Search

This paper examines how Colombia’s Justicia Especial para la Paz (JEP) emerges as a tribunal within which the roles of history, politics, and transitional justice becomes contested. The paper starts by placing the JEP in a historical, social, and political context. Building on the contextualization, it focuses on how the JEP appears to be an extension of the five-decade long conflict in Colombia in its attempt to deal with the past. The paper underscores how punishing “bad” things is not an easy task. Against this background, the paper challenges the boundaries of criminal liability by discussing and analyzing “storytelling” as an alternative to truth-telling in the JEP in order to not only provide additional nuances to the conflict, but also as a way to, at least theoretically, tie different social collectives together in a post-conflict society and enable the courtroom to function constructively with difficult social issues in the aftermath of cataclysm.

This paper focuses on the link between Transitional Justice (TJ) and Indigenous Peoples in Colombia. The aim is to identify and discuss how Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) has used and appropriated the Transitional Justice in Colombia during the past 10 years. Thus, the main argument is the Colombian TJ, which is a social process of interactions involving diverse types of agents and multiple levels of law. This implies that Indigenous Peoples have engaged in a TJ from below through multi-sited uses of the discourse. This case study is analysed through a socio-legal and the sociology of social movements approach that articulates Law and globalization perspectives and, the diffusion and uses of law. The action-research perspective, the qualitative approach of ethnography and the methods of non-participant observation and in-depth interviews of some activists and social actors are used. In addition, qualitative content analysis of laws, policy papers, NGOs and indigenous organizations reports. Este artículo se centra en la relación entre la Justicia Transicional (JT) y los Pueblos Indígenas en Colombia. El objetivo es identificar y debatir cómo la Organización Nacional Indígena de Colombia (ONIC) ha utilizado y se ha apropiado de la Justicia Transicional durante los últimos 10 años. El argumento central es que la JT colombiana es un proceso social de interacciones que involucra diversos tipos de agentes y niveles del derecho. Esto implica que los Pueblos Indígenas se han involucrado en una JT desde abajo a través de los usos del discurso en múltiples lugares. Este estudio de caso es analizado a través de un enfoque socio-jurídico y de sociología de los movimientos sociales que articula las perspectivas del Derecho y la globalización, y la difusión y los usos del derecho. Metodológicamente usa la perspectiva de la investigación-acción, el enfoque cualitativo de la etnografía y los métodos de observación no participante y entrevistas en profundidad, y el análisis de contenido cualitativo de leyes, de documentos de políticas públicas, de ONG y de informes. Available from: https://doi.org/10.35295/osls.iisl/0000-0000-0000-0960

This paper focuses on a philosopher whose thoughts are fundamental, today, to the question of the critical relation between philosophy and culture, or between politics and culture. Alfredo Gómez-Muller is one of the philosophers who has reflected, with great intellectual rigor, on Latin American imaginaries -and especially Colombian imaginaries- of nation, culture, and race. This is an overview of the origins and impact of Benthamism in the New Granada, as well as of some determinant imaginaries of the nation from the 19th century, which serves as an analysis of the importance given by the author to memory and utopia in building and consolidating a stable and lasting peace in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

this paper examines how the memory of the war influenced the campaigning for the October 2016 peace plebiscite in Colombia. By analyzing 1307 tweets, the study identifies key strategies carried out by supporters and opponents of the peace agreement. This comparative approach shows that the "No" campaign mobilized the public around the delegitimization of the FARC guerilla, while the "Yes" campaign used Twitter essentially to announce campaign events. Allusions to the armed conflict were more frequent in the tweets against the peace agreement. They contributed to (re) writing the collective memory of the conflict by referring mainly to the facts for which the adversaries were responsible. The campaign for the plebiscite was a continuation of the war discourses specific to the period of armed confrontation. The conclusion highlights the implications for the peacebuilding project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Natures Sciences Sociétés is the property of EDP Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social protests were crucial to the election of Colombia's progressive government in 2022. However, it's role in the violence against Venezuelan migrants that preceded it is still unclear. This paper examines racial bias in media responses to Venezuelan migrants during Colombia's 2019-2021 social protests. Theorists suggest that structural changes like migration can normalize hostility against vulnerable groups when specific conditions increase hostile perceptions. Colombia's press has not been scrutinized for misanthropic and hostile views, focusing on xenophobic urban riots that occurred alongside social protests in November 2019. We conducted a content analysis of Colombian newspapers, linking migration, violence, and protests, along with public migration data from Venezuela. Our findings reveal that social movements in Colombia intersect with contemporary Venezuelan migration, highlighting the ambivalence of social protests. While protests may have shifted attention away from racist attributions toward Venezuelan migrants, they do not signify a new perception of vulnerable populations.

This paper contributes to the important body of research on entrepreneurship and social capital. Most previous work on social capital and business incubators has analyzed how the structure of personal networks (measured by network size or density) and their quality (measured by tie strength) influence venture performance. However, few studies have focused on the mobilization of partners’ resources. This paper analyses how these three dimensions of social capital —defined in this article as the structural dimension, the relational dimension and the resource dimension— are closely linked to the three types of interactions in a business incubator: networking, counseling and resourcing. An Ordinary Least Squares regression was applied to a sample made up of incubating firms in Colombia. Results from the data analysis show that resourcing interactions constitute the most significant aspect of business incubators for entrepreneurs.

This paper describes the Colombian legal framework applicable for the mining industry and identifies the problematic issues within and then proposes some straightforward reforms. To accomplish this objective the presents some information about the importance of this activity in the current political and economic setting and describes the fast growth of this industry as well as the influence of the global markets with regard to the needs of the mining activity. The paper proposes six basic reforms to adjust the legal framework to the current challenges of the industry.

