association, has a unique opportunity to gain a foothold as one of the macro-regions in the multipolar world system. This provides strategic advantages in the context of a change in the world order on the way to multipolarity.Conclusions. The study identified a number of priority tasks contributing to the achievement of the SDGs in the context of the sustainable development of the EAEU. The most important factors in this context are: food independence, energy sustainability, strengthening economic integration, infrastructure development, focus on hard innovation and digitalization.

Subject. The variety of international financial institutions (IFIs) that regulate international monetary, credit and financial relations (IMCFR) raises the question of assessing the effectiveness of their activities and the degree of influence on financial stability in the global financial market. Objectives. Based on the categorization of MFIs and a systematic approach to assessing the degree of their mutual influence on the IMCFO system and the global economic system, develop criteria for assessing the effectiveness of MFIs in terms of achieving their statutory goals and ensuring financial stability. Methods. Dialectical methods, the method of system analysis, the method of analysis and synthesis, and the didactic method were used. Results. MFIs are divided into 3 groups according to the taxonomy of influence on ensuring financial stability; within the framework of a systems approach, direct and reverse channels of influence of MFIs of 3 groups on each other and on the IMCFO system and the world economy, the economy as a whole, are analyzed. The criteria for assessing the effectiveness of IFIs are substantiated, including: assessing the degree of influence of IFIs on the composition of economic relations in the IMF; the relationship between the international competence of the institution in regulating the International Monetary Fund and the availability of the necessary powers and financial resources to solve the assigned tasks; simplicity and ease of procedure for allocating the necessary resources to mitigate financial shocks in the IMF and solve short-term problems with the balance of payments. Conclusions. Based on reasonable efficiency criteria, the growing importance of type 2 and type 3 MFIs is recorded, with a certain degradation of “classical” type 1 MFIs and segmentation of regulatory contours to the level of regional associations and professional communities.

The general state of the energy supply of the EU member states, the reasons and objec- tives of the intensification of the EU’s efforts to develop alternative energy. A brief overview of the discussions about the possibilities of humanity to influence the physics of the atmosphere, the eco- system of the Earth and the climate of the planet. The importance of the problem of «ozone holes» in the approval of the anthropogenic concept of global climate change. The role of political technolo- gists in the emergence of the anthropogenic concept of climate change and the reasons for its adop- tion by the EU. Natural phenomena that affect the climate of the planet, in comparison with anthro- pogenic theory. The main stages of the international dissemination of the anthropogenic concept and a review of political, economic, financial, propaganda, scientific and technological measures aimed at displacing fossil energy sources and attracting commercial investors in the field of alternative energy. Coverage of the political technologies used to assert the dominant position of anthropogenic theory in the practical activities of States and many international intergovernmental and non-gover- nmental organizations. Estimates of the volume of investments in the creation of a carbon-free eco- nomy in 2050 and its profitability. Practical steps to form a new technological order in the Europe- an energy sector and their propaganda cover. The European «green deal» in modern EU politics.

The political and economic results of 2023 are a further increase in the uncertainty and multivariability of world development. At the same time, in 2023, the impossibility of returning to the “brave old world” became obvious. The obstacle to this was not Russia or China, but the entire objectively established set of international relations, including in the economic sphere. The authors deliberately do not touch upon the problems of SVO, as they proceed from the fact that this is not the reason, but the result of accumulated contradictions of a global scale.

For almost 60 years, the United States has tried to overthrow the government of Fidel Castro in Cuba, using a variety of means, including chemical and biological agents. At the same time, their use has always been officially denied by Washington. The purpose of this article is to summarize the available sources proving the involvement of the United States, as well as the groups of the Cuban opposition created and supported by the US, in biological and chemical sabotage against both the economy and the people of Cuba. Sources, research methods. The author used a variety of open sources, including the statements by Cuban officials, materials from the Cuban and American press, declassified documents from the US government agencies, as well as public confessions of former CIA agents and Cuban opposition figures. The research method is the cross analysis. The discussion of the results. The declassified US documents show that the organizers of «Operation 40» and «Operation Mongoose» planned to use biological agents and parasitic plants against plantations of crops and livestock. Sugar exported to the USSR was also poisoned. In addition, the head of one of the Cuban terrorist organizations admitted that he had imported biological agents to Cuba, which provoked an epidemic of dengue hemorrhagic fever in 1981. The testimoies of several other former CIA agents also point to the use of African swine fever in 1971 to kill pigs in Cuba. The atypical course of the Dengue fever epidemic in 1981, as well as the absence of a strain (Dengue-2) of this virus in the Western Hemisphere at that time, indicate the planned nature of the sabotage, which resulted in an outbreak on the island. Conclusions. During the Cold War, the United States actively used chemical and biological agents against agriculture and the people of Cuba. The facts considered allow us to draw conclusions about the nature of the methods that the CIA used to organize and conduct biosabotage: such operations were planned «in the long run» and had large-scale goals – for example, to eliminate sugar production on the island or cause famine; highly contagious pathogens of human and animal diseases were used for biological sabotage; artificially caused outbreaks of epidemics and epizootics were disguised as natural ones; representatives of the local opposition, as well as mercenaries, were involved in the implementation of sabotage; to infect farm animals, vaccines contaminated with virulent strains directly at biofactories, as well as contaminated feed were used.

This paper describes the contours of a research program on peacekeeping and peacebuilding, representing the interests of Non-Western countries (the world’s majority). The article is based on both individual developments of its expert authors in the theory and practice of peacekeeping, international law and development cooperation, as well as on generalized conclusions of eight international workshops on Non-Western peacekeeping, held by the Department of Theory and History of International Relations of the RUDN University in 2020-2021 with the participation of leading Russian and international experts. Particular attention is paid to the current moment in international peacekeeping associated with the “power transit” (from the United States to China, and more broadly, from the West to the Non-West) and the power vacuum observed in a number of regions. Conclusions are drawn about the crisis of humanitarian intervention and the system of liberal peacekeeping in general. At the same time, the remaining instruments of Western structural power in the field of peacekeeping are examined in detail, covering both personnel representation in the UN and the practice of ‘penholding,’ as well as the discursive hegemony of the “Collective West.” The main directions in the development of Non-Western academic discourse in the field of peacemaking and peacebuilding are explored in the context of building a multipolar world. Special attention is paid to the problems of regional human rights systems in the context of the protection of civilians and post-conflict peacebuilding. The study concludes that Non-Western countries have a significant influence on the formation of international norms in the field of peacekeeping (rule-changers), but so far do not act as norm-setting actors in world politics (rule-makers).

The practice of the functioning of the United Nations and the actual mechanisms of peacekeeping differ significantly from the theoretical ideas about them. Anna Mikhailovna Evstigneeva, Deputy Permanent Representative of the Russian Federation to the United Nations (UN), who has been dealing with peacekeeping issues for many years, answers a number of important questions about contemporary peacekeeping and peacebuilding in her interview. She argues that while the West is building a “rules-based order,” for Russia the rules are the UN Charter. The key to ensuring the effectiveness of an international organization, according to A.M. Evstigneeva, is the ability of the parties to reach mutually beneficial solutions and to take each other’s interests into account. The rest is a “superstructure,” which, however, is partially enshrined in the doctrine. Dozens of factors (dialogue with civil society, gender, climate, etc.) play a special role, which over time become universal. Often, the beautiful Western theories of liberal peacebuilding do not stand up to the harsh reality; and in a number of cases there is silence on the part of decision-makers about the real situation on the ground. This interview highlights the challenges of the existing system of international peacekeeping in the context of the formation of a multipolar world.

