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This study examines the evolution of issue coverage by the press during election campaigns in Quebec from 1994 to 2018. Two observations emerge from this study. First, we witness the diversification of the media agenda, explained in particular by a decline of the national question in the media in favor of issues such as the environment and immigration. The reframing of the national question, now much more focused on the identity dimension than on the question of the political status of Quebec, is striking. These changes seem to indicate the rise of a liberal-authoritarian political axis in the province, and the emergence of a multiparty system opens the door to a lasting political realignment. These observations tend to confirm the view that the agenda during a campaign results from the interaction between the media, the parties, and the voters and that it thus offers an appropriate reflection of the evolution of political dynamics in a given society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of social imaginaries occupies a marginal place in the historiography dedicated to Cameroonian nationalism. This article deals with them as both modalities of invention and transformation of the Nation-State since the late nineteenth century. The study argues that at the heart of the multiple caesuras in the history of Cameroon, social imaginaries appeared as a resource from which actors have drawn to produce utopias that have taken on a performative dimension in various contexts. This article makes three main contributions: first, it shows that the idea of Cameroon as an indivisible territorial entity has its origins in the German colonial period. It reveals that beyond its structural causes, the Anglophone question in Cameroon objectifies the idea of a conflict of imaginaries between Francophones and Anglophones. The analysis of the diasporic question finally highlights the influence of the media in the production of social imaginaries in the Anglophone crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: This article examines the different approaches to the theory of sounds which were adopted by the Polish linguist Jan Baudouin de Courtenay (1845–1929) during his academic career. His Polish nationality made it difficult for him to find a lecturer job in a Russian university, which was one of the reasons why he changed post rather frequently: Saint Petersburg, Kazan, Dorpat (now Tartu in Estonia), Cracow and Warsaw. To each assignment corresponded a change in his scientific outlook, especially in phonetics and phonology. Today, Baudouin de Courtenay is remembered chiefly for his functional phonology elaborated in Kazan with his follower Mikołaj Kruszewski (who was also a Pole) from 1875 to 1883. This perspective, however, was not the only one entertained by Baudouin during his career. In this paper, three periods are highlighted: an initial phonetic phase (more or less in line with Neogrammarian doctrine), the "Kazan phonology", and his final psychological conception. These periods are not neatly demarcated, so that views predominant in a period may linger on in a successive one. Each of these periods was, for a distinct batch of disciples, formative. They resulted in the creation of the Saint Petersburg phonological school, of which Ščerba was an important figure, and the Warsaw school led by Baudouin's former Polish students in Cracow. The Moscow Phonological School and the Prague School also reveal Baudouin's influence on their phonological conceptions. It is shown that the prominent role played by Baudouin in the field of sound theory is best understood in the context of his changing views, which, to some extent, were at variance with each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the interrelation of neutrality, nationhood, and homeland within the context of Belgium's resistance in 1914, examining how these ideas intertwine and serve as central themes in various texts related to Louis Dumur's work. Topics include the exploration of Belgium's resistance based on neutrality and internal peace, emphasizing how these concepts intertwine and serve as foundational elements in texts related to Dumur's body of work.

