Search

Points out the effectiveness of student-generated examples as a teaching tool. Examines the roles played by examples constructed and generated by students, illustrates and analyzes the use of this tool, and develops a theory for the act of exemplification as an act of cognition. Introduces a framework developed for this work. (Contains 39 references.) (Author/YDS)

Floydforce was a British artillery force that landed in Yugoslavia in October 1944 together with its protection units. Its task was to provide artillery support to the Yugoslav Partisan army in combat against the German units retreating from Albania, Greece, and Yugoslavia. Together with the Partisans and the Balkan Air Force (BAF), Floydforce participated in attacks on the retreating German units, including operations Risan and Podgorica. The leadership of the Partisan movement kept a close eye on the activities of the British units in Yugoslavia because Tito was concerned that the Greek scenario would also play out in Yugoslavia and because, first and foremost, he wanted Yugoslavia to be liberated by the Yugoslav Partisans without the help of the Anglo-American Allies. Floydforce assisted the Partisans for the last time in the Mostar and Zadar areas, after which the Partisans began to reject British assistance. At the end of January 1945, Floydforce had to withdraw from Yugoslavia.

This paper contributes to the sociological understanding of social class inequalities in childhood similarities test scores. We undertake a comparative analysis of two cohorts of British children born 30 years apart. There is a similar negative relationship in both cohorts. Children born in families in the less advantaged social classes have lower childhood similarities test scores. This is consequential because these children enter secondary school with restricted capabilities in logical thinking, concept formation and abstract reasoning.

In order to try to grasp the reasons for the weak inscription of environmental health in France, we draw a parallel between its development in France and the United Kingdom. We show how the relationship between environment and health emerged in England in the second half of the XVIIth century, in the context of the religious, social, political and scientific transformations of the time and the rise of empiricism. We then examine the collective undertaking it entailed in the XVIIIth century and how it shaped the development of public health through the public Health Acts of 1848 and 1875. We then consider the French development, the weak and late constitution of public health in France, the equally late development of the environment framed by the state as an institutional and technical field, its slow connection to health within an institutional framework late to promote it as a wide concern due to a restricted view of the environment, lacking agency and openness, with limited progresses in the urban field.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(3), 1447-1470 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Orthodox views of parliamentary sovereignty. - II.1. Diceyan orthodoxy observed in Miller. - II.2. Diceyan orthodoxy observed in Cherry/Miller (No 2). - II.3. Hueston's manner and form observed in the use of referendums. - II.4. Popular sovereignty through referendums. - II.5. Parliamentary sovereignty as it stands. - III. Existing views of EU law primacy. - III.1. Heterarchical model of EU law primacy. - III.2. UK's perspective on EU law primacy while in the EU. - III.3. Germany's perspective on EU law primacy as a Member State. - III.4. CJEU's perspective on EU law primacy. - III.5. Primacy as it now stands. - IV. Has parliamentary sovereignty been affected by Brexit? - IV.1. Remodelling conflict as a separation of power. - IV.2. Did Brexit really lead to a truly sovereign parliament? - V. Concluding remarks. | (Abstract) Brexit was designed to restore legislative supremacy, or what is known as parliamentary sovereignty, to the United Kingdom. This Article seeks to analyse if this had been done satisfactorily by analysing the interaction of the two major doctrines of (i UK parliamentary sovereignty, and (ii EU law primacy from the point at which the UK became a part of the EU to the point at which the UK exited from the EU. The Article will first consider the doctrine of UK parliamentary sovereignty from the perspective of the UK and provide an analysis of the current position where the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty stands. This Article will then consider the doctrine of EU law primacy and provide a historical analysis of the doctrine, including prevailing views of the primacy doctrine from the lens of Germany, UK and the CJEU. Finally, the Article will then attempt to discuss whether Brexit has actually done much to affect the doctrine of parliamentary sovereignty by discussing the UK's international obligations.

The Covid-19 pandemic swept across the world with incredible speed in early 2020, leading to lockdowns across the globe, and a huge collapse in output. The UK government, as elsewhere, stepped in rapidly and massively to support household incomes, most notably with the furlough scheme and an increase in benefits. As a result, household incomes were generally kept stable – and even increased for households with the least pay. This article sets out these policies and their consequences for incomes, poverty and inequality, before putting them into a longer-term context. It then moves on to examine how the expected fall in real incomes due to the surge in inflation since 2021, along with government policies announced in November 2022, will likely affect low-income households through to the middle of the decade.