The hybrid nature and scope of contemporary conflicts, the terrorism threat, and the dramatic increase in competition for resources, global militarization and security challenges in Africa do not only carry the risk of state collapse, but have conditioned concerted efforts by national, regional and international actors to protect human rights and remedy the humanitarian situation. In many ways, the African continent with its unique and diverse nature of conflicts has become a platform for the renewal of the United Nations (UN) peacekeeping through the development of new operational and normative practices and strategies that, as a distinctive feature of the UN missions in the African continent, have gradually moved from the status of innovations to the category of quite commonplace global practice. This article attempts to assess UN peacekeeping in Africa from the 1960s till 2022. The authors examine the characteristics, nature and scope of peacekeeping operations (PKOs) as well as strategies for transforming peacekeeping mandates. Using a problem-chronological approach, comparative analysis and quantitative assessments of the UN peacekeeping missions, the formats of cooperation with regional organizations (the African Union (AU) and the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS)), gender composition of the UN missions, in particular, the authors come to the natural conclusion that the number of the UN peacekeeping operations and political missions in Africa remains high and their mandates have expanded and become more complex with increased activity of the leading world powers. The authors conclude that stabilization and conflict resolution in Africa will greatly depend on effective cooperation between the UN and regional organizations, as well as on the UN reforms and its ability to adapt rapidly to changing conflict scenarios in each African state.

This paper conducts a comparative analysis of three cases - Indonesia, Thailand and Vietnam - to examine the distinctive features of Southeast Asian states’ involvement in peacekeeping. These cases provide representative insights into the motivations and experiences of regional states that joined UN peacekeeping operations at different historical junctures: Indonesia in the 1950s, Thailand in the 1990s, and Vietnam in the 2000s. By identifying the common and unique aspects of this engagement, the authors argue that Southeast Asian nations’ approaches to peacekeeping are deeply rooted in the values that underpin their foreign and domestic policies. Appealing to these values, Southeast Asian states contribute conceptual innovations to existing peacekeeping models, which are predominantly based on Western perspectives. By generalizing the peacekeeping experiences of Southeast Asian states, this paper fills a gap between broader publications that focus on Asian peacekeeping practices and single-country studies. The research underscores that Southeast Asian states, following a challenging period of decolonization and nation-building in the framework imposed by the Westphalian international relations system, have been trying to infuse their own approaches into the Westernized realm of international interaction. Since the 1950s, several regional states have participated in UN peacekeeping operations. The involvement of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in resolving the Cambodian conflict in the late 1980s and the Thailand - Cambodia settlement in 2008-2011 has stimulated the development of regional peacekeeping practices. By contributing to peacekeeping operations, Southeast Asian states aspire to enhance their regional and even global influence. In certain instances, their engagement in peacekeeping has ideological, cultural or religious motivations, or stems from specific foreign and domestic policy considerations.

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The issue of sanctions, which has acquired a new dimension in the contemporary era, has transformed from a subject area in International Law into an interdisciplinary one, and has been widely analyzed in political science, sociology, and other fi elds. The case of Yugoslavia, which represents one of the earliest examples of the application of sanctions as a means to modify not only international actions, but also a political regime, has formed, among other things in modern history, the increasingly popular phenomenon of “cancelling” a nation. Given the external similarity of the processes that took place in the former Yugoslavia, in which Belgrade was involved, and in the post-Soviet space, it is of undisputed interest. This article delves into the situation of the Yugoslav economy, its reaction to the regime of comprehensive restrictions, as well as the eff ects of the sanctions policy in a comparative relation to the situation in modern Russia and the anti-Russian sanctions regime.

The Russian Federation’s unprovoked and unjustified war against Ukraine has changed the entire security environment, which will have long-term threatening consequences for the entire collective security system. The issue of forming an effective system of collective security is relevant not only for the international community, which is explained by its absolute importance in maintaining international law and order, but also for Ukraine in order to restore its state sovereignty and territorial integrity in countering Russian armed aggression. The purpose of the article is to clarify the essence of the collective security system, to analyze the activities of the most influential international security organizations (UN, NATO and OSCE) since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war and to assess their ability to end this war, to formulate problematic issues regarding the functioning of the existing collective security system, and to argue for the need to build a new collective security system with a definition of Ukraine's role and place in it. The conclusion of the study is that the modern system of collective security should be understood as a state of international relations that excludes violation of the general peace, threats to the security of states and peoples, and counteraction to acts of aggression, implemented by joint efforts of participating states at the global or regional levels. The collective security system is usually implemented through the activities of the UN, NATO and the OSCE in maintaining international law and order. However, in the context of numerous conflicts, including the Russian-Ukrainian war, there are more and more complaints about the activities of the UN, in particular the UN Security Council as the main body responsible for maintaining international peace and security. At the same time, the role of the UN should not be minimized, as the documents adopted by it are important for improving the collective security system and the international mechanism for bringing the aggressor state to justice. Despite the significant resistance of the Russian Federation, the UN, NATO and the OSCE strongly condemn Russia’s aggressive war against Ukraine and continue to provide our country with comprehensive support.

The article focuses on the evolution of the global financial architecture in the context of geopolitical challenges. It introduces the conceptual apparatus of the global financial architecture (GFA) in conjunction with the structure of the global financial system. It then substantiates the thesis of GFA structure transformation towards establishing a parallel control circuit — informal institutions (forums) acting in close coordination with international financial institutions with broad international legal competence and implementing “soft” regulation of GFA on the basis of international standards and codes. The position of the Russian Federation in GFA is identified, and a conclusion about Russia’s secondary position in MFA institutions is made. The direction of transformations of Russia’s role in GFA are outlined: coordination of activities with other large developing economies; proactive position in the discussion of codes and standards, renewal of discussion on the formation of an international payment system independent of the reserve currency issuers.

This study is aimed at studying foreign and domestic experience in terms of the UN reform process, which allows us to summarize the relevant material and achieve the objectives defined by the topic of this article. The aspect that the foundations of the modern crisis of the UN arose from the moment of signing its charter and this is due to the fact that the long and debatable process of agreeing on the main provisions of this document took place thanks to the concessions and compromises of the members of the organization, which laid the foundation for its further review.Aim. Offer recommendations on possible options for replacing or reforming the UN.Tasks. Consider models for overcoming the contradiction between national and supranational interests and the contradiction between the leading countries of the world, the developed countries of the North and the less developed countries of the South.Methods. To compare the integration practices of the EU and ASEAN, the method of comparative analysis, the dialectical method of research, as well as the systematic method of research are used. And also used methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, as well as analogy.Results. On the basis of the studied, recommendations for reforming the UN are given. Thus, attention should be paid to the experience of previous supranational organizations, as well as to the practice of dialogue mechanisms between the world’s leading players. At the same time, excessive pressure on countries should be stopped by interfering in their internal affairs, violating their sovereignty.Conclusions. The contradiction between national and supranational interests is the most profound problem in any integration association, including the UN. However, there is no universal method for resolving this problem, including in the conditions of a still unipolar world. The UN should combine in its practice the experience of the EU, ASEAN, SCO as a hard and soft approach to balancing national and supranational interests.