This article focuses on the ideological debate that interculturalism has aroused in Quebec's intellectual field since the 2000s. While it has long served as a point of convergence between neonationalist intellectuals seeking to combine pluralism and nationalism, the interculturalist model has not, however, prevented the resurgence of calls for tighter control over migrants and minority cultural practices. The thesis advanced is that this trend confirms the eclipse of the attempt to reconcile nationalism and pluralism within interculturalism. To support this thesis, our article documents the weakness of Quebec interculturalism in the face of the ideological blocs formed by federal multiculturalism, conservative nationalism, and the rise of anti-racist and decolonial criticisms in Quebec. Vis-à-vis these competing positions, the contradictions of interculturalism regarding the alleged privilege of the majority over minorities have come to light in the course of the controversies that the article examines over a period of twenty years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Cet article a pour point de départ la querelle épistémologique survenue entre Anthony D. Smith et Jon E. Fox et Cynthia Miller-Idriss concernant les différentes approches du champ d'études du nationalisme. Alors que Fox et Miller-Idriss rejettent la pertinence d'une approche sociohistorique dans l'étude ethnographique du nationalisme, Smith considère l'ethnographie comme une pratique descriptiviste dénuée d'intérêt scientifique qui, de surcroit, fait abstraction des recherches sur la nation conduite au cours des dernières décennies. Afin de dénouer cette impasse, nous proposons une démarche méthodologique visant à concilier ces deux approches par l'entremise du concept de lieu de mémoire. À partir d'une étude de cas, la bataille des Éperons d'or et sa résonance dans les pratiques discursives, nous illustrons comment l'historicité du fait national peut s'avérer essentielle pour comprendre le fonctionnement de la nation au quotidien et nous éclairer sur la manière dont les Flamands se construisent en tant que sujets nationaux. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major features of recent Japanese cinema has been the growing number of films produced with the help of the Ministry of Defense. Academics who have addressed the issue tend to characterize the relationship between the military and producers as one of mutual dependence, stressing the overall "passivity" of the Japanese Self- Defense Forces in the creation process. Though accurate at a formal level, this argument does not fully explain the influence the JSDF has exerted over the film industry in recent years. Drawing on the concept of "multicentric world" theorized by sociologist James Burk, we argue in this article that the JSDF are, on the contrary, fully active and that their relationship with cinema has more to do with "veiled propaganda" than mere collaboration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the concepts of Canadianness, national identity, and the Canadian historical experience as they do and do not apply to Canadian history scholarship during the early 21st century. The author defines Canadianness, and examines historical national narrative and remembrance.

This article analyzes homonationalist discourses in a context that has received little attention so far: a minority nation (Quebec) within a multinational state (Canada). To the extent that nationalism is often constructed in opposition to an "Other," we attempt to identify who this "Other" is in Quebec's homonationalism. In particular, we explore whether this "Other" can also take the form of the majority nation through an analysis of articles published between 1990 and 2017 in various Quebec newspapers (La Presse, Le Devoir and Le Journal de Montréal). Our results show that if it is "English Canada" that was more likely in the first half of the 2000s to be the "Other" of Quebec's sexual nationalism, since the end of the 2000s, it is more often Muslims (here and elsewhere) and immigrants who are the object of an alteration in homonationalist discourses in Quebec. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is generally accepted that the "invention of tradition" is the product of two combined phenomena : on the one hand, government intervention in the economy resulting from the establishment of contemporary nation-states, and on the other hand, the process of "commodification". In Japan, the "commodification of traditions" is being carried out at a tremendous pace in the run-up to the Tokyo Olympics. The short-term objective is to attract foreign tourists to Japan in order to stimulate the country's economy, and at present, the search for a "Profitable Cultural Heritage" has become the driving force of the Japanese nation's cultural and economic policies. The Edo period, during which a traditional culture created by the people was born, is at the heart of this process of commodification. The "commodification of Edo", which appears through clothing trends, historical fictions and movies, and also video games, tends to present a one-sided vision of this period, a vision of a society devoid of any contradiction, which is at the origin of what we will call "representations of the Good Old Edo." Moreover, the construction of these "representations" also constitutes a means for the nation-state to encourage the integration of a national consciousness among Japanese people, leading them to turn away from current problems to contemplate with nostalgia the traditions of a happy society. After first analyzing the constitution and evolution of "representations of the Good Old Edo", we will examine in detail the creation of the "Tokyo cultural resources district," which is at the heart of a series of political measures aimed at transforming cultural heritage assets into tourist resources, and at the center of the cultural program of the Tokyo Olympics. Finally, we will highlight in a concrete way the various problems related to this project. Beyond the matter of the Tokyo Olympics, it seems important to us that historians get to work in order to counter the wave of cultural nationalism caused by the spread of these "representations of the Good Old Edo". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on origins and connotations of the phrase "Eastern Christians" may explain some reluctance to use it. It mentions rise of the Islamic paradigm in societies and policies in the region as well as in France and questions about national identity and cultural and religious pluralism which haunt opinions Western countries largely explain this return. It also mentions Treaty of Lausanne attempts to interfere with and limit the sovereignty.