'Environmentalists' tend to enthusiastically embrace new railway projects as desirable alternatives to more carbon-intensive aviation and road infrastructures. Yet, across Europe and beyond, communities and campaigners have resisted the building of high-speed railway projects and the violence they entail. The UK government's High-Speed Two (HS2) trainline, currently under construction, is one such project – Europe's biggest infrastructure project since World War II. While the British government continues to defend HS2 as 'green' and necessary, the project comes at enormous ecological and social costs, cutting through over one hundred ancient woodlands, exceeding its budget, and necessitating the eviction and resettlement of human and nonhuman communities along the line. Drawing on recent work in (anarchist) political ecology, (green) extractivism, and infrastructural colonization, and embedded in the history of colonial railways and extractivism, this article argues that the project should be conceptualized as a green extractivist megaproject. In the face of determined opposition, HS2 serves to profit the British construction industry, political (economic) elites, wealthy commuters, and the City of London, and to uphold 'zero-carbon' imaginaries while expected to exacerbate the North-South divide and degrade environments. Green extractivist megaprojects, this case study shows, can reproduce the same injustices, violences, and social and ecological harms as other types of industrial developments.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2022 7(3), 1287-1302 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. Post-Brexit security and defence cooperation as differentiated disintegration - III. Theresa May and the proposed "security partnership". - IV. The trade and cooperation agreement and beyond. - V. The war in Ukraine: A game changer? - VI. Conclusion. | (Abstract) Research on differentiated integration has flourished in recent years, highlighting the political and efficiency gains to be had from selective participation and third country engagement in EU policy areas. Proposals for an EU-UK security and defence agreement represented a paradigmatic example of differentiated disintegration, for which both strategic and political prospects initially appeared positive, yet which ultimately foundered on the back of the EU's reluctance to create new third country models and subsequent political upheaval in the UK. This Article asks why these proposals failed and what this can tell us about the politics of differentiated (dis)integration, focusing on the referendum to the recent Ukraine crisis, and drawing on several elite interviews conducted with policymakers in London and Brussels. It shows that while the strategic benefits of differentiation increased following the Brexit vote, the growing concern in Brussels for the precedent set by Brexit, the collapse of issue-specific dynamics into a singular concern for UK "cherry picking", and the rightward shift in UK politics occasioned by the Brexit negotiations all undermined the prospects for a differentiated outcome in security and defence. The Ukraine crisis, while precipitating significant changes in many European states, had thus far failed to alter the new status quo locked in after Brexit.

Starting with an individual report in a leading British periodical of higher education, this article fans outwards to show how the contemporary field of caste studies reflects the degeneracy of its methods and claims. Rather than producing knowledge about India and the so-called caste system, caste studies has worked itself into a corner by creating a set of imagined victims and perpetrators of caste oppression, atrocities, violence and discrimination, and by making unsustainable claims on legal systems and other institutions. The manifold and insurmountable problems of contemporary caste studies include its basis in the European framework for the study of India founded upon Christian theological claims, the carry-over of this account into the secularised humanities and social sciences, and its engagement in corrupted academic practices of the kind that typify grievance studies today. That an alternative account exists in the form of the research programme of SN Balagangadhara, which inspires the articles in this special issue, is good reason for rethinking and revision of the field. Comenzando con un informe individual en un importante periódico británico de educación superior, este artículo se abre para mostrar cómo el campo contemporáneo de los estudios de castas refleja la degeneración de sus métodos y afirmaciones. En lugar de producir conocimiento sobre la India y el llamado sistema de castas, los estudios de castas se han arrinconado al crear un conjunto de víctimas y victimarios imaginarios de la opresión, las atrocidades, la violencia y la discriminación de las castas, y al hacer reclamaciones insostenibles sobre los sistemas jurídicos y otras instituciones. Los múltiples e insuperables problemas de los estudios de castas contemporáneos incluyen su base en el marco europeo para el estudio de la India basado en afirmaciones teológicas cristianas, la transferencia de este relato a las humanidades secularizadas y las ciencias sociales, y su participación en prácticas académicas corruptas que tipifican los estudios de agravios en la actualidad. Que exista un relato alternativo en la forma del programa de investigación de SN Balagangadhara, que inspira los artículos de este número especial, es una buena razón para repensar y revisar el campo. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-1372