This academic article offers a model of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO (hereinafter referred to as the EUS) as a supplement to the Ukrainian National Corpus (hereinafter referred to as the UNC), where texts are presented as a hierarchical structure. In an effort to provide a more comprehensive view of NATO, UN, and WTO official and business documents, a mechanism of use of our model envisages determination of the exact position of a text in all UNC corporas, what essentially simplifies the practical process of search and automated translation of texts and special terminology in particular. In consequence, the author offers to increase the number of unique texts that will ensure the representativeness of the EUS in the Ukrainian National Corpus, and to divide the whole process of the EUS formation into elementary tasks that will increase the UNC efficiency. The practical value of the research lies in a possibility to use the EUS for texts parallel translation and terminological phrases separation on the basis of such texts. The methodological potential of our research is based on the works of well-known Ukrainian and foreign scholars (V. Bohorodytskyi, I. Baudouin de Courtenay, K. Brugman, W. Wundt, B. Delbruck, G. Paul, O. Potebnia, P. Fortunatov, W. Scherer, H. Steinthal, A. Schleicher et al.), who strengthened the scientific interest to the problem of translation and corpus of texts in particular. The object of the research is a model of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO. The purpose of the research is to prove that the model of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of official and business documents texts can become a full-fledged informational foundation for the formation of texts parallel corpus within the Ukrainian National Corpus. The methods of observation and experiment were applied to analyze empirical, review, conceptual analytical tools that specify the meaning of described objects and phenomena given their qualitative affiliation to the UNC. The study focuses on a number of tasks, in particular: - to determine a theoretical and linguistic basis of the concept “English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO”; - to determine the mechanism of updating of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, WTO within the UNC; - to find out the specifics of formation and filling-in of the EUS; - to substantiate the relevant methodology of examination of official and business texts of NATO, UN, and WTO in the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents; - to single out and itemize the advantages of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO within the UNC. Analysis of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO as a construct of the parallel corpus of texts of the UNC was carried out in several stages. The first stage envisaged description and inventory. Theoretical works on the history of the Ukrainian National Corpus were reviewed and generalized, and the concept of “English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO” was determined. It was found out that the UNC is the object of research in such areas of linguistic studies as the applied and corpus linguistics that construe the corpus of texts as a translator’s tool. This encourages us to highlight the advantages and disadvantages of the UNC and justify the expediency of our proposal to develop the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO. Definition of the UNC as a national corpus of texts that contains only Ukrainian texts and does not envisage a parallel translation evidenced the need to create a proposal of a parallel corpus of texts with an updated English-language database. The selection of lexical items with the official and business semantics is based on documents of international organizations, such as NATO, UN, and WTO. At the same stage, we determine the purpose of the research, in particular, the formation of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents, which envisages a parallel translation of NATO, UN, WTO texts. This sequence of procedures allowed us to carry out consideration and interpretation of existing theoretical provisions and inventory of factual research materials. Theoretical and corpus analysis methods were used in the research. The second stage envisaged analysis and differentiation. Special aspects of filling-up of the EUS with official and business texts of NATO, UN, and WTO were characterized. Theoretical analysis of the EUS was carried out in order to establish a clear hierarchy of the UNC structure. The main types of participants of the EUS formation (students, teaching staff) were differentiated and the behavioral model of every participant in the process was developed. The specifics of presentation of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents of NATO, UN, and WTO in the UNC was established. This final stage, where methods of observation and experiment were used, evidenced determination of an exact place of a text in the EUS (belonging to a certain category of homogeneous texts) that becomes a crucial factor in choosing a translation option. Numerous terminological phrases and expressions in the analyzed official and business documents of UN, NATO, WTO, which act as identifiers in the EUS, were systematized. An increase in the number of unique texts (official and business texts) was noted, which ensures the representativeness of not only the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of official and business documents texts, but of the UNC in general. The final stage of the research confirmed the expediency of the division of the whole process of sub-corpus formation into elementary tasks. We generalized the statement that the EUS is a dynamic, context-dependent sub-corpus (only official and business texts of international organizations, such as NATO, UN, WTO) and an optimal algorithm designed to be easily downloaded and used. Conclusion. The analysis conducted in the present paper is meant to illustrate a new approach to forming a modern model of the sub-corpus of texts of official and business documents. The model of the English-Ukrainian sub-corpus of official and business documents texts of NATO, UN, and WTO provides for a clear division into categories of homogeneous texts and a quick search for special terminology of international organizations, such as NATO, UN, and WTO, in the EUS. In the context of the texts analyzed in the current paper numerous separated words and expressions-identifiers can help to carry out search and refer to a relevant text in the sub-corpus. Compilation of terminological nominations glossary, their functional and stylistic labeling and assimilation into the commonly used vocabulary of the EUS and later on in the UNC are currently at the stage of formation and approval. To this end, the current research manifests the concept of the EUS as a sub-corpus of the UNC that allows the prompt presentation of relevant texts of the official business style and coverage of the broadest range of interested readers.

Migration and development issues are becoming increasingly important and controversial in modern migration research. This is primarily due to the increasing global and regional mobility and its influence on the transformation processes of the modern system of international relations. Analysis of the relationship between migration and development, and today we are talking about sustainable development, as a new theoretical structure and practical approach are relevant and require the development of new research. This is especially important in the context of the 17 Sustainable Development Goals and processes related to the globalization of migration, labor markets, the increasing role of economic aspects and the development of regional and global cooperation.

The article examines the situation with refugees during the civil war in Tajikistan after the collapse of the USSR. The factors and scale of refugees and features of asylum seekers from Tajikistan are considered. The scale and prospects for the development of the flow of refugees and asylum seekers from Tajikistan to Western and Eastern Europe are investigated. Every year, a huge number of people leave their homes due to armed conflicts, wars, poverty, and persecution on various grounds. One of the reasons for the refugees influx from Tajikistan to other countries is the civil war in the republic. After the collapse of the USSR, a power struggle between nationalists and Islamists began in Tajikistan that led to a civil war. The emergence of the refugees flow from Tajikistan to other countries is related with the civil war in the republic. Another reason is the ban by the Tajik authorities of two major opposition organisations – the Group of 24 and the Islamic Renaissance Party of Tajikistan (IRPT). Among the Tajik political refugees who received asylum in European countries, there are also former migrant workers who worked in Russia. Deportations, decline in earnings after the 2015 currency crisis, and tightening of Russia’s migration policy towards migrants from Tajikistan forced some migrants to reorient themselves in other countries, primarily in European countries, the United States and Canada. There are cases of deliberate destruction of their passports by Tajik migrants when moving to Germany, followed by an appeal to the authorities under the guise of refugees from Afghanistan (since both Tajiks and Afghans speak Farsi (Dari)) to obtain refugee status and corresponding benefits in Germany. Among asylum seekers from Tajikistan in European countries, political asylum is the most popular. The purpose of the article is to identify trends and prospects for the development of asylum as a new emigration channel from Tajikistan to the countries of Western and Eastern Europe.

Aim. To analyze relevant provisions of the main national and international regulatory legal acts in the field of monitoring and control of new potentially dangerous substances.Tasks. To study the current legal regulation of legal and illicit trafficking of new psychoactive substances in the Russian Federation and the EAEU states. To examine new amendments in the legislation of the European Union regulating the substances traffic control and illicit traffic countering. To provide an overview of the procedures of new psychoactive substances scheduling under the International Drug Control Conventions. To formulate proposals for improving the national and international anti-drug legislation.Methods. The methods of logical and comparative legal analysis, as well as the legal prediction method have been used in this article.Results. The legislation of the EAEU countries in the field of the control of the legal and illicit trafficking of new psychoactive substances needs to be improved and harmonized. The substances scheduling procedures under the international drug control conventions in the EU and the UN are very difficult multi-stage and excessively long. The timing of adoption of new regulatory acts certainly does not correspond to the potential danger of uncontrolled trafficking of new potentially dangerous psychoactive substances for public health.Conclusion. The penalties under Art. 234.1 of the Russian Federation Criminal Code “Illicit trafficking of potentially dangerous psychoactive substances” should be toughened. The legal procedure for forming the state Register of new psychoactive substances must be changed. In the EAEU countries, it should be necessary to make agreement at the interstate level about a uniform approach to the introduction and content of criminal justice responses to the illicit trafficking of new psychoactive substances. In the EU countries and in the frame of the UN, the scheduling procedure under international drug control should be changed regarding new psychoactive substance. All such substances of this kind should be included in a Special Annex for which certain agreed control measures would be prescribed, with the possibility of subsequent expert evaluation of the potential danger of the substance to individual and public health. These established control measures in the fut ure might be toughened or reduced based on the WHO Expert Committee on Drug Dependence critical review and the Commission on Narcotic Drugs (CND) position.