From a relational approach, this article sheds new light on the solidarity between a segment of French catholicism and the Palestinian Christian communities. For this purpose, the article engages with the discourse and practices of French Catholics concerning the Israeli-Arab conflict, as well as with social and political transformations within the Palestinian Christian population. The solidarity networks differ significantly from most French Catholic mobilizations in favor of “Eastern Christians,” which are related to right-wing identity politics. The call for solidarity comes from a sector of Palestinian Churches that is involved, since the late 1980s, in a Liberation Theology movement, and in the creation of alternative pilgrimage tours. These tours, called “living stone pilgrimages,” lead both groups of actors to question their religious and national identity, and the meaning of their commitment as Christians for justice and peace in Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article interprets literary history as a discourse involved in the identity policies of nations. From this point of view, the author presents the relations between national and comparative literary history in Slovenia. The paper outlines the origin and development of both disciplines, especially with regard to their implicit or explicit ideological underpinnings–cultural nationalism and cosmopolitanism. Until the end of the 20th century, national literary history as a “great genre” has interiorized the 19th century thrust of cultural nationalism, which also marked the institutionalization of literary historiography as a university discipline after 1919. Even though comparative literature has countered the apparently autarkic national conceptions of literary and cultural development, it produced another kind of “master narratives” through which it affirmed national identity–by providing records on the participation of Slovene literature in the “general European” currents and developmental stages. In this context, the article draws attention to the problem of belatedness of so-called small literatures, especially in relation to the world literary system. In conclusion, the article addresses current dilemmas of literary historiography in Slovenia, which are partly specific (reticence to attempts to “reform” the discipline) and partly connected with the changes of literature and literary studies in the era of postmodern and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La libération des peuples colonisés en Afrique s'est aussi faite par la non-violence à travers un processus de démocratisation des territoires d'outre-mer et surtout par la participation effective des indigènes dans les différentes assemblées afin d'accéder aux indépendances de manière paisible. Cette démarche louable a été rendue possible par la portée de la loi Cadre de Gaston Defferre porteuse principalement de l'avènement du suffrage universel et du collège unique dans les colonies françaises d'Afrique d'une part et de la loi Lamine Gueye soucieuse du principe d'égalité de tous les citoyens dans les territoires d'outre-mer d'autre part. Gaston Defferre et Lamine Gueye constituent une source d'inspiration pour les démocraties africaines et pour les générations futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the middle of the '80s, Québécois comics publishers specialized in translation of American superhero comics were succeeded by emerging local publishers willing to create original material, while still preserving the format, the rate of production, and the archetypes made prominent by Marvel and DC Comics. Matrix Graphic Series, a publishing house based in Montréal, established itself as the most successful of these new actors in the field by blending visual aesthetics inherited from American comics with Québécois and Canadian nationalism. This paper aims to study this particular editorial endeavour in order to better understand how conflicting positions and opinions regarding American and Québécois comics can forge, through debates conducted in the text and the peritext of Matrix's publications, a unique editorial ethos. It also shines a light on the many strategies deployed to reconfigure a genre anchored in American culture in hope that it can resonate with the Québécois readership and be enjoyed as a Canadian and Québécois product. Ultimately, it is revealed that this cultural transfer is made possible by the juxtaposition of mainstream and alternative aesthetics as well as by the balancing of American, Canadian and Québécois sensibilities, two compromises that encourage the success of Matrix's various series in distinct North American submarkets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Au moment de l'accession des pays africains à la souveraineté nationale, nombreux étaient les hommes politiques africains et sympathisants qui croyaient que l'Afrique indépendante devait opter pour sa propre voie de développement socio-économique. Sur le plan doctrinal, cette voie, appelée par les uns « troisième voie », par les autres « voie africaine du socialisme » ou par certains « le socialisme africain », se voulait l'expression d'un retour au passé, d'une réappropriation des valeurs africaines ancestrales. Par conséquent, ce socialisme ne pouvait être considéré comme un simple prolongement du socialisme européen ou une projection du marxisme-léninisme sur les réalités africaines. Mais qu'en est-il du socialisme africain en tant que praxis ? Après plus de cinq décennies d'indépendance, le bilan du socialisme africain est particulièrement modeste sinon négligeable