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This paper examines the British debates about full membership in the European Monetary System (EMS) between 1985 and 1990, discussing how economic and identity narratives of money and currency impacted on EMS policy decisions and how they served as political arguments. The Federal Republic of Germany, which provided the informal reserve currency of the system, the Deutsche Mark, and was an important reference point for British policy makers, serves as point of comparison. From 1988, the British debate was politicised by the perspective of a European Economic and Monetary Union with the negotiations of the Delors Committee. At that point, the pound's function as a token of sovereignty and national identity moved to the centre. Divergent conceptions of money led Germany and the UK, two countries with similar economic policies, to adopt different attitudes to monetary integration. Thus, talking about money played a significant part in shaping British participation in European monetary integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper investigates the role of USA in promoting of economic order (Ordoliberalism) in Germany after the second world war and further its impact on the bottom- up process of Europeanization. Moreover, the United States of America as a modern federation has become an inspiration for European federation concepts. The main hypothesis is contained in the statement that the depart from the policy of order by the USA has been disastrous for international order. The consequence of this was financial and economic crisis, which further deepened the EU and EMU disorder. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European Governance is an important approach to the study of European Integration and the European Union. However, it falls short of offering a sound metaphor that gives the new polity a name for its political order. The approach is well suited for analyzing the European Union's political system, but it cannot describe the political community in the way that the term 'nation states' describes the member states. An ongoing debate discusses terms like 'empire' to offer an alternative description. The paper enters this debate by criticizing these metaphors and offering the figure of pilgrimage instead. The contribution is embedded in the debate of social science and cultural science approaches in European studies and the question of legitimacy and identity. Methodologically the paper draws heavily from Aleida Assmann's concept of memory and Habermas' concept of a postsecular society which is used to recall historical and religious terms to bring about new ways of offering meaning to the developing political community of Europeans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

On the occasion of the 55th anniversary of the Élysée Treaty this study deals with the historical development of Franco-German relations in the 20th century. The focus is on the historical models of rapprochement between the two nations. The author presents in detail the possibilities for cooperation in the interwar years (with a special focus on civil integration). This period may be considered one of the most intensive periods of the French-German reconciliation. Bases that the parties could build on after 1945 were founded as the ideas were similar. Following the successes of the large-scale policy, numerous other very important steps were needed to minimise mutual mistrust in the peoples of the two states. This led to a large number of various organisations and cooperations. The patterns presented here greatly influenced communication after 1945. In the second part of the study the author presents the origin and effect of the Élysée Treaty with some new aspects of the history of diplomacy. Of the numerous new initiatives, the author focuses primarily on civil ones. The great innovation brought about by the treaty, however, was the strong involvement of the civil societies of both countries, particularly in education, research, culture and youth exchanges. As a result of historical cooperation “Erbfeinde” (hereditary enemies) have become “Erbfreunde” (hereditary friends) within the European integration.

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Copyright of Zeitschrift fur Wirtschaftspolitik is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Even if the Crisis and the nowadays problems in Europe have left the debate on the Turkish integration into the EU in a corner of shadow, this is actually the most disputable and long-lasting topic of European integration. The herein paper makes a long term analysis on the relations between Turkey and the EU, especially in order to overcome the emotional studies, or those analyses, which consider only one aspect, peculiar to short term approaches. It makes the connection between the historical, economic, political and cultural aspects and tries to give an answer to the question whether Turkey will become an EU member or not, question to which we have given a positive answer. Being aware that the wish of integrating Turkey compel the Union to define itself, we thus cannot say when it will happen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Industrielle Beziehungen is the property of Rainer Hampp Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The European Union is vigorously implementing a regional policy, especially in the Western Balkans. Since the 2000s the European integration process has covered this region. However, since the 1990s EU had already commenced conducting its foreign policy while the war in the post-Yugoslav states was breaking out. The Western Balkan states can be called «enlargement countries» with a perspective to accede to the European Union. Croatian membership was the first successful case for the EU enlargement process in the Western Balkans. In addition, in the 1990s the Croatian political elite and society were far from the pro-European agenda. They assumed that a united Yugoslavia allegedly would be reestablished under the auspices of the EU. During that time tendencies of rescuing sovereignty and state-building had been prevailing in the newly independent state, which can be called an isolationist’ policy. But since the 2000s, after the reshuffles in the political elite, Croatia has declared its core task to join the EU. The outcome of this policy is the beginning of the negotiation process from 2005 till 2011, the holding of a referendum in 2012 with further joining the EU. Hence, the purpose of this paper is to examine the EU’s foreign policy towards Croatia in the 1990s as well as the negotiation process undertook in the 2000s. Furthermore, the author touches upon the impact of Croatia’s experience on the negotiation process of other Western Balkan states in the 2010s (Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina, North Macedonia, Serbia, Montenegro, Kosovo).