This paper outlines the contours of a conceptual examination of the trends of UN change that have emerged in the post-bipolar era. The author seeks to understand what the results of the changes are and how they manifest themselves. Due to the complexity of the object under study, the duration of the analyzed period and its eventfulness, the paper takes into account only some typical fragments of the general picture, and some judgments and conclusions are expressed in a discussion manner. I analyze the following patterns of change have characterized the main UN bodies: new goals and activities of the bodies themselves and the organization as a whole, more topics under discussion, greater organizational autonomy, higher costs, greater involvement of civil society organizations and experts in agenda setting and various activities, structural reforms, summitization of the General Assembly and Security Council, the creation of high-level segments of ECOSOC, and strengthening of the coordinating role of the Committee of Senior Management. In methodological terms, the article is based on a multilevel model of an international organization developed in the framework of the sociological approach.

In most academic discourses, United Nations (UN) programs and initiatives to promote digitalization and womens rights are studied as distinct fields. Less attention has been paid to UN efforts to promote gender equality and protect womens rights by promoting digitalization. The article addresses some of the gaps in the contemporary research of the role of modern international intergovernmental organizations in womens rights protection amidst modern technological development. The study reveals the influence of digitalization on ameliorating the position of women in modern societies and formulates the assessment of the gender gap in using the ICT technologies, as well as analyzes how UN specialized divisions act to ensure digital gender equality. The author concludes that the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) approved by the UN in 2015 do not pay enough attention to the importance of digitalization for ensuring the rights of women.

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 16 Peace, Justice and Strong Institutions is one of 17 SDGs identified by the UN in 2015. The SDGs that supersede the Millennium Development Goals imply continuous multilateral actions to ensure their full and timely implementation. Analysis of the available literature shows that insufficient attention is paid to the international component of SDG implementation. An insufficient examination of Russias participation in international initiatives to implement the SDGs, and SDG 16 in particular, is also noted. This article intends to fill in this gap by presenting the results of an analysis of Russias activities in the international arena, contributing to the implementation of SDG 16. Russia today is one of the key actors in international politics. Russias activities in the international arena, including its participation in multilateral programs of assistance to countries and regions experiencing difficulties in resolving internal conflicts, contribute to the implementation of SDG 16. However, this aspect is not covered in Russias Voluntary National Review for the High-Level Political Forum, nor in available research. The author examines the features of a modern approach to studying the international aspect of the SDGs implementation. Furthermore, the author analyzes Russias activities on the international arena contributing to SDG 16 implementation. The article concludes with the authors observations regarding appropriate steps to increase Russias contribution to SDG 16 implementation.

The world has entered the third decade of the century, gripped by the global crisis and the COVID-19. These specific conditions have undermined the development and sustainability of the less prepared countries of Latin America and the Caribbean (LCA). The authors show that the COVID-19 pandemic was the largest shock for the LCA countries in the social and economic spheres. Before the pandemic, the LCA states had rather modest indicators of economic development. They were strongly influenced by external factors of protectionism opposition to the free trade and the looming global economic crisis. They have accumulated deep internal contradictions of social inequality and low domestic demand. The economic situation in the LCA countries has become even more complicated due to the development of a pandemic in 2020-2021: it was characterized by a halt or decline in economic activity, growing budget deficit and public debt, decline in domestic demand for goods and services, decreasing export revenues, declining investments, businesses closure, rising unemployment and poverty. To contain the spread of coronavirus, prevent overstrain of health systems and reduce human losses, the LCA governments took a number of measures to overcome the COVID-19 crisis, which came down to general measures of population social support and direct measures against the spread of the pandemic, including vaccination which has become an issue of utmost importance in the absence of local vaccines and a shortage of purchased vaccines or delivered under the COVAX program. However, as it is shown in the article, the measures taken by the LCA states to protect the population and the economy from the strikes of the pandemic are insufficient; vaccination programs are almost completely dependent on external vaccine manufacturers and international assistance.

The subject. The author examines the criteria of creation of service permanent establishment (PE) in Russia and possibility of creation of this type of PE in providing R&D services in Russia by foreign specialists.The aim of the paper is to confirm or refute the hypothesis that the provision of R&D ser-vices by foreign specialists in Russia creates a service permanent establishment. The author also analyzes the current science legislation of Russia and suggests ways of its improvement to reduce tax risks.The methodology. The author used general scientific dialectical method of scientific knowledge, the formal-logical method, in particular analysis and synthesis in examining criteria of creation of service permanent establishment. The author also uses a systematic method and a simulation method to establish the relationship between the science legislation and tax legislation.The main results. The activity of foreign scientific specialists in Russia potentially originates the risk of creation of a permanent establishment on the territory of the Russia for the foreign organization, which sent that specialist to provide the relevant services. However, when comparing the international and domestic law enforcement approach, the author revealed a feature of the latter, which consists in applying the criteria of the physical type of permanent establishment to a service permanent establishment, which in turn gives rise to legal uncertainty and the risk of double taxation in some situations. There is no relevant judicial practice on the topic. Budgetary scientific organizations have a certain priority over commercial scientific organizations when involving foreign specialists in R&D activities in Russia.Conclusions. The criteria for the creation of service permanent establishment (including the provision of R&D services) in domestic practice have an ambiguous, evaluative interpretation. However, the risks of discretion in assessing the criteria for creation of service permanent establishment can be eliminated by clarifying these criteria in the Tax Code of the Russian Federation. Amendments to the science legislation can also eliminate above and fore-going risks.

The article is devoted to the study of the peculiarities of Germanys participation in UN, EU and NATO peacekeeping operations in Africa. The relevance of the research topic is due to conflicting opinions about the need to preserve and prolong most operations in the region. In this regard, the opinions of experts with optimistic and pessimistic views on this problem are considered, and the stages of the evolution of peacekeeping activities are highlighted. The purpose of the study is to prove the validity of the assumption of the critical theory of the use of peacemaking by countries as a tool for realizing their foreign policy aspirations. Based on the analysis of German efforts to increase its military contingent in UN peacekeeping operations and maintain positions (despite the presence of oppositional representatives of the Parliament) in EU and NATO operations, it is proposed to identify the cause-and-effect relationships of such behavior. To achieve this goal, we used the method of historicism, which helped to identify the problems of the past that Germany is trying to get rid of by participating in the operations of international organizations, as well as the method of comparative analysis, which regulates the comparison of Germanys efforts in missions with its foreign policy tasks. The analysis of the documents of the international organizations under consideration, as well as legislation and foreign policy doctrines of Germany, allows us to assess not only the legality of the country's operations outside its borders, but also to identify foreign policy priorities in order to obtain reliable results when comparing them. In conclusion, we present the following conclusions: the evolution of Germanys efforts in the UN, EU and NATO missions in Africa. The results of the research reflect the postulates of critical theory in the process of studying German peacekeeping activities in Africa.