en ce qui concerne le niveau de vie des masses populaires et la dépendance par rapport à l'impérialisme occidental. En effet, les dirigeants africains n'ont pas réussi à mettre sur pied une politique cohérente et efficace susceptible de libérer leurs pays de l'emprise étrangère et à développer l'économie dans une perspective socialiste au profit des masses laborieuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on an unknown (and, unfortunedy, not commented) Emil Cioran's conference of 1931 about the federative european project and the principle of sovereingnty of the states. In this texte, thanks to which he obtained his first scholarship in the West (at Geneve), Cioran is an follower of the pacifism, federalism, and universalism; few years after, in Berlin, he became a supporter of the radical nationalism. But even in this case he remained a refocused thinker of the mesianic. Viewed from the perspective of this conference, his radical nationalisme appears as a disappointement, or, at least, a stratagem. Anyway, his diagnoses on the European project remains very actual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper focuses on three stories by Liviu Rebreanu: "Catastrofa" (The catastrophe), "Hora morpi" (The death hora), "Ific §trul, dezertor" (Ipc §trul, deserter)--all dedicated to the First World War. Unlike Padurea spînzurmpilor (Forest of the hanged), which helped lay the foundations of the modern Romanian literary canon, the short stories were disregarded by 20lh-century historical literary criticism, even if they presented important clues as to how the author structured the representation of a national identity vet to be defined. In particular, the analysis will focus on the process of building characters with plural identities, tracking the genesis of the author's first literary productions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study analyzes a particular case of national literary history in its international dimension: Enver Hoxha's communist Albania published in foreign languages, at local publishing houses, books on literary history topics, which were destined to be exported and reach foreign readers. The result was a truncated (partly legendary) image of Albanian literature. After outlining the particularities of the Albanian cultural history, and after having searched for the causes of the communist institutionalization of literature and of its historiography, we attempt to unveil the main discursive devices of those official texts (a literary history, anthologies and forewords to literary volumes). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: The recent trade disputes and negotiations between the U.S. and Canada must be construed in light of a century-and-a-half-long evolution of trade relations between the two countries, profoundly marked by the mutations of American economic nationalism. In fact, Canada was for a long time more protectionist than the U.S. The main objective of this article is therefore that of contextualization: to paint a picture of the evolution of Canada-U.S. trade policies and the relationships that brings "economic nationalism" back. The main argument is that these relationships have been characterized by a constant tension between liberalization and protection, to which Canadian governments have contributed in many ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Loin d'être une exclusivité européenne, de nos jours, la réflexion philosophique est en plein essor, au delà de l'espace européen. À l'époque contemporaine de la globalisation et de mondialisation où le brassage des cultures devient « un fait social total », la pensée philosophique occidentale semble indiscutablement avoir d'influence sur la pensée philosophique africaine contemporaine et les mécanismes de construction et de gestion de l'État-Nation et du lien social, en Afrique. Ces indices et les enjeux de l'insertion de la pensée philosophique occidentale dans l'espace culturel, scientifique et socio-politique africain contemporain suscitent des questionnements d'ordre épistémologique et socio-politique sur l'avènement et l'état des lieux de la philosophie africaine, qui ont fait l'objet de notre réflexion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is a review of the thematic and curatorial choices in the Canadian History Hall within the context of the historical and political debates surrounding the announcement of the museum's renovations. Additionally, the review considers the change in the museum's name and mission to situate it as a place of Indigenous history, national identity and an exploration of ways of engaging with people and relating to visitors of different generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with youth organizations in Alsace, a region standing at the crossroads between France and Germany. It focuses on how the issue of nationhood was constructed within these youth groups during the first half of the twentieth century. Our hypothesis is that these socio-educational organizations, training grounds for autonomy and responsibility, are based on a principle of civic engagement from their young members. To this effect, in post-First World War Alsace, these organizations served as vehicles for the reintegration of this region into France, a process that cannot, however, be considered without respect for local social and cultural specificities. In other words, with regard to the activist direction of these movements, a local socio-political configuration seems to far outweigh the ideology of each group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 