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ABSTRACT – This study assesses the visibility of BRICS, its member states, and associated themes within the Brazilian-mediated public sphere. The theoretical framework centers on the role of journalism in monitoring foreign systems through foreign news coverage. Additionally, we consider the traditional structure of foreign reporting to discuss the potential factors shaping the media salience of the BRICS constellation. By conducting a quantitative and longitudinal (2011-2019) content analysis, we examined 1,451 articles from the newspapers O Estado de S. Paulo and O Globo. The Brazilian press primarily discusses global powers, crisis regions, neighboring states, and Brazil’s key trade partners. China (5.1%) receives the most coverage among BRICS countries, likely due to its geopolitical power and strong economic ties with Brazil. Russia-related issues (4.1%), particularly those involving security and justice, also receive considerable focus. Conversely, Indian (1%) and South African (0.8%) issues receive noticeably less coverage. The BRICS bloc itself exhibits relatively low visibility, potentially hindering its recognition among the Brazilian public. RESUMO – Este estudo avalia o grau de visibilidade do grupo BRICS, de seus estados membros e dos temas a eles relacionados dentro da esfera pública brasileira. O arcabouço teórico centra-se no papel do jornalismo em monitorar sistemas estrangeiros por meio de coberturas internacionais. Além disso, consideramos a estrutura tradicional do jornalismo internacional para discutir os possíveis fatores que moldam a visibilidade midiática dos países do BRICS. A partir de uma análise de conteúdo quantitativa e longitudinal (2011-2019), examinamos 1.451 matérias publicadas pelos jornais O Estado de S. Paulo e O Globo. A imprensa brasileira discute, principalmente, potências globais, países em crise, estados vizinhos e os principais parceiros comerciais do Brasil. A China (5.1%) é o país dos BRICS com mais visibilidade, provavelmente devido ao seu poderio geopolítico e fortes laços econômicos com o Brasil. Questões relacionadas à Rússia (4.1%), especialmente aquelas envolvendo segurança e justiça, também recebem foco considerável. Temas envolvendo a Índia (1%) e a África do Sul (0.8%) recebem significativamente menos atenção midiática. O próprio bloco BRICS exibe uma visibilidade relativamente baixa, o que pode dificultar o seu reconhecimento entre o público brasileiro. RESUMEN – Este estudio evalúa el grado de visibilidad del grupo BRICS, sus estados miembros y los temas relacionados con ellos dentro de la esfera pública brasileña. El marco teórico se centra en el papel del periodismo en el monitoreo de sistemas extranjeros a través de la cobertura internacional. Además, se considera la estructura tradicional del periodismo internacional para discutir los posibles factores que dan forma a la visibilidad mediática de los países del BRICS. Mediante un análisis de contenido cuantitativo y longitudinal, se examinaron 1.451 artículos publicados por los periódicos O Estado de S. Paulo y O Globo. La prensa brasileña discute principalmente potencias globales, países en crisis, estados vecinos y principales socios comerciales. China (5.1%) es el país del BRICS con mayor visibilidad, probablemente debido a su poder geopolítico y fuertes lazos económicos con Brasil Los temas relacionados con Rusia (4.1%), las relacionadas con la seguridad y la justicia, también reciben una atención considerable. Los temas relacionados con la India (1%) y Sudáfrica (0.8%) reciben significativamente menos atención. El propio bloque BRICS exhibe una visibilidad relativamente baja, lo que puede dificultar su reconocimiento entre el público brasileño.

O objetivo principal deste trabalho é desenvolver uma investigação empírica sobre a ocorrência de uma crise sanitária com dados de morte e casos de Covid-19 e seus possíveis impactos na volatilidade cambial para os Brics, com dados diários de 20 de fevereiro de 2020 até 28 de fevereiro de 2022 utilizando modelos ARDL, MQO modificado e MQO dinâmico. Os resultados apontam que o aumento no número de casos e mortes confirmados está associado a menores níveis de volati-lidade cambial, indicando que houve ineficiência das políticas monetárias e fis-cais no cenário de crise sanitária generalizada em direcionar fluxos de capitais, e, como a crise da Covid-19 é global, durante o período analisado, ocorreu uma maior estabilidade cambial, ou seja, uma menor volatilidade cambial.

Este artigo analisa a transformação geopolítica e econômica impulsionada pelo BRICS e sua expansão para o BRICS+. O BRICS, formado por economias emergentes e influenciado pelo relatório do Goldman Sachs, criou o New Development Bank (NDB) e o Arranjo de Contingente de Reservas (CRA) como alternativas ao Banco Mundial e ao FMI. A cooperação entre Rússia e China se intensificou após as sanções ocidentais e a guerra na Ucrânia. O artigo também discute a desigualdade social dentro do BRICS+ e os limites do bloco em enfrentar a Nova Ordem Mundial e o imperialismo. Conclui-se que o BRICS+ ainda opera dentro dos limites do capitalismo global, oferecendo poucas soluções substanciais para os desafios da exploração laboral e ambiental.