The article analyses Japanese approach towards peacekeeping and issues associated with Japans participation in the peacekeeping operations (PKOs). It focuses on factors which influence shaping and transformation of Japans approach towards this sphere of UN activity. For the first time, Japan sent its Self-defense forces to participate in the PKO in the early 1990s and since then peacemaking has become one of the symbols of Japan's contribution to international security. Despite the significance of cooperation with the UN that the Japanese government has underlined, the indicators that characterize Japan's participation in peacekeeping remain at a low level. In the article, the author explores the causes of this phenomenon and identifies patterns that characterize the models of Japanese participation in PKO. Using the historical method and content analysis of official documents and speeches by Japans representatives the author explores the hypothesis that currently, from the point of view of the Japanese government, the issue of participation in the PKOs is important as a way to adapt the public to the expansion of the sphere of activity of the Self-defense forces, but in practice, the ruling circles seek to avoid the risks associated with the participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs, preferring to shift the focus on peace-building, financial, educational and technological contribution that Japan can make to UN operations. The concept of active pacifism promoted by Abe did not lead to a more extensive participation of the Japanese military in the PKOs. An analysis of current trends in peacekeeping suggests that the participation of Self-defense forces in PKOs will remain at a low level and will be offset by other opportunities for Japan to contribute to international peacekeeping.

The article discusses the current problem of illegal migration for Italy and the main ways to combat it. In particular, issues of its solution at the national level, as well as coordination of actions at the European and international levels are raised.

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations with Congo on July 7, 1960, the ties between USSR and Africa have faced a big challenge. During the difficult years for Congo, after liberation from colonial dependence, the Soviet Union has always advocated the country’s territorial integrity and the internal problems diplomatic solution. However, the bloodshed in Congo could not be avoided. Despite the Soviet support of the legitimate Congo government headed by P. Lumumba, the Western countries, which did not want to lose their positions in resource-rich Congo have found a way to achieve a victory. A military coup led by Joseph-Desire Mobutu took place in the country and national leader Patrice Lumumba was killed in consequence of a murder plot. Moreover, Western countries have managed to use the UN headed by Dag Hammarskjöld for their own purposes, and it only aggravated the situation in the country. The purpose of the study is to reveal the key points of Soviet-African relations in the most difficult period for Congo - the beginning of 1960s. Basing on the documents of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the fundamental works of Russian and foreign Africanist historians, as well as the author’s own work experience in a number of African countries, the author focuses on the analyses of the Soviet Union efforts during the decolonization years, which aim was to stabilize the situation and establish the legitimate rule in the country. The author applies a systematic approach to study political institutions of power, the author also rely on the historical method to study the change of political formations, and an event analysis approach to summarize the information collected about the specific political situation. The author comes to the conclusion that today Africans cooperate only with those who supports their national interests, maintains the security or sovereignty, and comes to the rescue in case of humanitarian disasters and climatic cataclysms. In contrast to 1960s, Africa from a backward continent turned into a full-fledged player on the world arena, occupying important positions in the system of international relations. The voice of African leaders is heard from the UN General Assembly. In this regard, it is important to formulate new approaches and concepts of interaction with African states giving them if not priority, then at least not the last place in the foreign policy of Russia.

The article deals with a little-studied and rarely mentioned in Russian historiography UN conference for the conservation and utilization of resources, held in 1949 at the place of the future headquarters of this international organization station in the New York suburb of Lake Success. This international forum was one of the first global events that touched upon the problem of consumption and finiteness of natural resources. This conference was rightly proclaimed as an alliance between the UN and the world of science, and one can express regret that the decisions of this conference were not fully implemented.

The paper examines different types of modern military unmanned systems — unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), unmanned ground systems and unmanned maritime systems — in terms of related R&D in different countries, changes in world market demand as well as opportunities and prospects for their limitation and control. The authors provide an updated classification of these three types of unmanned systems. Based on the analysis of contemporary R&D projects and procurement data the paper shows that global market of unmanned systems will grow in the near future and that this will become a major impediment for promoting control and limitation of such systems. It is therefore equally difficult to expect expansion and strengthening of effective export control of the unmanned systems. On the contrary, opposite trends are likely to prevail, including, among all, artificial adjustment of the unmanned systems to the categories of export products with relaxed requirements. The authors conclude that it would be equally difficult to overcome other drawbacks of export control regimes, such as possibilities of non-material technology transfer or nonadherence to corresponding restrictive regimes of countries which are the largest producers and exporters of unmanned systems.Concerning UAVs’ limitation and control, the authors outline two main tracks of debate at the international level — the UN discussions on restriction of use of the unmanned platforms classified as lethal autonomous weapon systems (LAWS) and less institutionalized discussions on prospects for incorporating of unmanned systems in the set of arms control agreements.The authors identify main barriers to providing effective control over the development of the military UAVs, as well as prospects for advancement in that direction, and, finally, formulate some policy relevant recommendations.

INTRODUCTION. The article examines globalization processes in terms of their impact on sport, namely the integration of sport into current UN programmes based on the acts of the General Assembly and the accompanying framework standards. The author analyses the practices of Member States, the United Nations system and international sports organizations to lay the groundwork for joint action in the field of sport. The relevance of the study in the analysis of the latest UN incentive standards: the Kazan Action Plan and the Global Action Plan to increase the level of physical activity for 2018-2030, thus Russia plays an active role in their implementation.MATERIALS AND METHODS. In conducting the study, the author relies on foreign doctrine, the practice of the subjects involved in the international sports movement, UN acts. Research methods: a dialectical approach to the knowledge of the WORK of the UN, allowing to analyze it in historical development and functioning in the context of coordination of cooperation in the field of sports. Comparative-legal method and dialectic determined the choice of specific methods of research: comparative and formal-legal.RESEARCH RESULTS. Based on the analysis of UN acts affecting the impact of globalization on sport, the development of international relations in the systems of integration sports relations is considered, it is concluded that in the field of international tools A new model for regulating sport is being developed, a holistic conglomeration of rules and regulations that drives the globalism of sport and the achievement of the UN's socially significant goals.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. The author has proven the potential of the UN's analysis of international sporting events, and has come to the conclusion that it is necessary to promote it through sports initiatives as a means of promoting development and peace and topics it is inevitable that permanent cooperation of nations within the world sporting movement is on the development agenda. The arguments in the article in favor of a new model of sports-legal regulation are intended to streamline the international legal set of rules affecting sport.

The research highlights the ethnopolitical conflict within the European Union (using the example of the South Tyrol autonomy). The article states the reasons for the formation of separatist sentiments on the territory of this region, considers in detail the foreign policy activities of the Republic of Austria and the relationship between Austria and Italy. This paper discusses the historical background and the current state of the ethnopolitical conflict in the South Tyrol region. The purpose of the study is to disclose the nature and manifestations of the conflict, policy statements, documents, reasons and actions of Austrian and Italian officials, aimed at escalating as well as settlement of the conflict. Taking into consideration the objectives and preferences of the local population, the authors question the possibility of further autonomization of the Italian province and its political self-determination. However, they do not exclude the future aggravation of the conflict and exacerbation of the Austria-Italy relations in the context of the European Union transformation.