19th century, national ideologies were at the core of political concerns which involved the elites. One of these enthusiastic intellectuals, Iosif Vulcan, has become in the Familia cultural magazine that he initiated at Pest, in 1865, an observer first, then a promoter of Romanian institutions at their beginnings. By putting into circulation news about the emergence of literary productions, not yet constituted as values, he informed, and kept informed the Romanian public in Transylvania. In this paper, I focused on the first fifteen years of Familia, taking into account its positioning as a Romanian language magazine abroad, where the Romanian national literature was seen from beyond the political borders, but within the sensibility of a common historical space, as the central part of national identity. In order to provide a more appropriate image on the period (1865-1880), I tried to follow in a organized manner the dynamics of genres, the affirmation as well as the legitimation of writers, the decisive function of phenomena of intellectual association. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on an unknown (and, unfortunetly, not commented) Emil Cioran's conference of 1931 about the federative european project and the principle of sovereingnty of the states. In this texte, thanks to which he obtained his first scholarship in the West (at Geneve), Cioran is an follower of the pacifism, federalism, and universalism; few years after, in Berlin, he became a supporter of the radical nationalism. But even in this case he remained a refocused thinker of the mesianic. Viewed from the perspective of this conference, his radical nationalisme appears as a disappointement, or, at least, a stratagem. Anyway, his diagnoses on the European project remains very actual. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to trace the impact of Wadī‘ Ṣabrā’s (1876-1952) activity and ideas on Beirut’s musical life during the French Mandate period (1919-1943). This francophone musician and composer is considered to be the founder of the Lebanese music modernism. He played a major role in the westernisation of Beirut’s music scene, contributing to the identity construction of the new state of Greater Lebanon. Its local and Western-style music institute became a public space of music production where the institutionalisation and the professionalisation of the modern music scene started in Beirut. It was also a place of political and social controversy reflecting the contradictions of its time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the construction models of Brazil's imaginary in the fictional writings present in the French press of the late 19th century, the image of this country that is given, by this bias, to the French and how it is used in France. The image of Brazil is the contrary of that of France, a « nature country », inhabited by savages, slaves and rastaquouères, where nature is admired for its unexploited richness, and feared for its dangerousness. To establish it, these writings use the concept of exoticism, part of the European discourse of the New World since the 16th century. This concept is also renewed by contemporary ideologies: nationalism and colonialism. These writings validate, thereby, the imperial French enterprises, given that this country is painted as the only one capable of exploiting the « virgin » areas. And the negative image of Brazilian people promote, in opposition, that of the French. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Résumé: Les nations minoritaires dans les États multinationaux évoluent dans un contexte parfois incertain et inhospitalier de leur particularité sociétale, politique et culturelle. Si leur situation minoritaire n'est en rien un frein à leur existence comme nation, elle peut néanmoins s'accompagner d'un certain sentiment de fragilité nationale et même d'une peur de disparaître. Ces nations minoritaires, quand l'État auquel elles appartiennent refuse de reconnaître leur particularisme et de leur permettre de le défendre, peuvent alors rapidement devenir des nations fragiles. Il est l'objet du présent article de définir et de préciser le concept de nation fragile, à l'aide d'une discussion théorique, conceptuelle et normative. Minority nations within multinational States often evolve within a context of great uncertainty when it comes to the protection of their distinctive political and cultural characteristics. While their minority condition in no way limits their existence as nations, it can nevertheless come with a certain feeling of national fragility and even a fear of disappearing. These minority nations, when the State to which they belong refuses to recognize their particularism and to allow them the necessary tools to defend it, can then quickly become fragile nations. In this article, we discuss, define and specify the meaning of the concept of fragile nations, putting the emphasis on its theoretical and normative dimensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bombing of Guernica stands as the best-known war crime during the Spanish Civil War. The town symbolically representing the Basque essences was destroyed by a German-Italian air raid lasting over three hours, and almost two hundred people were killed. Unfortunately, this abominable event remains contentious among disparate political factions, sometimes upholding its memory by means of tailor-made interpretations. As music often performs a political role within conflicts, particularly those involving violence, it is not surprising that the Bombing of Guernica has inspired