El presente artículo tiene por objetivo analizar las motivaciones que impulsaron el inicio de un proceso de ampliación de BRICS, considerando tanto a sus estados fundadores como a aquellos que aspiraban al ingreso y que, posteriormente, fueron invitados a sumarse a este grupo. De este modo, se busca contribuir al conocimiento de un bloque de países que se ha tornado crucial para el entendimiento de la actual política internacional. Desde un punto de vista metodológico, el trabajo recurre a una metodología de investigación interpretativa, con un alto contenido descriptivo y analítico, concentrándose en el tratamiento de dos variables: motivaciones de los estados miembros y motivaciones de estados no miembros. El estudio se concentra en los seis candidatos que fueron formalmente invitados a sumarse al bloque durante la XV Cumbre anual realizada en Sudáfrica en agosto de 2023: Argentina, Egipto, Etiopía, Arabia Saudita, Irán y Emiratos Árabes Unidos. El trabajo concluye que las motivaciones que impulsaron tanto a miembros plenos como aspirantes conjugaron razones económico-financieras con consideraciones geopolíticas, con un peso diferencial de cada una de estas variables en los distintos casos de estudio aquí contemplados y en el marco de un orden internacional de alineamientos complejos.

Este artículo identifica y explica los factores fundamentales del declive relativo de la hegemonía de los Estados Unidos de América en el sistema internacional de Estados: la agudización de las contradicciones inherentes del sistema capitalista; la polarización de su política doméstica; la pérdida de confianza en su gobierno; el decrecimiento económico; la pérdida de cuotas de influencia, incluido por el ascenso de potencias emergentes, como China, o de bloques como el BRICS; el rechazo abrumador al orden internacional actual y los intentos por contrarrestar la hegemonía del dólar. Se ejemplifican las áreas en las que se evidencia la disminución del poderío estadounidense. Se analiza como su impacto más visible, el ascenso de China en la región de América Latina y el Caribe. A modo de conclusión queda recogido que el declive relativo de la hegemonía de EE.UU. no significa que esta ha llegado a su fin. El ascenso de China y los BRICS como nuevos actores emergentes no amenaza la hegemonía de EE.UU. en la región. De lo que se trata, a largo plazo, es de un cambio más acentuado en la correlación internacional de fuerzas, que se expresará en una nueva distribución del poder en el hemisferio occidental.

ABSTRACT One of our era’s greatest menaces is pollution, particularly air pollution, on account of its negative impact on climate change which has greatly influenced morbidity, mortality, and has a devastating effect on health. Pollution and its impact on health is a major substratum of economic growth because it tends to have a crippling effect on the economy of countries that have overindulged in pollution-causing activities. Pollution-prone countries are countries that are known to dominate the manufacture and supply of goods, services, and raw materials and countries whose growth models are based on the availability of natural resources and their products. A perfect example of these types of countries is the group called the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa). In this study, the mixed-method methodology was utilized in acquiring and analyzing secondary data on the economic growth and pollution in the BRICS countries, and case studies on the impact of pollution in certain parts of these countries were explored. The result of all the investigations showed that the creation of the NDB helped to preclude the “state of dependency” described by Andre Gunder Frank. We discovered that the high growth rate of the BRICS countries has had a negative impact on environmental quality over the years, industrialization and urbanization being the major factors influencing the growth rate.

Dos de los objetivos cardinales de la XV Cumbre del BRICS fueron la expansión del grupo y la desdolarización de la economía mundial, incluida la promoción de monedas locales en el comercio intra-bloque. En estas aspiraciones, juega un rol fundamental la incorporación de Arabia Saudita a la agrupación. En este sentido, esta tendría importantes implicaciones comerciales y financieras, incluyendo una posible reconfiguración en la geopolítica de la energía, la desdolarización del comercio de petróleo y gas y el fortalecimiento del Nuevo Banco de Desarrollo. Esto abriría nuevas oportunidades para el bloque y contribuiría a su papel en la transformación del orden mundial hacia la multipolaridad.

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Copyright of Revista Jurídica (0103-3506) is the property of Revista Juridica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As we look at the scope of action of the new institutions created by the global South, we can glimpse the outline of an expanding multilateral political project. The process of creating norms and institutions through South-South cooperation (SSC) has become crucial for the future survival of developing countries, whether it is material, practical or political. In this context, this article analyzes SSC from the perspective of its role in contesting norms and competing for resources, focusing on the recent construction of a relevant institution for tackling global health challenges: the BRICS Vaccine Research and Development Center. It will be seen that, although it is part of a fragmented political initiative, the enlarging of the spaces available for action in the developing world is a tool for managing interests and increasing the decision-making power of these countries, whose future depends as much on their political support as on their financial contribution.