La funció pública del Regne Unit se sustenta en tres principis: permanència, imparcialitat i integritat. Aquests principis expliquen les tensions recurrents entre els empleats públics i els seus ministres, els quals, en última instància, són els responsables de la funció pública. Des de principis de la dècada del 1980, els governs del Regne Unit han intentat reformar la funció pública perquè pugui respondre millor als seus programes polítics a curt termini. Els intents per debilitar-la es tradueixen en conflictes polítics que adopten diferents expressions: a) la retòrica política dels ministres sobre la qualitat i les intencions del funcionariat; b) les condicions de treball dels funcionaris; c) la competència que comporten els assessors especials; d) el control polític dels nomenaments d’alts càrrecs per part de l’Executiu, i e) el fet de demanar als funcionaris que duguin a terme tasques que, atesa la seva naturalesa, són summament conflictives des d’un punt de vista polític, com ara redactar informes sobre temes polèmics que susciten un gran interès públic. Tanmateix, sembla que el resultat global d’aquesta tensió té un efecte bumerang: d’una banda, la ciutadania del Regne Unit cada vegada confia menys en els polítics; de l’altra, les garanties de permanència, imparcialitat i integritat sembla que són efectives a l’hora d’assegurar que els funcionaris siguin capaços i estiguin disposats a mantenir-se ferms davant els interessos polítics.

In the histories of pre-schooling in France, references to the British infant school are a common thing. Works on the history of early childhood education have shown the plurality of proposals that might have fed the development of French institutions. References to Robert Owen and his infant school, in particular, are already present in the writings of the first organizers of collective early childhood education in France. But the French who went to Great Britain in order to observe the infant schools visited mostly London establishments. It is then appropriate to ask ourselves, by comparing what we know about Owen's Scottish infant school and the projects of the first organizers of collective education for young children in France, what may have traveled of the values and pedagogical projects defended by Owen into the French institutions. The strictly pedagogical dimension, still only slightly studied, allows us here to shed some complementary light to previous work.

1 La situation anglaise: le développement du devoir de diligence 1.1 Le devoir de diligence avant l'intervention de la Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni 1.1.1 La genèse du devoir de diligence [...], Dans les pays de common law, le développement de la responsabilité des sociétés mères de groupes multinationaux est porté par l'activisme judiciaire. Celui-ci témoigne que les tribunaux travaillent en faveur de la responsabilité sociale des entreprises (RSE). Dans ce contexte, la Cour suprême du Canada a rendu la décision Nevsun Resources Ltd. c. Araya dans laquelle elle autorise les poursuites portées contre une entreprise canadienne pour violation du droit international coutumier. Cette décision aussi ambitieuse que polémique crée un nouveau recours dans la common law canadienne favorable à la responsabilisation des multinationales. La Cour suprême du Royaume-Uni, quant à elle, s'est prononcée sur le devoir de diligence des sociétés mères dans la décision Vedanta Resources PLC and another (Appellants) v. Lungowe and others (Respondents). Ici encore, la position est d'envergure et favorable à une responsabilisation accrue des groupes de sociétés. L'auteur présente et analyse ci-dessous les deux décisions en les remettant dans le contexte juridique antérieur qu'elles sont venues modifier. In common law countries, the development of the liability of multinational groups' parent companies is driven by judicial activism. This activism reflects the fact that the courts are working in favour of CSR. In this context, the Supreme Court of Canada, in its ruling in Nevsun Resources Ltd. v. Araya, allowed a case to proceed against a Canadian company for violation of international customary law. This decision, as ambitious as it is controversial, creates a new remedy in Canadian common law for holding multinationals accountable. For its part, the UK Supreme Court ruled on the duty of care of parent companies in Vedanta Resources PLC and another (Appellants) v. Lungowe and others (Respondents). Again, the position is ambitious and supportive of holding corporate groups more accountable. In this article, we present and analyse these two decisions, putting them into the previous legal context that they have changed. En los países de derecho consuetudinario anglosajón, el activismo judicial se ha encargado del desarrollo de la responsabilidad de las empresas matrices de los grupos transnacionales. Este activismo ha puesto de manifiesto que los tribunales actúan a favor de la RSE. En este contexto, la Corte Suprema de Canadá dictaminó en el caso de Nevsun Resources Ltd. c. Araya la autorización de demandas interpuestas contra una empresa canadiense por haber violado el derecho internacional consuetudinario. Esta decisión tan ambiciosa como polémica ha creado un nuevo recurso en el derecho consuetudinario canadiense favorable para la responsabilización de las empresas multinacionales. La Corte Suprema del Reino Unido ha dictaminado en el caso Vedanta Resources PLC and another (Appellants) v. Lungowe and others (Respondents) el deber de diligencia que tienen las empresas matrices. Aquí se ha manifestado nuevamente el carácter ambicioso y favorable por una mayor responsabilización por parte de grupos empresariales. En nuestro artículo presentamos y analizamos ambas decisiones en el marco del contexto jurídico anterior y que dichas decisiones han modificado.