several compositions of art music. Among them, we study three works by Basque composers, namely Pablo Sorozábal, Francisco Escudero, and Ramon Lazkano. Each case study respectively stands, politically speaking, as a propagandistic event, a musical appropriation, and a collateral depoliticization of the vivid memories around the war crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gérin-Lajoie doctrine, which has founded Quebec's international activity since the 1960s, is conventionally understood as the external extension of Quebec's provincial jurisdictions. How then can it be explained that Quebec's elected representatives regularly take a stand on international conflicts, which clearly falls within the authority of the federal government? This article provides a first glimpse at the motivations of Quebec officials for taking positions on military issues. Three hypotheses are put forward and compared to every public statement expressed by Quebec's elected representatives since September 11, 2001, with regard to military interventions. Firstly, Quebec's paradiplomacy may be marked by nationalism, acting as a tool for affirmation and national differentiation beyond provincial jurisdiction. Secondly, Quebec's assertion on issues of federal jurisdiction may be the manifestation of protodiplomacy, with the aim of strengthening the quest for full sovereignty. Thirdly, Quebec's elected officials may venture into military affairs for electoral gains. In short, the article seeks to assess whether Quebec's positions on international security issues are the result of identity, secessionist, or electoral motivations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The border was invented in Europe and flourished there with the nation-states. While the Treaty of Westphalia was designed as a way to put an end to the wars (of religion), two world conflicts have made the most of it. They have led to the construction of a new Europe likely to exceed destructive nationalisms. This is the program that is questioned today. The European Union is taken in the contradiction of a space without borders and an indefiniteness of limits. The lack of a migration policy ruined thus the project of the founder fathers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the detention of German prisoners of war in Canada between 1940 and 1945. More specifically, it examines Canada-UK relations regarding this wartime captivity. Relatively unexamined in historiography, relations between Ottawa and London concerning the treatment of enemy prisoners reveals the political dynamic existing between the two Commonwealth allies as the conflict progressed. Examining intra-Commonwealth relations surrounding the issue of German prisoners and its consequences allows us to highlight the interactions as the basis of this cooperation, and the constraints they imposed on the Canadian government. In so doing, the study shows that the position imposed by the War Office in London regarding its authority over the detention in Canada was strongly questioned by Canadian authorities. These authorities went so far as to reject certain British policies by invoking Canada's national sovereignty. The nationalism defended by the Mackenzie King government, that is the duality of the predominance of Canadian interests and Ottawa's contribution to the allied war effort, clearly influenced the Dominion's positions and its relations with Great Britain. Through discussions about the detention of German soldiers in Canada between 1940 and 1045, Canada's international status emerges as a central issue. Cet article examine la détention des prisonniers de guerre allemands au Canada entre 1940 et 1945. Plus précisément, l'analyse examine les relations canado-britanniques concernant cette captivité de guerre. Encore peu abordés par l'historiographie, les rapports entretenus entre Ottawa et Londres au sujet du traitement des captifs ennemis révèlent la dynamique politique présente entre les deux alliés du Commonwealth au fil du conflit. L'étude des relations intra-Commonwealth qui entourent la question des prisonniers allemands et des mesures qui en résultent permet de faire ressortir les interactions qui se trouvaient à la base de cette coopération de même que les contraintes qu'elles imposaient au gouvernement canadien. Ce faisant, elle montre que la position imposée par le War Office à Londres quant à son autorité sur la détention au Canada sera fortement remise en question par les autorités canadiennes. Ces dernières vont même jusqu'à refuser certaines politiques britanniques en invoquant la souveraineté nationale du Canada. Le nationalisme défendu par le gouvernement de Mackenzie King, c'est-à-dire la dualité entre la primauté des intérêts canadiens et la contribution d'Ottawa à l'effort de guerre allié, va clairement influencer les positions du dominion, ainsi que les rapports qu'il entretient avec la Grande-Bretagne. À travers les discussions entourant la détention des militaires allemands au Canada entre 1940 et 1945, le statut du Canada à l'international forme un enjeu central. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article takes a first look at Jules-Paul Tardivel's ultramontane network at two points in its history: the years 1884-1886 and 1889-1891. This exploration was conducted from an analysis of letters exchanged between Tardivel and his colleagues and his personal diary. It shows an evolution in the constitution of the ultramontane network of the last quarter of the 19th century. The analysis also makes it possible to measure the network's influence and support in the construction of La Vérité, the Tardivel-led ultramontane combat journal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, the author suggests reviewing previous works on the relationship between Québécois songs, cultural identity, and nationalism through the notion of heritagization and its operational concepts, that of “unauthorized heritage” (Roberts and Cohen 2014) in particular. He claims that such a rereading of popular music history relativizes and specifies the content of those narratives seen as hegemonic, while highlighting the procedural, political and constantly renewed nature of the legitimization and transmission processes of the collective memory of (or by) the folk song. Different modes of heritagization are then discussed, such as title presentations by the Ordre national du Québec, tribute prizes at the Gala de l’ADISQ, and the customs of Québec’s country-western cultural community. The result is the consideration, or at least, a form of valorization of concrete and popular heritagization processes such as festivals, self-promotion and niche media—they too convey, albeit from outside the institutions, an identity and collective legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an oft-heard democratic paradox: while people who do not live under democracy strive for it, where it exists democracy is under criticism. This does not mean that citizens in democratic systems want to get rid of it, but that their trust in the functioning of democracy is considerably eroded. This article analyses democratic support by questioning the way it is measured, based on a representative sample of the Walloon population in Belgium. To do so, it compares two methods for classifying citizens: the a priori method, usually used in the literature, and the inductive method, inspired from social psychology. Three profiles, whose contours partially differ between methods, emerge –“non-democrats,” “satisfied democrats,” and “dissatisfied democrats”– and are analysed in light of four theoretical approaches: resources, modernization, ideology and national identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reviews several studies on Québec politics by Québécois political specialists. Research cited includes the article "Le nationalisme et la gauche au Québec" by Daniel Béland and André Lecours in the periodical "Globe: revue internationale d'études québécoises," 14 (1), and the books "Pratique de l'État au Québec" by Gérard Bergeron and "Miser sur l'égalité" edited by Alain Noël and Miriam Fahmy.

The purpose of this article is to highlight and discuss the impact of Germaine de Staël’s novel Corinne (1807) on early nineteenth-century literary debates in Italy. In particular, this essay intends to investigate the reception of the novel by the Italian intelligentsia in an era of major cultural and political change. Influential in raising national consciousness in Italy, Corinne became widely popular and controversial among Italian hommes de lettres, sparking philosophical and literary debates about the very nature of Italian literature. In this regard, this article devotes particular attention to two eminent literary figures: Ugo Foscolo (1778–1827) and Giacomo Leopardi (1798–1837). While the former particularly focuses on the interrelationship of literature and institutions, the latter develops a remarkably fecund intellectual dialogue with Staël’s writings, citing Corinne as one of the primary causes of his philosophical conversion. (In French). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Rudolf Eucken's philosophical engagement during the First World War. The central themes of sacrifice, solidarity, nationalism and patriotism are investigated in terms of their philosophical significance and in their historical context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The initiative for constitutional amendment is the entry to the constituent process. Its importance is one of fundamental nature, more so in a multinational State. Indeed, in such a context, the various segments of a fragmented society should all be able to initiate the constitutional process, this ability then being synonymous with an ability to initiate a dialogue between nations. Spain and Canada are both examples of multinational States in which we find a rigid Constitution with defined mechanisms of constitutional initiative. Comparison of these initiative procedures will highlight the ways in which the Canadian and Spanish States either respect the spirit of the constituent pact or rationalize its effects, with the consequences of directly impacting the constitutional initiative power in Quebec and in Catalonia. More globally, this research will also put in perspective the position of the Canadian and Spanish political elites about the initiative of the constitutional revision in the broader context of their consideration of minority nations claims within the multinational State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines an aspect of the history of the idea of Europe that has long been neglected. Focusing on the first half of the nineteenth century, the article surveys the interpretive frameworks that have guided scholarly inquiry on the subject so far, identifies topics for further discussion, and unearths gaps in the existing historiography. The European projects of political, diplomatic, philosophical, and literary leaders are situated in the context of the political, socio-economic, and cultural upheavals of the period, which was marked not only by the rise of nationalism, but also by a profusion of thinking about European