Resumo Este artigo aborda a participação do BRICS na produção e distribuição de vacinas contra covid-19 durante 2020 e 2021, e o compromisso com a priorização do acesso aos países do Sul Global. Faz, ainda, uma reflexão sobre como o grupo lidou com os desafios do compartilhamento de tecnologias e do empoderamento econômico dos países periféricos, sinalizando a disputa de espaço entre a diplomacia da vacina e os interesses econômicos das nações. A análise se deu com base em relatórios institucionais, dados documentais jornalísticos e científicos, e no diálogo destes com os conhecimentos da Diplomacia da Saúde e da Cooperação Internacional em Saúde, demonstrando a complexidade e os desafios do mundo após o surgimento do vírus SARS-CoV-2 e suas variantes.

El ascenso de los países BRICS es, sin dudas, el relato de la pérdida de la hegemonía de Estados Unidos, pero también, la historia de la respuesta del imperio, a veces calculada y otras precipitada, para intentar detener su inevitable decadencia. Estamos siendo testigos del nacimiento del denominado sistema internacional multipolar, desde la más profunda unipolaridad que significó la década del 90 del siglo XX. Esta es una batalla geopolítica y geoeconómica, en la cual Estados Unidos intenta fomentar las divisiones entre los países BRICS y descarrilar su ascenso económico, en un ejercicio cada vez más temerario y peligroso para la seguridad internacional, con el objetivo de evitar su propio declive. En tal contexto, el presente artículo tiene como objetivo caracterizar la situación económica y sanitaria de los países BRICS a finales de 2021 e inicios de 2022 y analizar brevemente la respuesta estos países al inicio del conflicto entre Rusia y Ucrania.

The New Development Bank (NDB) has not yet received the attention it deserves in the development community. On the one hand, this lack of attention could be partially explained by its short existence. On the other hand, in its first five years of operations, the bank consolidated as a source of development finance in the bloc by claiming originality from the traditional multilateral development bank (MDB) business model. In this sense, the research gap on the bank points to a miscommunication between the NDB’s claims of originality and its engagement with the extended development community. Addressing the “new in the NDB” to consolidate it as a full member of the community, this paper analyses the bank’s very first operations to understand the possibilities of the NDB to position itself as a mission-oriented institution to finance the ecological transition in the BRICS countries by partnering up with local actors and institutions committed to public value. To understand these opportunities, this paper sheds light on five selected NDB projects and their engagement with the local sustainable development agendas. Studied together, the case studies provide important lessons on the bank’s approach to achieve its newness, but do not pretend to evaluate the whole of its first five years of operations – which should be tackled by further research. The paper concludes by suggesting a mission roadmap for the bank to consider in its corporate strategy. This implies a perspective shift from its current narrow focus on sustainable infrastructure investment by partnering up with local actors of the extended BRICS development community. For that matter, a shared commitment to strong sustainability and public value is required when connecting the bank’s operations with the country-specific challenges for the ecological transition.

Diante das transformações matriciais da política externa brasileira nos últimos anos, o objetivo do presente trabalho é analisar as rupturas e continuidades discursivas na política externa brasileira para o BRICS (Brasil, Rússia, China, Índia, África do Sul). A metodologia empregada consiste na análise dos pronunciamentos do governo Brasileiro na Assembléia Geral da Organização das Nações Unidas (AGNU) e nas Cúpulas dos BRICS, bem como análise das declarações finais das referidas cúpulas. Concluiu-se que houve um afastamento brasileiro da defesa do multilateralismo, da cooperação sul-sul e da multipolaridade, distanciando sua agenda externa dos demais países emergentes do BRICS e evidenciando que a matriz de inserção internacional do Brasil nos governos de Michel Temer (2016 - 2018) e Jair Bolsonaro (desde 2019) é diferente daquela vigente nos governos de Lula da Silva (2003-2010) e Dilma Rousseff (2011-2016).

O Banco Mundial e o FMI são instituições financeiras tradicionais e centrais da história recente. Entretanto, algumas pautas como a falta de gestão democrática, o descaso ao meio ambiente e, as políticas desproporcionais de poder, fizeram com que países em desenvolvimento buscassem outros instrumentos para se inserirem neste campo. Uma das alternativas, foi a formação de bancos de desenvolvimento, como é o caso do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento (NBD), criado pelo BRICS em 2014. O NBD é o foco deste trabalho, o qual analisa sua possível viabilidade como uma alternativa à influência ocidental no mercado financeiro. Para tanto, são utilizadas as contribuições de autores como Immanuel Wallerstein e Giovanni Arrighi, na perspectiva de entendimento das transformações do atual capitalismo e da geopolítica econômica. Pode-se averiguar ao longo do trabalho, que o NBD, em poucos anos, aprovou e executou diversos projetos, voltados para as áreas de energia, transporte, infraestrutura social e urbana, proteção do meio ambiente e saúde pública. O aumento de sua importância pode viabilizar um novo cenário frente aos centros financeiros tradicionais, a despeito das inúmeras assimetrias sistêmicas existentes.