Often described as the « most politically charged » term in urban geography (Davidson and Lees, 2009), gentrification has been discussed in British newspapers through more or less conciliatory discourses over time. This scientific paper investigates the evolution of discourses on gentrification in British newspapers between 1988 and 2021. It questions the occurrence of the term and multiplication of discourses over three decades, then analyze their more or less critical view. In order to do so, a corpus of 1934 articles taken from fourteen newspapers was analyzed quantitatively then qualitatively: through computer methods (lexicometry, topic models), then by manual work for a contextualization of the tresults. It appears that discourses on gentrification were rather conciliatory before 2010, then were much criticized after this date, related to the emergence of new goals linked to global economic changes.

The United Kingdom legislated in June 2019 to commit the country to net zero, i.e. carbon neutrality, by 2050. Several measures must be put in place to achieve this particularly ambitious goal, nevertheless energy and electricity generation are of course strategic sectors. The country has accelerated its coal exit and its transition to another energy model. This paper thus presents the motivations and challenges of the United Kingdom’s decarbonisation strategy, in order to determine whether there is a genuine British model of transition and thus enrich reflection on the concept of transition from a case study. In particular, it studies the political issues of the commitments preceding the announcement of net zero and the increasingly protests against the use of coal. It also questions the envisaged policies to reach net zero, such as relaunching the development of wind power or following the nuclear programme, but also the many geopolitical obstacles and constraints in the face of this goal. Finally, this paper shows that if the goal is set and if a transition is indeed underway, there is no real strategy established to plan this transition to net zero.

The present article will focus on Islamic humanitarian organisations, from their roots in the United Kingdom to their settlement in France, without neglecting the role of public authorities. Though this is often treated as a homogeneous field, the present article claims that French Islamic humanitarian organisations use different registers to mobilize and raise awareness for their causes in the context of Muslims’ minority status in France. Two ideal-type categories help to classify these mobilisations depending on whether they use a register of “assertion” or “contestation”. At first sight, the promotion of a “civil Islam” purged of its communitarian aspect, coupled with a mitigation of the religious dimension of the association, seems to offer more guarantees to be legitimized by and to establish partnerships with state authorities. Conversely, vehement speeches, and the promotion of a religious and intra-communitarian aid, would contribute to marginalizing Muslim NGOs. However, this study based on ethnography and participant observation in France (2017-2020), supplemented by interviews and an online enquiry, brings to light the ambivalent attitude of French authorities towards Muslim NGOs. By contrast with the republican rhetoric that stigmatizes faith-based differences, the French State entrusts Muslim associations with caring for Muslim beneficiaries. The injunctions imposed by the French State are thus twofold. Muslim NGOs are encouraged to minimize their confessional affiliation, but they are also incorporated within the State’s policy of intervention with sections of French society where Muslims are in a majority because of these NGO’s supposed “cultural proximity” and the sharing of a common Islamic identity.

In his interview, Professor Martin Weller explains the origins of the Open University, the UK’s pioneer distance education university, and describes the different contexts in which the Open University has had to navigate through in the last 50 years. The interview focuses on showing how the Open University’s mission (to be ‘open to people, places, methods and ideas’) has been at the heart of the institution’s developments, and how the concept of openness has evolved throughout the changes and the challenges of the recent years.