unity and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the links between ultramontanism and French Canadian nationalism. If the influence of the ultramontane doctrine in French Canada, its networks and its politico-religious quarrels, has been the subject of many researchs, less has been written on its view of the national question. Unlike French ultramontanism - monarchist, critique of "national churches" and strongly universalist -, French Canadian ultramontanism readily adheres to a certain romantic idea of nations: the project of a "counter-society", fully Catholic, here becomes a project of nation-building. To explore this "elective affinity" between ultramontanism and nationalism in French Canada, this article first provides an overview of the thought of "reformist " Etienne Parent, on which Fernand Ouellet observed the influence of "theocratic doctrines". It then studies various facets of Mennaisian ultramontanism, especially the providential role given to the people and its customs, its will to institutionalize social life, and its fierce combat for the Church's indépendance. In so doing, it situates French Canadian nationalism among the many types of nation building, that of "cultural nations without sovereign state", where the constitution of a "Church-Nation" has the best chance to occur [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period of "institutional modernization" and definition of Acadian neonationalism (1960-1980) has so far been presented in historiography as the moment of secularisation of the Acadian reference and its actors. However, such statement simplifies the complexity of the moment. By the study of associations and movements constituting the ideological melting pot of Acadian neonationalism, the author highlights the significant contribution of clerics to the modulation of Acadian reference and its mobilizations. From the personalist foundations of Acadian neonationalism to the autonomist moment, passing by the moment of socioeconomic struggles, he shows that a significant number of clerics, reviewing their Christian philosophy at the light of progressive ideas, engage themselves at the point of becoming the leaders of some associations and movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The central idea of this study concerns the national identity in the operas of the Romanian composers from Transylvania during the interwar decades when Romanian intellectuality was concerned with the definition and redefinition of the culture of a recently made geopolitical entity and with the protection of this national "being" from protesters. National specificity, as a romantic heritage influenced by the herderian thinking, was an inspirational source in configuring the idea of authenticity, in this equation the main characters being the national language and the folksong. When a series of symbols and other particular aspects to nation like national history with its legendary heroes are attached to this characteristic features to the national Romanian culture, they find a favorable environment in the opera genre. When the opera is stimulated by an institution placed under the state patronage that leads into a national direction, the music resulted is conditioned by the external parameters. In the same time, this music must respond to the demand of aligning its language to the modernist techniques. The responsibility faced to the national personalization of the musical style and language that also had to keep an universal relevance, was a reaction of the interwar Romanian composers confronted almost simultaneously with what meant to be the shaping of the Romanian musical school of composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the 1960s, discourse concerning Mexican immigration to the United States has become more alarmist. In the past few decades, references to the 'latino invasion' and the fear of a reconquest of US territory by the 'Mexican hordes' have entered the American collective imaginary. At the same time, north of the Canadian/US border, Quebec nationalism, which is perceived as a threat to Canadian unity, became a major issue. This article focuses on how the 'Quebec metaphor' is used in the United States to strengthen an anti-Mexican discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The musical «romanity» is a very exciting semiologic case. Is it a reality or just an empty musical label? In this study, we present three historical and cultural stages which constitute the musical «romanity»: between the wars (WWI - WWII), during the communist period, and after the revolution of 1989. Firstly, in the 1920's, an important musicological movement marked the appearance of the periodical Muzica of Bucharest; the two main personalities of the Romanian music, musicologist Constantin Brailoiu and composer Georges Enesco, wrote a lot of essays to defend this «romanity». Secondly, during the communist period (1944-1989), the emphasis on the «new folklore» was an official recommendation of the State to strengthen a «national specificity» of communist vision. Thirdly, after the collapse of the dictatorial regime, the «romanity» questions strongly reappeared, but, this time, they were accompanied by some negative nuances and identity frustration. To define a national «romanity» in the context of international opening (e.g. European Union) seems to be an anachronistic phenomenon, but it is finally the normal reaction of identity protection in front of the disappearance of specificities and the appearance of standardization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]