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RESUMO O argumento central do artigo é de que os países do BRICS vinham consolidando e ampliando sua cooperação na área da saúde, na qual há importantes complementaridades, que, ao atuarem coordenadamente, contribuem para instalar novas dinâmicas de poder no campo da saúde internacional que desafiam interesses dos Estados e suas empresas transnacionais que concentram esse mercado, especialmente no cenário de pandemia global. O setor saúde é abordado de forma ampla, mas com foco especial na indústria farmacêutica, setor considerado político-estratégico por ser fundamental para a estabilidade política, desenvolvimento socioeconômico e segurança nacional. O artigo apresenta considerações sobre a estratégia estadunidense de segurança nacional no que se refere à saúde. Em seguida trata das vulnerabilidades e potencialidades de cooperação em saúde dos países do BRICS em termos de mercado e acesso universal à saúde, acesso a tecnologias e combate a doenças negligenciadas, relação do Bloco com a governança global em saúde, e finalmente do contexto pandêmico e da geopolítica da vacina. O texto se apoia em informações e dados de instituições especializadas em saúde, documentos de governos ou dos BRICS, e bibliografia de autores especialistas em saúde global.

O objetivo do estudo foi apresentar uma análise de acesso e divulgação de informação da COVID-19 nos países BRICS. Foi feita abordagem de checklist de avaliação de usabilidade nos websites governamentais para atendimento ao Plano Estratégico de Preparação e Resposta definido pela World Health Organization do ano de 2020, contemplando 05 dimensões de questionamentos e procedendo análise no mínimo em 26 websites, com diversos formatos de informação. Conforme resultados emanados, os países BRICS sustentam índices adequados de divulgação de combate à COVID-19, tendo facilidade de acesso em grande parte das comunicações de saúde pertinentes à gestão de crise existente, e a China apresenta o melhor índice de atendimento ao checklist elaborado. Não houve nenhum país que tenha obtido 100% de atendimento em cada uma das dimensões traçadas o que denota a necessidade de aprimorar e/ou proceder a efetiva divulgação de ações de respostas elaboradas pelo país para que o direito à informação seja mais democrático. As conclusões são que a análise por meio de abordagem do checklist elaborado denota o papel preponderante dos serviços de governo eletrônico, possibilitando respostas mais eficazes no combate a emergência da pandemia, com resultados similares ao que consta no Índice de Desenvolvimento de Governo Eletrônico.

Abstract Globally, policy environments have become increasingly more complex with the growth in the number of wicked problems, such as that posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. In their response to these problems, public administrations have, from necessity, become heavily reliant on their intergovernmental relations systems, as the challenges posed generally require multilevel responses. This paper analyzes the role of intergovernmental relations in shaping the responses of the BRICS countries when confronted with COVID-19. We develop an analytical framework to understand the dynamics of intergovernmental relations in these countries. Based on this we assess the capacity of the state and political systems to manage intergovernmental relations and ensure effective responses to the COVID-19 crisis. This framework is based on an analysis of three dimensions of the policy domain: the political and state system, formal and informal institutions, and the political alignment between them. Whilst state and political systems were found to be instrumental in formulating an immediate response to the crisis, informal institutions and political processes also played a prominent role in determining the extent to which strategies were implemented, particularly in countries that are more decentralized. Countries lacking the robust formal institutions needed to facilitate intergovernmental relations and to ensure swift policy responses, tend to deliver ineffective and inefficient results when confronted with wicked problems.

Objective/Context: One major pillar of the world orders’ legitimacy is the existence and recognition of international norms and institutions. In the literature on International Relations, many studies call attention to the importance of these features in approaching such topics as (inter)national sovereignty, humanitarian crises, and military interventions. Since the dynamic of contemporary global power is changing due to the rise of new centres of power such as the BRICS countries, it is worth evaluating whether, and to what extent, these new actors will follow the same established norms or challenge them. In this article, we analyse the BRICS’s adherence or failure to adhere to the norms encompassed by the concept of “Responsibility to Protect” (R2P). Methodology: It is a comparative investigation, based on official documents and a qualitative analysis, and focuses on the period of 2005-2017. Conclusions: Our findings suggest that even though the BRICS group do not present a united front in this field, they have highlighted the divisions in the international approach to R2P as seen in two major initiatives, led by Brazil and China. Originality: We argue that Brazil´s “Responsibility while Protecting” (RwP) and China´s “Responsible Protection” (RP) mean that those countries can be classified as “active critics of the norms” of R2P, while the other members are either “active critics” or “active critics and implementers”.

Abstract This article seeks to contribute to the current disciplinary discussion about the BRICS from a neoinstitutionalist perspective. Here, we understand BRICS as an international institution which has deepened its technical-bureaucratic dynamics after the trust effect that was created from coordination and consistency experiences around aspects of the international economic agenda during the 2008/2009 economic-financial crisis. Therefore, our analytical proposal approaches the BRICS from its three institutional elements: its deliberation spaces; its information system; and its institutional incentive system. In summary, we consider that the proposed approach will allow us to understand in greater detail what institutional factors and features affect the probability of reaching consensus and cooperation among the BRICS member countries, as well as to identify in greater detail the institutional particularities that differentiate the BRICS from similar institutional experiences.