INTRODUCTION.The relevance of a research of international legal fight against terrorism does not raise doubts as terrorism reasonably belongs to the most dangerous threats to peace and safety of mankind. The solution of a modern problem of terrorism demands not only national, but also international mechanisms. According to the author, it is early to speak about successful opposition to this evil. Therefore, the research of the current state and trends of development of that part of international law that is devoted to counteraction to terrorism is extremely important.MATERIALS AND METHODS. The versatile international legal base connected with various aspects of fight against terrorism was created for more than centenary period. Universal and regional anti-terrorist conventions, legal documents of the international organizations, decisions of the International Courts of Justice and tribunals were investigated to reveal trends of international legal fight against terrorism. The research is based on use of methods of inductive generalization, the comparative and legal analysis (mainly in its functional option) and the legalistic analysis.RESEARCH RESULTS. The most significant trends of development of international legal fight against terrorism are shown in work. It is: coordination as opinio juris of the legal indications of terrorism, legal mechanisms of counteraction to it; the institutional development of international legal fight against terrorism expressed as formation of the definitive device and the organizational mechanism; isolation of legal instructions of basic character for international legal fight against terrorism; the growing role of the International Courts of Justice and tribunals in administration of justice against terrorism; formation two substantially various terrorist crimes: in a situation of wartime and in a "civil" situation.DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS. By results of a research the author formulates a number of the offers capable to have a positive impact on the future of international legal fight against terrorism. In particular, the author shows that in order to form an effective international legal mechanism for combating terrorism, it is required at the UN level to agree on the concept of terrorism, to form a generally acceptable list of criminal terrorist acts prohibited by international law, to systematize international legal sources related to the fight against terrorism.

Aim. The author aims to draw attention to the urgent need to accelerate the development of the scientific, technical and organizational basis for solving a global economic problem: reducing damage from natural disasters and, in this context, the issue of security and legal regulation of the use of geophysical technologies for active protection against them.Discussion. The thirty‐year universal campaign conducted by the UN and consisting of special events, did not at any stage bring about the repeatedly planned significant reduction in the number of human victims and the amount of material damage. Its prolonged failure proves that the expected result cannot be obtained due to the attracted potential. In addition, it makes us critically evaluate the chosen means of implementing programmes and look for new ways to increase the effectiveness of the fight against the threat. In the natural sciences, the most promising prospect is methods that are being mastered in many developed countries and focused on a targeted influence on the destructive natural process. In this area, large‐scale scientific work has been carried out for a long time and already productively to increase the capabilities and scope of the modifying effect. However, serious problems arise on the path; they have been caused by insufficient knowledge of the changing natural phenomena, military and environmental aspects of these technologies, low predictability of the long‐term consequences of their use, conflicts between economic interests of different states. From a humanitarian point of view, the scale and dynamics of the adverse natural trend require a more radical and operational response than the implementation of methodological recommendations of a single plan for the widespread dissemination of a safety culture. The form of a collective solution adequate to the importance and significance of the universal task is a global disaster risk management which has a developed institutional base and a solid executive discipline. But it is absent today.Conclusion. It is impossible to overcome the indicated obstacles for raising efficiency except by relying on a special regulatory platform of a universal level, which, however, today consists almost entirely of declarative decisions. Here it is necessary to increase the imperativeness of regulation, giving it legal force which is capable of more than recommendatory one to ensure by 2030 a previously unattainable substantial reduction in losses. It is also necessary to move to binding specific measures and technical standards agreed upon and guaranteed by legal instruments. To what extent the special system of international security created on such a basis will satisfy national interests in the future, depends very much on the degree of state participation in this construction today.

The objective of this article is to identify, analyse and assess the European Union (EU) and NATO’s roles in international disaster response operations. The article adopts a broad approach and deals with mechanisms that could apply to so-called “natural” and “man-made” disasters. It considers instruments that may contribute to fulfil the rights of people stricken by disasters in Europe and beyond. The use of NATO’s disaster response capabilities has drawn limited attention in scientific literature so far. The main hypothesis stipulates that NATO provides added value in international disaster response in relation to the United Nations (UN) and EU actions. NATO with its transatlantic dimension and its military capabilities can assist when a stricken nation, its neighbours and/or other international organization(s) capacity or measures cannot cope with the potential negative consequences of a natural or man-made disaster. However, EU and/or NATO disaster response actions do not substitute a stricken country actions but complements their efforts in this area.

The paper is a final piece of the three articles series, revealing a new eye-opening conception on true reasons and objectives of the “Tuapse” incident. The story of Soviet tanker Tuapse, captured by the ROC (Taiwan) Navy on June 23,1954 inopen seas nearTaiwanis widely covered in Russian and global mass media. The main events and dramatic story of the Tuapse crew are generally reconstructed, but the true reasons and aims of this incident remain an open question so far. This article, containing the comparative analyze of two incidents and multilateral politics at final stage of the related events (January August 1955), gives a final answer to this question. It presents a special interpretation of the events, leading to conclusion that the capture of Tuapse and its crew was nothing but a special CIA hostage swap operation, instrumental to negotiations on the release of 11 American airmen, imprisoned in PRC on January 12, 1953. As a result, the airmen were released on July 31, 1955, five days after the Tuapse seamen. The article is based on the US State Department and the CIA’s declassified archives, as well as the materials of the related Russian and international press.”.

On the example of the education system reform in the USA in the second half of the XX century the article actualizes the role of philosophical knowledge in the educational tradition and considers the fundamental importance of the humanitarian paradigm in building long-term educational strategies subordinated to the national interests of the state. The author points to the destructive trends in the modern educational system and, in particular, to the pragmatization of the philosophy of education, which loses the conceptual continuity of the onto-pedagogical and ethical traditions against the background of the global socio-cultural crisis and the crisis of fundamental humanitarian knowledge. The paper emphasizes the key role of long-term educational policy as one of the most important aspects of national security. It is shown that the most important "fruits" of emergent humanitarian initiatives in the twentieth century were enormous achievements in the field of science, education and culture, which led to the basic socio-cultural transformation of society, its positive "systemic effect", which gave a significant impetus to further state development.Consequently, the existence of humanitarian knowledge, its ethical and axiological categorical format in educational policy, is also able to revive the social reserve, to create the intention of civil initiative, to set national priorities in the field of scientific research, educational policy, culture in General.