Brexit shattered the ambiguity that had long sustained the unique construct that is the United Kingdom. As an assertion of British sovereignty, Brexit overrode the will of the people of Scotland and Northern Ireland. That broke the long tradition of territorial management of the United Kingdom, latterly formalised in a measure of self-government for the three smaller territories through devolution of substantial powers from 1999. But devolution had not resolved the existing challenges to the Union which were now reinforced by Brexit. The UK government’s response has oscillated between a hardline ‘muscular’ unionism and a more emollient ‘reasonableness’ agenda. This has left the Union in a state of unstable equilibrium, with considerable bodies of opinion in the three smaller territories dissatisfied with the status quo and with growing indifference to the future of the Union in England. Brexit has further undermined what was already a Union under pressure, leaving its future survival a more uncertain prospect.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 785-799 | Article | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. A complex legal structure including a Trade and Cooperation Agreement and supplementing agreements. - III. Legal basis: a pragmatic use of the Treaty provision on association (art. 217 TFEU). - IV. The option of an EU-only agreement and its consequences. - V. Provisional application and the role of the European Parliament. - VI. Concluding remarks: pragmatism and flexibility in EU-UK relations. | (Abstract) The withdrawal of the United Kingdom (UK) from the European Union (EU), commonly known as Brexit, resulted in the establishment of a new bilateral legal framework for the future development of EU-UK relations. The new framework is based on a Trade and Co-operation Agreement (TCA) in combination with more specific supplementing agreements concerning the exchange of classified information and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Without entering into a detailed substantive analysis of these agreements, several innovative elements can be highlighted from the perspective of EU external relations law. This includes, in particular, the governance structure of the new legal framework, the use of art. 217 TFEU (on association) as a legal basis, the "EU-only" nature of the TCA and the provisional application without prior involvement of the European Parliament. It is argued that these key features are largely the result of an unprecedented process of negotiations under the time pressure of the expiry date for the transitional application of EU law in the UK.

This article explores the concept of soft power and its evolution in the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland in the 21st century. The concept of soft power, has gained widespread popularity in recent decades among both researchers and politicians and civil servants. The emergence and rapid development of this concept is due to scientific research conducted by the representative of the neoliberal school of international relations Joseph Nye, an American foreign policy specialist and professor at the John F. Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. Thus, soft power can be defined as the political activity of state and public institutions and organizations, in the long run, both in traditional and modern diplomacy, designed to protect and achieve national interests, by creating a positive image of the state on the international arena and the formation in other countries of friendly and influential communities. The United Kingdom is the country that ranks first in most surveys and a paper conducted by renowned research institutes and has extensive experience in using soft power resources to promote the image of the state.

Drawing on both official and scholastic descriptions of the Muslim Brotherhood and Generation Identity, this article suggests that in the UK context, some striking similarities exist between the two organisations. Both represent ostensibly nonviolent permutations of their respective extremist movements. Despite this similarity, a stark distinction exists in the response of the UK government. Although, like many Islamist civil society actors, the Muslim Brotherhood has benefited from the perception that nonviolent extremist groups can help address terrorism and radicalisation, the same contention is yet to be made regarding political extremists from within the far right. This article first uses the Muslim Brotherhood as an example to illustrate the standards that have been contrived in the UK for distinguishing nonviolent extremist organisations from their violent counterparts. The intention here is to demonstrate that just as the Muslim Brotherhood is identified as the prototypical example of ‘political Islam’, counterparts for this type of organisation can be found in different extremist contexts. It will be postulated that in particular, Generation Identity may be thought of as occupying an analogous position within the context of far-right extremism. The purpose of this comparison is to explore the viability of utilising ‘nonviolent extremists’ to prevent violent extremism across different movements; it will be contended that although the results of such an arrangement could be replicated, there is a need to consider the adverse impacts in the initial context before attempting to reproduce the approach.

In a globalized health market, what are the public policies that allow the United Kingdom (UK) to employ African migrant nurses to meet the health needs and to satisfy national and international public opinion? This is the question the article below asks. It is based on an analysis of the UK migration regulation policies and interviews with African migrant nurses in the UK. It uses a neo-institutionalist approach to explain the capacity of public policies to adapt and change in response to imperatives by the use of “room for manoeuvre”.

(Series Information) European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2020 5(3), 1425-1434 | European Forum Insight of 27 January 2021 | (Table of Contents) I. Introduction. - II. The organisation and management of the EU Customs Unions. - III. The undervaluation fraud case of textile and footwear imports from China to the United Kingdom. - IV. Conclusions. | (Abstract) The EU customs management system is based on uniform legislation that is implemented on a decentralised basis by the Member States. In theory, the Customs Union should operate as if it were one single administration. In practice, the non-harmonised and uncoordinated application of the common customs legislation disrupts the proper functioning of the Customs Union. The objective of this Insight is to analyse and assess the current model of customs administration in the European Union, focusing on the shortcomings of the system and its consequences in the form of customs fraud. The Insight uses as a case study the undervaluation fraud case concerning textile and shoes imported from China via the United Kingdom between 2011 and 2017, still pending before the Court of Justice of the European Union.