Copyright of Mural Internacional is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The paper presents the current constitutional reform in Russia focusing on the constitutional amendment concerning the international case law. The amended article 79 of the Constitution of Russian Federation restricts the international case law applicability in Russia. There was no polemic around the draft of the constitutional amendment and this restriction was accepted by experts, politicians and public without any discussion. To certain extent this unanimous acceptance could be explained by general positivistic trend in Russia. The amendment is in line with the positivistic approach to the international law formed in Russia recently. The strategic documents on the cooperation within BRICS are scrutinized showing that the positivistic approach is in line with the strategies of Russia announced previously. Based on the general scientific methods and on the method of academic foresight the authors made the following conclusions. The constitutional reform regarding international law does not affect the BRICS documents directly and it does not go against the principles of BRICS cooperation announced by Russia. However, there are certain indirect implications. It is clear that the reform deepens divergences between the BRICS countries. The differences in the approaches to the human rights, certain ideological differences will become more acute within BRICS and there is a space for political use of these differences.

Analisando um panorama de mais de trezentas bienais internacionais de arte contemporânea em todo o globo alguns teóricos oferecem alternativas para entender o surgimento exponencial dessas megaexposições desde os anos 1990. Discuto, neste ensaio, as informações reunidas pelo periódico da Universidade de Zurique, OnCurating, face às proposições de classificação do historiador Anthony Gardner, para então sugerir que é preciso interpretar as bienais de arte com base em seus usos políticos, em vista dos recentes processos de globalização e do que o curador nigeriano Okwui Enwezor chamou de “vontade de globalidade”. Pretendo demonstrar que, ao se investigar as razões e os impactos das megaexposições de arte na contemporaneidade, os aspectos políticos que podem identificar cada uma delas devem ser apontados devido à genealogia ligada às relações internacionais. O argumento está apoiado inicialmente por quatro exemplos de bienais em diferentes partes do mundo, seguidos por um estudo sobre as edições de 2017 e 2019 da Bienal Internacional de Arte Contemporânea de Curitiba – duas exposições que homenagearam, respectivamente, a China e o grupo político BRICS. Por fim, concluo que os dois eventos realizados na capital paranaense foram pensados por seus organizadores como “agências de relações internacionais”, com propósito de favorecer a cooperação entre países no plano político e econômico, mas sobretudo de beneficiar a instituição promotora, ampliando tanto suas relações políticas quanto as diplomáticas, capazes de promover sua expansão espacial e financeira na busca por maior visibilidade global.

Between November 14 and 16, 2019, the XI BRICS Summit was held in Brasilia, which meant not only the tenth anniversary of the formal birth of the group, but also the eleventh consecutive Summit of leaders since the first meeting in Yekaterinburg, Russia, back in 2009. In this context, this article intends to review the main demands and demands of the BRICS block over these ten years, pointing out in the claims on the construction of a multipolar world order, the reform of global governance institutions and the need for a new international financial architecture. We frame the emergence of BRICS in a world that is going through a process of hegemonic historical - spatial transition, in which there is a change in the center of gravity of world power from the west to the east and from the north to the south. In this context, a set of emerging states begin to obtain greater autonomous decision-making capacity over their development policies, posing the challenge of building a new world order.

The article aims to analyze if there are convergences among BRICS members (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) regarding the reform of the international order. For this, the voting patterns of each member were analyzed in the resolutions of the United Nations General Assembly on the reform of the international order. The convergence of votes was interpreted on the basis of a comparison between the content of the resolutions and the BRICS summits´ statements. From the data collected and analyzed, it can be inferred that the BRICS countries have common interests for a reformed international order, in which they have more decision power (mainly in financial institutions).

The BRICS-led New Development Bank (NDB) stated commitment to infrastructure and sustainable development financing is perhaps the single-most important feature that differentiates it from other existing Multilateral Development Banks (MDBs). In the absence of a clear definition and criteria to qualify the very notion of “sustainable infrastructure”, however, it will be challenging for the NDB to designate infrastructure as sustainable and realize its vision around sustainable development. This paper argues that the NDB is presented with an opportunity to define sustainable infrastructure and pioneer a new approach to development financing. It further suggests that the NDB should look into developing public-private partnerships and regional integration projects as options going forward. This approach would equip the NDB with the necessary policy tools to fully articulate its mandate and carve out a niche for itself in the development finance landscape.

The BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa) were a landmark of the beginning of the 21st century and generated expectations of an alternative pole to the U.S-based world order. Although they have built different spaces for cooperation and common institutions in the last decade, the relationship among the BRICS countries is asymmetric, mainly due to China’s economic weight. This article aims to provide an overview of China’s investments in three other BRICS countries: Brazil, South Africa and India. Methodologically, we sought to show the main characteristics of Chinese investments by observing the following items: main companies and investment banks; investment volumes and main sectors; and participation of local government and private partner institutions. In addition, we have highlighted some programs and public policies that facilitate Chinese investment in each of these countries. Finally, we’ve tried to verify the existence or not of social, environmental and labor impacts that may be involved in these projects. In this sense, the article seeks to provide relevant aspects that allow us to identify similarities and differences in the economic relations of each of these countries with China. We present the synthesis of the results in the form of maps.

This paper analyzed the evolution, structure and intensity of non-tariff measures (NTMs) affecting the trade of agricultural products between the countries that make up the BRICS in the period from 1995 to 2018. The motivation lies in the importance that the NTMs have acquired after the years 70, mainly on agricultural products that, in general, are in the main activity of emerging countries. However, the literature presents a gap by not offering a quantitative analysis of NTMs in intra-BRICS trade. The frequency and coverage indicators and the prevalence score were the instruments used. The results show that the import of intra-group agricultural products has an incidence of NTMs greater than 90% at the end of the analyzed period, with Brazil and China reaching 100% for all product groups. The incidence increases in the period after the start of multilateral cooperation. While NTMs increase, agricultural imports are reduced by all countries, except for China. Cooperation in the agricultural market does not seem to translate into more friendly regulations and is fragile in terms of volume of trade.

BRICS will serve as a new engine of consumption-driven growth, in a way more dramatic and faster than many analysts expected. With impressive average growth rate in the past two decades, the BRICS became a powerful and prominent force in the global economy. To harness the gains BRICS nations have made, we should consider promoting cooperation for growth and development among the BRICS, and through dialogue with other like-minded partners. This paper argues that BRICS could consider market integration in the areas of trade, foreign investment and capital markets to counteract the effects of negative global trends and work towards more extensive consultation and closer cooperation in international economic and also poses recommendations for BRICS cooperation in key areas.

BRICS countries have emerged globally and achieved a greater role in promoting economic self-growth over the past years, but economic growth without addressing issues regarding social development can deep the existing social inequality within BRICS’ societies. This paper discuss how BRICS countries fare in comparative terms on their social indicators: i) social development; ii) education; iii) health; and iv) cultural development, since these indicators have all been identified as integral to BRICS cooperation in the social sphere.

This paper provides an overview about the challenges of multipolarity and globalization, focusing on various institutions of global governance, and how BRICS are making efforts to overcome them, considering the interests of the grouping in each as well as what positive changes could and are being brought about with respect to each.

Cooperation in science, technology and innovation is a theme that has been discussed by BRICS in the last few years for its relevance in the current international panorama of the 21st century. However, each country has shown itself to be different, in a matter of progress: some have excelled more successfully than others in each field of development. This paper presents the progress of BRICS cooperation in Science, Technology and Innovation over the years, highlighting each country’s development and also comparing the block’s improvement to other countries and blocks throughout the world. The analysis brings, in each section, possible pathways for BRICS in the discussed topics.

Since World War II, with global breakdowns and new world orders, one of the topics that have constantly worried several countries is global security. As countries have evolved and modernized over time, due to globalization, the international system has become increasingly polarized, and increasingly fragmented. However, in the current context, one of the goals of countries has been to prevent the collapse of the world’s most fundamental institutions and the dismantlement of world security governance. This paper focuses on BRICS actions towards the topic of global security, on how it should contribute on the maintenance of peace and security in the world, working in joint actions. The article also highlights the security management position of each constituent member of the bloc, showing possible pathways to protect and develop the BRICS.

In the last decade, some changes have occurred in the IDC landscape as developing countries started to assume a prominent role in a topic historically dominated by traditional donors. Among these new players, the BRICS deserve special attention. Using a descriptive and comparative methodology, we analyze the convergences and divergences among these countries regarding their IDC practices. In particular, we tried to answer the following question: How do the BRICS have performed on the IDC field in the last decade? Therefore, we analyzed this variable through four analytical dimensions i) the historical context, ii) the geopolitical context, iii) the institutional context, and iv) the domestic policy context. The general findings suggest that although their IDC policies present some commonalities, they manifest important differences, especially regarding the amount and scope of recipients, and adherence to DAC/OECD guidelines and terminologies.