Actuality of the research topiс. Strategic priorities of world labor market development in the first quarter of the 21st century are shaped under the impact of a range of multidirectional actions factors – from globalization and respect for the open economy principle by majority of the world countries to neoprotectionism which is becoming more widespread in foreign economic policy of developed countries of the world. Each country which observes the market-based principles is closely linked to the world labor market via labor force resource and labor migration processes. These ties are constantly strengthening as countries obey international law, consider international labor market regulatory mechanisms in their national governance practice, and introduce the best world examples of institutional support for employment, unemployment reduction, labor migration regulation and counteracting all forms of discrimination at labor market. Respect for strategic priorities of world labor market development is of actual importance for all world countries, including Ukraine which for the last five years has significantly expanded labor migration flows and become the active participant of world labor market. Analysis of recent research and publications. Considerable contribution to the study of current situation and defining the newest world labor market development trends in the 21st century was made by profound Ukrainian scholars like A.Philippenko, O.Hrishnova, O.Malinovs’ka, E.Libanova, A.Dembitska and others. Among the foreign scientists who researched the core and main patterns of world labor market development within globalization we should mention G. Borjas, Y. Jansen, R. Celikates, J. de Bloois, A. Zolberg, E.Meyers, P. Wickramasekara, A. Zogata-Kusz etc. Extraction of unexplored parts of a common problem. Scope of the study into the core and constituencies of world labor market are pretty fully highlighted in the world economic literature. Yet, to define strategic priorities of world labor market development it is especially important to study the impact of institutional and organizational and economic tools of international organizations activity on world labor market regulation and development. This issue is an important component of international economic relations. Statement of the research purpose and tasks. The purpose of the study is to examine commonality and define strategic priorities of world labor market development in the 21st century. To achieve it the following tasks are set and resolved in the article: - to research the factors affecting world labor market reforming and defining the priorities of its development; - to research institutional and legal, organizational and economic mechanisms of international organizations impact on regulation and unification, defining strategic priorities of world labor market development; - to reveal the newest trends of world labor market development which are shaped under structural and innovative changes, countries’ transition to ‘Industry 4.0’, as well as under impact of labor migration processes. Method or methodology of the research. While defining strategic priorities of world labor market development a set of theoretical and empirical scientific research methods are used. Revealing institutional factors affecting world labor market development, historical and logical methods, methods of synthesis and analysis, abstract and specific methods, and cause-effect method are used. To research the impact of institutional and legal, organizational and economic mechanisms on world labor market historical and logical methods, methods of induction and deduction, methods of classification and generalization are employed. Whereas methods of synergy and expert estimates, casual method are used to justify the innovational processes and labor migration impact on shaping strategic priorities of world labor market development. Presentation of the main material (research results). World labor market is a complex economic system modified under dynamics of supply and demand for labor resources at the world market; under the impact of labor force price charges specificity, terms and pay level formation, as well as social security peculiar nature; qualitative and quantitative mobility and placement of labor force in different world countries; differences in national approaches to labor force reproduction, their professional training and qualification improvement. Within globalization national labor markets lose their closeness and remoteness, becoming constituent part of world labor market. Strategic priorities of world labor market development are shaped under the impact of a range of multidirectional actions factors: globalization and national economy openness, neoprotectionism, structural and innovational changes in world economy, countries’ transition to ‘Industry 4.0’. It occurs due to labor migration activization and enhancing the role of international organizations as coordinators of international economic relations development. Strategic priorities of world labor market development are strongly affected by the international organizations which set standard rules of the game for all countries of the world both at local and world labor markets. Among the priorities the following ones are particularly important: protecting the rights of the employed, unification of system of remuneration and taxation, establishing social guarantees and social security, procedures of admission and dismissal, preventing all forms of discrimination and legal employment. Transition to a 4-day working week is of reality for developed countries of the world. Working terms under freelance system are standardized, as well as for those who work from home in services and within the norms of creative economy. The 21st century faces the growth of labor force mobility, unification of labor migrants’ rights security, labor standards and salary conditions, guaranteeing labor migrants’ social protection. Institutional and legal, as well as organizational and economic security of national labor markets of the world countries is gradually harmonized and unified with world standards implemented by international organizations. International organizations shape the newest trends of world labor market reforms. Organizational forms of world labor market in the 21st century include elaboration and adoption of institutional and legal norms of world labor market development provision; indicative planning (forecasting); defining strategic priorities and long-term purposes of world labor market development; administrative regulatory methods (including fines, penalties, licenses and sanctions). The role of international institutional and financial assistance is growing via consultations, forums, technical aid and recommendations, as well as target-projected financing, grants, free humanitarian and other financial assistance. World labor market is a subject to regular international monitoring, system of international control on the development aimed at prevention all forms of discrimination, human rights and freedoms violation (including labor force and employees), child exploitation and human trade at the world labor market. Strategic priorities of world labor market reforms involve measures directed at employment legalization, preventing human trade and illegal labor force exploitation, avoiding child labor exploitation, preventing all forms of discrimination and ‘shadow economy’ features in recruitment and income generation, protection of employees and labor migrants’ rights and freedoms at world labor market. Reforming Ukrainian labor market as a part of world labor market demands for such strategic priorities as implementation of international standards on the employees’ rights security in Ukraine, pay rise in accordance with EU countries standards, prevention of discrimination and ‘shadow economy’ features at labor market, legalization of employers’ and employees’ income, protection of their rights and freedoms, social securing of their guarantees, as well as the ones for employed migrants working at Ukrainian labor market and Ukrainian labor migrants abroad. The field of the results application. International economic relations and world market. Conclusions according to the article. Trends of world labor market development are correlated with general trends and directions of economic cycle stages (recession, depression, growth and peak), whereas depending on demographical situation in the country and the world, character and dimension of countries’ economy structural transformation and integrational world countries grouping. Basic trends of world labor market development in the 2010s include system of remuneration reforming, moving to general growth in pay rise while freezing substantial discrepancies in wages and salaries between developed and developing countries of the world. The essential trend of world labor market is activization of labor migration processes both at the markets of developed and developing countries. Labor migration in the 21st century is mostly of legal official character, though their segments alter towards growth in demand for labor force at the EU and Asian markets. The demand for highly skilled professionals whose activity is close to innovations is rising dynamically at the world labor market.

Currently U.S.-UK cooperation in the UN does no attract as much attention as it deserves. Despite a conspicuous disparity in the countries’ military and economic might, they have maintained close ties for more than seventy years, which inevitably affects their position in the UN. The allies’ role in the 2003 invasion of Iraq cast suspicion on their activities in the organization. In the early 21st century, the UN itself was faced with a number of challenges, such as terrorism and regional conflicts; U.S. frustration with its effectiveness led to some reform efforts.Covering the years 2001 – 2017, the article consists of three parts. The first part focuses on quantitative and qualitative parameters determining the U.S.’s and the UK’s roles in the UN and compares their approaches to it. The second part discusses the activity of American and British permanent representatives to the UN, based on their memoirs and interviews. The third part analyses some examples of cooperation and competition in the UN. The list of examples is illustrative rather than comprehensive given the existence of the special relationship.The analysis of U.S.-UK cooperation in the UN reveals its ambiguous nature, but it does not serve to debunk the myth of the special relationship. The cooperation is largely pragmatic.

In the article we examine relevant problems regarding human rights on roads with arising digitalized processes. The problems cover three aspects. First, are the rights of drivers, passengers, and impaired individuals who use digitalized management systems while on the roads. Second, is the protection of the rights of those who are dismissed from driving the public transport with digitalized management systems. Third, is the potential danger to the society from economic outcomes of further digitalization. In the end, the article gives a comprehensive argument about the importance of securing human rights on the roads as it was brought up to our attention by the United Nations.Following the afore mentioned aspects of the problem, the article derives hypothetical solutions regarding human rights of road users with arising digitalized process. First of all, it remains essential to reinforce drivers’ rules on the roads. Next, safety of pedestrians, people who are travelling on foot, needs to be ensured since they are worse off in case of an emergency on the roads. Finally, it is a special focus on ensuring the rights of persons with disabilities. The latter applies not only to the drivers and pedestrians, but also to passengers with disabilities who use the means of urban ground transportation.