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Deutschlands gescheiterte Russland-Politik der letzten beiden Jahrzehnte mit ihren kollektiven Fehlannahmen und Fehleinschätzungen ist eng verbunden mit seiner Energiepolitik seit 2002, insbesondere mit der Gasimportabhängigkeit von Russland. Der Faktor Versorgungssicherheit und die damit verbundenen geopolitischen Risiken wurden von den Bundesregierungen, aber auch den einschlägigen Ökonomen und Wirtschaftsjournalisten sowie der Wirtschaft weitgehend ausgeblendet oder marginalisiert. Die steigende Gasimportabhängigkeit war auch Folge des deutschen Doppelausstiegs aus der Kernenergie und der Kohle. Sowohl Deutschlands Russlandpolitik wie seine energiepolitischen Alleingänge haben in Brüssel und bei den Nachbarstaaten Deutschlands und in den USA erhebliches Misstrauen verursacht. In der Perzeption vieler Europäer hat Deutschland als größte und mächtigste Wirtschaftsmacht in Europa das Kernprinzip der politischen Solidarität wiederholt nicht beachtet und nicht vorgelebt. Aus diesen Fehlern muss Deutschland nun die richtigen Schlussfolgerungen für seine „Zeitenwende" ziehen, um weitere kostspielige Fehlentscheidungen und außenpolitische Kollateralschäden bei seiner künftigen Energiewende zu vermeiden. Germany's failed policy towards Russia during the past two decades was based on collective errors and wrong assessments. It was closely linked with an energy policy that was misguided too and which has led to a disastrous German dependency from Russian in the field of gas supplies. Security of supply risks were more or less ignored by the German government, even after it became evident that Russia was determined to use dependencies as a means for geopolitical influence. The growing dependence of Germany from Russian gas supplies was also a consequence of the German double-exit from coal and nuclear energy. Germany's foreign policy vis a vis Russia and its unilateralism in energy policy have contributed with its European partners to a considerable mistrust into the political intentions of Berlin. In the view of other Europeans, Germany as the most powerful European economy has flatly disregarded one of the core principles of European integration: solidarity. The new German government has – in order to implement its Zeitenwende – to learn from the failures of the past and to re-adjust not only its Russia-policy, but also its energy policy (Energiewende). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag befasst sich mit Konstruktionen europäischer Identität in der Schweizer Medienöffentlichkeit während vier Erweiterungs- und Vertiefungsereignissen der EU. Er fragt, wie sich europäische Identität zwischen der Schweiz und ihren EU-Nachbarländern unterscheidet und inwieweit die Unterschiede über die Zeit zunehmen. Europäische Identität wird mit einer quantitativen Inhaltsanalyse als inhaltliche Deutung der EU und deren Bewertung analysiert. Für die Schweiz zeigen sich im Vergleich zu den EU-Ländern schwache, aber über die Zeit nicht abnehmende Identifikationen mit der EU. Die schwächeren Identifikationen in der Schweiz betreffen weniger wirtschaftliche EU-Deutungen, sondern vor allem die EU als eine Wertegemeinschaft und als starker politischer Verbund. This paper analyzes the construction of European identity in Swiss media discourses during four moments of EU integration. It is asked how European identity differs between Switzerland and its neighboring countries in the EU and if the deepening and widening of the EU is related to growing differences. A quantitative content analysis shows how particular interpretations of the EU are related to a specific degree of identification with the EU. Results show a low level of identification in Switzerland. Identity constructions with an economic focus are similar in all countries; only Switzerland rejects the EU as community of political values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic developments are often accompanied by narratives, which correspond to popular or generally understandable as well as easily reproducible descriptions, images and interpretations. In debates about European integration, the sovereign debt crisis, and solutions to the Corona crisis – the latter of which has rekindled concerns about the public finances of thrifty states – the narrative of Europe as a "transfer union" plays a major role. Unilateral payments from economically strong to economically weaker countries are assumed. An evaluation of all plenary minutes of the German Bundestag shows that this narrative has spread since the introduction of the Euro. Its peak has been reached with the European sovereign debt crisis of 2010/11. However, this is a distorted picture, which identifies Germany as the loser of European integration. The advantages to all member States deriving from currently discussed – or already implemented – measures to stabilize the EU can be explained by means of more appropriate descriptions of Europe as a "stability union" or "risk community". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Commissio n observes the development of the European Union for 40 years now. The Eurobarometer measures the Europeans' attitudes towards a number of Europe related questions. The information value is classified as high because the surveys are conducted twice a year and thus generate an ever growing set of data. The paper investigates the role of the Eurobarometer in the process of the European integration. To this end, the methods applied are examined and weaknesses discussed. Subsequently the contribution advances to the thesis that the commission uses the Eu-robarometer as a political instrument to foster European integration processes. The use of the Eurobarometer as an instrument of intervention, however, questions its usefulness as a survey and leaves the political benefit of its exploitation uncertain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyses the relevance of a regional approach to explain electricity market integration in the EU. It describes obstacles to market integration and argues that 'regional integration' has helped to overcome these obstacles and is a guiding principle of EU Energy Policy with regard to creating the Single European Electricity Market. The paper identifies a strategic shift in EU energy policy towards the promotion of regional electricity markets. Overall, the analysis reveals that both formal EU policy instruments and initiatives triggered by informal sectoral governance networks stimulate regional integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role the European Union has played in the Cyprus Problem since the EU accession of the Republic of Cyprus in 2004. Its main thesis is that six years of EU membership [and the accession process) are - with respect to the Cyprus Question - littered with false hopes, miscalculations and misperceptions by all main actors. The paper focuses on two aspects that have dominated the relations between the EU and Cyprus: Firstly, it reconstructs the failed attempts of powerful actors within the European Union to overcome Greek Cypriot resistance in its efforts to implement the EU pledge from 2004 to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots. Secondly, it examines the repeated attempts of the Greek Cypriots to utilise their EU membership as well as the Turkish aspirations to join the Union in order to press Ankara for concession in the Cyprus Question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article deals with the impact of fiscal decentralisation on the spatial distribution of economic activities in EU regions as well as with the effectiveness of the European Union's regional policy aiming at economic and social cohesion among its Member States. After a short discussion on concepts and measurement issues of fiscal decentralization two empirical analyses show that the level of sub-national autonomy, considering primarily decisions on local and regional tax income, tends to reduce the degree of regional production specialization in 200 NUTS2 regions while it enhances the effectiveness of the structural funds in 13 EU Member States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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