Este artigo discute a realidade energética no âmbito dos BRICS, com especial atenção às energias renováveis. Sob tal perspectiva, o Brasil emerge com papel destacado na coalizão, sendo considerado um dos países mais descarbonizados do mundo, pioneiro em bioenergia e um dos líderes globais em geração eólica e hidrelétrica. Por outro lado, o carvão ocupa um espaço considerável na matriz energética da Áfri ca do Su l, China e Índia. Ademais, o bloco ainda conta com o maior produtor de petróleo cru do mundo: a Rússia. Levando em consideração as potencialidades e os desafios de cada país no tocante ao assunto, esta pesquisa se estrutura em torno de dois eixos principais: avaliar como as fontes renováveis permeiam os acordos bilaterais firmados pelo Brasil na área de energia com os “RICS”; e entender como o debate está caracterizado nas declarações conjuntas das cúpulas do bloco. A metodologia utilizada envolveu a construção de um banco de dados original, bem como a aplicação de técnicas de estatística descritiva e análise de conteúdo. Os resultados apontam que China e Rússia dominam, de longe, a pauta ene rg&eacut e;tica bilateral do Brasil com os RICS e que o governo Lula foi, desde a redemocratização, o mais ativo em termos de quantidades de atos internacionais referentes à energia firmados com esses parceiros. Os achados também indicam alguns pontos de intersecção entre as pautas bilaterais e as posições conjuntas adotadas nas declarações de cúpula, a despeito de não ter havido um aumento dos acordos sobre energia após o estabelecimento dos BRICS.

This paper analyses the ongoing transformations in the international monetary and financial system and the role played by the BRICS countries. It argues that while the changes the BRICS countries triggered have been marginal, because there was not a substantial change in the underlying power relations, these changes matter because they are forms of power. It looks into three areas where the group was relatively successful in challenging the system: (i) increasing their voice in major global economic forums (focusing on the IMF and the G20), (ii) creating new international financial institutions and (iii) influencing the IMF’s new institutional view on capital flows. It then discusses the limits of the BRICS’ monetary and financial power given their subordinated position in the currency hierarchy, China being the exception. Understanding the rise and limitations of the BRICS’ monetary and financial power is important because they challenge the existing theoretical framework to advance if it wants to understand how emerging market and developing economies, and the groupings formed by them, act in order to uphold their interests in a system which is rigid, hierarchical and still dominated by advanced economies.

This article investigates a challenge that China will face in the coming years: the geoeconomic consequences of rebalancing its growth regime. On the demand side, Chinese investment and exports give room for consumption, reducing imports of capital goods and increasing imports of consumption goods. On the production side, manufacturing loses ground to services. Yet, each regime implies different streams of commercial and investment flows, and patterns of influence, cooperation, and partnership. Thus, the spatial distribution of international trade and FDI must change, modifying economic linkages between China and its partners, like BRICS, and their bargaining power in the world economy. This study evaluates the trajectory of Chinese imports of goods and FDIs from other BRICS countries. In terms of trade, we assess the competitiveness of each country’s exports in relation to Chinese output. Regarding FDI flows, we consider the sectoral distribution of investments carried out by the largest Multinational Corporations (MNCs) from BRICS to assess likely changes. Our research suggests that the impacts of rebalancing on each BRICS country are mostly negative and asymmetrical, depending on the position of the latter in the international division of labor, shaped by the very geoeconomic influence of China.

Objetivo: Investigar la influencia de la internacionalización y de la innovación en la competitividad en empresas de los países BRICS que figuran en Nyse, desde la perspectiva de VBR. Método: De naturaleza descriptiva y enfoque cuantitativo, la investigación utiliza el test de diferencias entre medias, correlación y regresión lineal múltiple con datos en panel, para el análisis de datos de 2015 a 2017, de 64 empresas no financieras con sede en países BRICS enumerados en Nyse Principales resultados: Corroborando los hallazgos constatados en los testes de diferencias entre medias y correlación de Pearson, los resultados de la regresión indican que los indicadores de internacionalización y de innovación no ejercen influencia sobre la competitividad de las empresas. Sin embargo, se resalta que, en la presencia de estrategias de innovación, la rentabilidad se muestra relevante, denotando que, a mayor rentabilidad de la organización, menor será su poder de competitividad. Relevancia/originalidad: A pesar de que individualmente la internacionalización y la innovación son temas ampliamente discutidos en la literatura, es relevante que sean explorados en la perspectiva de la competitividad empresarial, puesto que son esenciales para el fortalecimiento de la economía y señalados como de gran valor organizacional. Igualmente, pocos estudios analizaron empíricamente la competitividad teniendo como proxy el índice de Herfindahl-Hirschman. Contribuciones teóricas/metodológicas: Se destaca la contribución del estudio al campo académico al ponderar la internacionalización y la innovación como métricas multidimensionales para análisis de la participación internacional de las empresas y de la adaptación estratégica de recursos como fuentes de ventaja competitiva.

The digital era highlights industrial advances, changes in the labor market, and in the educational system. This study investigates these factors through analytical indicators such as the workforce, education, and innovation in Brazil within a global context. It is a qualitative exploratory research that enables a reflection on the relations between the workforce and technological education for the skilled labor. The database used includes documentary data from the literature and data from census surveys in Brazil and abroad. Data indicate that Brazil is significantly delayed in the digital industry, human capital, and research – behind all the other BRICS countries (Russia, India, China and South Africa) in terms of innovation. About 11 million people aged 15–29 are not working and are not enrolled in high school, college, technical course, or vocational qualification. The number of students aged 15 to 19 years old attending technical courses is still around 9%. The network of national technical institutes is key for the rapid recomposition of the skilled labor with regard to industry. The Brazilian economy needs to grow to strengthen both the digital industry and research. Public policies need to heed the advice regarding the link between technical education and industry. This is equally important for the success of the Brazilian Agenda for Industry 4.0.