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Issues of sustainable development (SD) have been attracting attention of the global community since 1980, when certain international organizations presented initial provisions of the concept to the world opinion. Furthermore, the idea of sustainable development was institutionalized in a wide range of international documents, the main of which was the “2030 Agenda for sustainable development”, adopted by the UN in 2015. The 2030 Agenda put forward goals for the world community to achieve SD for the next 15 years. China began to attach special significance to the SD idea from the beginning of the 1990s: at that time, it took a clear official stance on the usefulness of the concept and recognized it as a doctrinal support for its foreign and domestic policy. However, in the political science literature, China's position on SD is not often considered. This article highlights current approaches of the PRC to the theory and practice of SD, attempts to reveal their specifics, argues for the special timeliness of the concept for the PRC, and analyzes achievements of China in the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in a number of areas. Also in the context of the SD concept, the author examines the current international situation, which is toughly influenced by the global crisis, aggravated due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper also touches on the dynamics of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) (interpreted by Beijing as a mechanism and vector of sustainable development) in the context of the coronavirus events. In particular, the author concludes, that Beijing's efforts to provide an “institutional guarantee” for the implementation of the 2030 Agenda in China by creating specialized “institutions and mechanisms” have no world precedents. Another conclusion is stipulated by the willingness of the PRC to see a language of global communication used in the construction of a more progressive world order in the SD concept. In light of this, the author draws attention to the “roll call” of the Chinese doctrine of the community of the common destiny of mankind (CCDM) and the concept of sustainable development. The author suggests that China intends to lead not only the construction of the CCDM, but also the implementation of the SD doctrine. Finally, the author concludes that China has managed to make real progress on the path of sustainable development and even contributed to relevant world processes. Another conclusion is that the current global economic downturn, however, may result in new SD opportunities for China (also listed in the article).

Aim. Analysis of some speeches of Permanent representatives of the Russian Federation to the UN Security Council from the view of linguoaxiology and quantitative linguistics for revealing formal and axilogic characteristics of speeches, on the one hand, and the pragmatic extralinguistic purposes of the speeches on the other.Methodology. The article considers the axiological approach to texts in general and ways of expressing evaluation in diplomatic speeches, linguistic and conceptual problems arising from the interpretation of evaluation words and constructions in the perception of diplomatic discourse texts. The study is conducted by computer content analysis. The sample of speeches by S.V. Lavrov from the archive of the UN Security Council was studied by means of computer content analysis, a concordance was obtained for each text of the speech, allowing semantic and linguo-axiological analysis, followed by lemmatization of word forms and a list of hyperlexemes.Results. The conclusion is made about the degree of evaluative emotion of speeches in the UN Security Council, the use of communicative strategies and tactics to achieve the pragmatic goal of resolving complex conflict issues within the framework of diplomatic discourse.Research implications. The suggested analysis algorithm allows processing of the big text files of speeches for consecutive studying a diplomatic discourse of long periods of time. In the final part of the article views on other ways of text computer research, in particular, automated sentiment-analysis, for more full and objective analysis of diplomatic discourse are formulated.

The article is about the history of US involvement in the Korean War (1950–1953) in the middle of summer 1950. This problem is considered as a prototype of Washington’s general approach to the organization of diplomatic support for its intervention in local conflicts. Research is based on published and unpublished documents of the diplomatic departments of the USSR and the USA, declassified CIA materials and memoirs of direct participants of the events.A convenient instrument for legitimizing US interference in the conflict was the UN Security Council. Washington’s actions were justified by its resolutions adopted thanks to a boycott of the UN SC by the Soviet representative. At the same time, the history of local conflicts of the 20th and 21st centuries show that the US can use other rather weak excuses for military interventions.Along with legitimization of intervention, in the early days of the Korean War, American diplomacy worked on localization of the conflict, isolation of the theater of war, formed an UN based international coalition to participate in war, neutralized Washington’s political opponents in the international arena, and coordinated assistance to Republic of Korea. The US State Department and intelligence agencies usually perform these functions in support of armed interventions in conflicts in various regions of the world today.The content of Washington’s reaction to the situation in Korea illustrates another important feature of US foreign policy, which still remains relevant today – the rejection of any deals with violators of the US-established world order, even in the initially unfavorable military and political conditions. Washington did not refuse to negotiate a truce, but even in the conditions of catastrophic defeats of the South Korean army, a peace dialogue could be started only after the restoration of the status quo.

The article covers the negotiation process between USSR, USA and UK representatives during Dumbarton Oaks and Yalta (Crimean) conferences. The decisions made on these conferences led to the establishment of the core element of the post-war international system - the United Nations Organization. The road towards its establishment was a very difficult one. The issue on the future Security Council voting procedure indisputable cases, along with the issue on the initial UN members, notably, the participation of the USSR republics as separate UN members are covered in this article. The basis of the present UN lies in Dumbarton Oaks and Yalta conferences, as well as the roots of its strengths and weaknesses. Nowadays, the problem of UN structures urgent reform, including Security Council reform is on the world’s agenda. In such situation, a clear comprehension of the historical background of the UN structures formation is essential. Without the reform, the UN can not ensure the effectiveness of its structures in modern context.

The article basing on the international law and international standards considers issues of spreading intolerance, xenophobia and racial discrimination. The latter evils and related intolerance often provoke radicalism and extremism in the modern world, trigger separatism and threaten the stability of many European countries. The author compares the situations in France, Germany, Great Britain, including issues of the immigration and citizenship policies, measures of immigrant integration.

The article discusses the activities of the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in solving the food program. The organization cooperates extensively with a number of international agricultural organizations and institutions. The main attention is given to FAO’s work with the UN system: (ECOSOC, ILO (International Labour Organization), WHO, UNDP (Food Program Development), UNESCO, UNEP (United Nations Environment Programme), UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organization), UNCTAD (Conference on Trade and Development), UNICEF (UN Children’s Fund), economic Commission for Europe etc.

The article analyzes main trends in the work of the UN Security Council on the Syrian issues. The author notes that the interaction of the Security Council members fully reflected the modern development of international relations, related to its transformation towards polycentricism. This process is associated with a reduction in the ability of the US to use the UN Security Council to conduct its own narrow-conjuncture policy, with the growing influence of new centers of power, primarily Russia and China. Those actors are ready to uphold the principle of inadmissibility of using the UN Security Council to interfere in the internal affairs of states in order to change regimes. To counter this trend, Washington and its allies pursued a policy of pressure on Moscow, trying to force it to abandon an independent course toward Syria. At the same time, the thesis of the “paralysis” of the UN Security Council with reference to the conflict in Syria was actively used because of Russia’s position. Simultaneously, Russian initiatives in the UN Security Council aimed at de-escalating the situation and launching an inter-Syrian dialogue were rejected. Nevertheless, the consistent position of Russia and China forced the West to gradually realize the non-alternative search for common denominators on the Syrian issue as well as collective partnership efforts to find measures to end the conflict. As a result, it became possible to adopt a number of decisions of the UN Security Council concerning various aspects of the settlement of the crisis. The main principles of the settlement, negotiating formats for the participants in the conflict and external players were agreed upon. Thus, it was the interaction in Syria that gave the UN Security Council the opportunity to become the embodiment and guarantor of a multipolar world, a platform for harmonizing approaches on an equitable collective basis in a changing world.

Turkey as a new player in Africa has appeared with the collapse of the bipolar system. Having proclaimed to build a multi-vector policy, Ankara consistently implements the set strategy, which has the character of a comprehensive and long-term program and involves the intensifi cation of cooperation with African countries in the political, economic and humanitarian spheres. Turkey systematically promotes its political line in the region and has the support of infl uential African elites in many countries of the continent. At the same time the ruling Justice and Development Party, helping to strengthen the economic positions of Turkish businessmen abroad, successfully copes with resolving problems of domestic policy by increasing the export of Turkish goods, spreading the idea of «moderate Islam» on the whole continent. Projects in the humanitarian field that are implemented by the Turkish government and nongovernmental organizations are also successful. However, there are series of tactical complexities associated with the aggravation of the previous and the emergence of new problems caused by various factors of political, economic and ideological origins. Nevertheless, Ankara is suggested to continue its attempts to conduct an active policy aimed at the conquest of regional leadership and strengthening its presence in Africa in the future.