Abstract In order to measure the impact of the economic growth over the years, the sustainable development concept works to balance three pillars of sustainability - economic, social and environmental. This paper has the objective to compare emerging countries (BRICS) with the most developed countries (G7) by analysing sustainable development. Data Envelopment Analysis (DEA) was used, thorugh the variant SBM (Slacks Based Measured) model. The inputs were CO2 emission, percentage of unemployed and energy utilization. GDP and life expectancy at birth were used as outputs. The main result was a global average efficency ranking, having the emerging countries in top positions (India, China and Brazil, respectively). In addition, emerging countries have always stood out in the average of the slacks of each analyzed variable. These results are important in terms of being useful for public policies related to sustainable development, especially: (1) to contribute to the discussions related to evaluating the countries, helping to identify those with the best practices with regard to environmental, social and economic aspects in each group; and (2) to guide policy decisions regarding government incentives to promote the development of efficient countries in terms of economic growth and welfare social without harming the environment.

Ao longo das últimas décadas, o Brasil havia construído a imagem de uma nação emergente e progressista que passava, pouco a pouco, a exercer papel de liderança dentro do cenário político internacional. Neste artigo, efetuamos uma análise de conteúdo das cerimônias dos Jogos Olímpicos do Rio – realizadas em 2012 e em 2016 – revelando suas referências fragmentárias e mitos políticos. Em seguida, as comparamos com o posicionamento do atual governo com relação ao ambientalismo, ao multiculturalismo e à tolerância social. Desta maneira, ficou evidente que as representações do Brasil e dos brasileiros, expostas internacionalmente durante o governo Rousseff através das cerimônias olímpicas, diferem profundamente da imagem que o governo Bolsonaro buscou dar ao país a partir dos últimos anos da década de 2010. Apesar dos esforços de consecutivas administrações – sobretudo após a redemocratização, na década de 1980 – para transmitir a imagem de um Brasil emergente e progressista, crises políticas, a recessão econômica e, sobretudo, a vitória de um regime reacionário e antiambientalista nas eleições de 2018 colocaram em xeque tal narrativa nacional romantizada, revelando – internacionalmente e domesticamente – um país de contrastes, em que campos opostos competem pela nação como espaço sociopolítico e objeto simbólico.

Abstract The paper examines Brazilians’ attitudes toward the BRICS, verifying whether the soft balancing strategy finds support on public opinion, by using survey data from the Brazil, the Americas and the World Project. Results indicate that the attitudes toward the BRICS countries are similar to those toward other relevant partners. Moreover, attitudes toward the BRICS are not associated with a rejection of the US, which points to the possibility of soft-balancing having support in national public opinion.

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Resumo O artigo parte da tese de que o sistema capitalista global é intrinsecamente desigual. Esta tese é sustentada na concepção marxista e está presente nos trabalhos de Arrighi (1995), Marini (2000), Santos (2004) e Bambirra (2015), dentre outros autores. Os dados de base são os do desempenho das economias nacionais. Há uma problematização dessa tese no período mais recente pós-crise de 2008, pois existem trabalhos que sustentam que há mudança estrutural em favor das economias em desenvolvimento. Os elementos teóricos sistematizados no artigo corroboram a tese de que o sistema segue desigual, embora com mudanças na margem. Para mostrar isso com novos elementos, há uma segunda parte em que os dados sociais relacionados à Segurança Alimentar e Nutricional (SAN) são sistematizados para a região da América do Sul em comparação aos BRICS. Constata-se progresso social, porém os indicadores mostram uma situação ainda muito distante da realidade das economias desenvolvidas. O método utilizado neste artigo é o de Análise de Componentes Principais (ACP).

Abandonando a posição de expectadores, Brasil, Rússia, Índia, China e posteriormente a África do Sul decidiram aprofundar aquilo que antes era apenas uma sigla cunhada por um banco de investimentos e criar um agrupamento de concertação entre as principais economias em desenvolvimento do mundo, os BRICS. O grupo que parecia limitar-se ao uso da retórica ao pleitear reformas no sistema internacional, demonstrou em 2014 que com articulação e agência é possível que países tão diferentes alinhem seus interesses para alcançar um objetivo comum, um reformismo brando do sistema internacional. A cúpula de Fortaleza logrou em fundar as bases do Novo Banco de Desenvolvimento e do Arranjo Contingente de Reservas e de uma cooperação entre os BRICS e a UNASUL, tendo o Brasil como seu principal articulador. O artigo pretende analisar a forma como o Brasil percebe os BRICS como um foro propício para amplificar a cooperação para o desenvolvimento no Sul Global, tendo por base a pergunta: qual tipo de liderança o Brasil pretende exercer no Sul Global a partir dos BRICS?