Copyright of Cultures et Conflits is the property of Centre d'Etudes sur les Conflits, Revue Cultures & Conflits and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In Colombia, the context of violence caused a massive displacement of the population. Juan Manuel Echavarría’s work takes place in this context. His two series Silencios (2010- today) and Testigos de los silencios (2014-today) will be analyzed in this paper, which offers a reflection on time, space and the constant changes of the territory and its population.

In the last few years, Colombian ELT scholars have become aware of the importance of discourse for the dissemination of ideologies and agendas. As a result, the number of studies on this area has shown an unprecedented growth. Nevertheless, few investigations have explored and analyzed both sides simultaneously so as to display not only the types of hegemonic discourses that have permeated the field but also those which have recently emerged in response to such a situation. Considering these elements, this paper reports on a qualitative case study carried out with the purpose of analyzing the latest types of hegemonic discourses and discourses of resistance that have taken place in elt in Colombia. After analyzing the data gathered, which consisted of empirical and conceptual articles, as well as linguistic policies emitted by the Colombian Ministry of Education (men), the results showed that discourses revolving around bilingualism (understood as the English-Spanish relationship), identity, and native speakerism have been a recurrent aspect in the Colombian elt field. Yet, findings also suggest that, especially in the last decade, elt scholars have been resisting these discourses by promoting alternative ones that acknowledge initiatives in different areas of knowledge. In light of these aspects, it is recommended to keep resisting and promoting an agenda of decolonization so that alternative discourses, as is the case of those that acknowledge the incorporation of epistemologies that have been historically overlooked, continue gaining traction within the field.

Taking into consideration the works of two women visual artists who we interviewed, this paper aims to explain the episodic and ambiguous interactions that these artists had with feminist ideas during the 1970s. This was a pivotal period for Colombia in three ways: the government opted for repression, guerrillas controlled the urban areas, and feminist groups spread to the country’s main cities. They did not have an important impact on the local art scene: in fact, most of the women visual artists considered these groups too radical. When they appeared, drawing was revitalized, artists tested news materials and the body took on new meanings. In a context of artistic renaissance and sexual liberation, the question of the female body progressively conquered the local artistic production. Whether examined by activists or by sceptics, this question and its generalization reveal the scope of the feminist ideas.

Article in Spanish, Abstracts in English and Spanish.As it is well known, Humboldt and Bonpland ended their almost five-years-journey throughout the American continent with a short but intense stay of nearly three months in the USA.As it has already been studied in a previous paper (‘HiN’ nº 3, 2001), Humboldt’s political and economical thesis predicted the role and the place that would most probably correspond to the newly born American nations within the new post-Napoleonic world order.Afterward, Humboldt explicitly stated that not only the future but the present of the USA seemed very different to the one of the Latin American countries due to the many ethnic, social and cultural barriers, and specially to the many historical ‘vices’ that these had inherited from the colony. This conviction was shared with other ‘illustrated’ German thinkers of his time, such as G.F. Hegel, who thought that after the full consummation of the Iberoamerican independence from Europe a confrontation, even military, will be unavoidable and even necessary between the North and the South of the America as precondition for the rebirthing of the ‘idea’, ‘reason’ and ‘spirit’ into the ‘new world’; it is, as precondition for the continuity of ‘History’; in other words, for avoiding the ‘end of History’. After 200 years of a complex and difficult coexistence between the USA and the rest of the continent, and after at least two failures of Iberoamerica to achieve a full reinsertion within the Western politics, culture and economy, the USA, having been a super world power for several decades, have offered, and even forced, a great continental alliance (‘ALCA) ’that will lead in, a very short term (2005), to a unique and preferential continental market and, in some way, to a unique American economic culture. One of the many questions that arises about such a challenge is if the Iberoamerican countries have yet been able to overcome the mentioned historic and structural barriers and colonial ‘vices’ referred by Humboldt. And, if in despite of these barriers, would Iberoamerica, by the hand of the USA and Canada, finally be able to find an appropriate and deserved ‘place’ and ‘role’ within the ‘new world order’ of the so called ‘globalization’ era. This questioning is a new challenge for the Humboltian science and a possibility for it to analyze the ‘present time’ with the same premises used by Humboldt at his time to criticize the Hispano-American reality and to certain extent, predict its immediate future. This is what, with the required humbleness, this paper tries to formulate.

This paper seeks to propose the peacebuilding as an activity that favors and facilitates interreligious dialogue in Colombia. The eradication of symbolic violence requires the collaborative work of all citizens and institutions, particularly the religious institution. Religions and their organizations have legal constitutional conditions, which recognize, respect and promote freedom of religion and worship, against which they are expected to continue making a significant contribution to peacebuilding. The golden rule, which is part of the reservation of meaning, present in each of them, can serve as an inspiration to take decisions that lead to the social transformation that peacebuilding requires.

Business growth has been widely noted in the academic literature as a relevant variable that explains the level of employment and welfare. Recently, other studies consider the influence of High-Growth firms and Gazelles to explain the dynamics growth. The aim of this work is to approach business growth from a theoretical point of view, establishing is impact as a multidimensional variable. Some factors that explain the growth are look over to improve the impacts of them in the business growth such as size, age, region and economic cycle. Finally, this paper analyzes the studies of Colombian growth and their characteristics to explain their path and conditioning factors

This paper analyzes L. Currie and A. O. Hirschman’s contributions to development economics in the context of their Colombian experience as foreign experts. We show that the common ideas about the divergences between these authors have overlooked the view they shared of the experts’ role as a triggering factor in development strategy. They both believed experts should facilitate and guide the decision-making process. Using published and archival sources, we show that their experiences as experts in Colombia led them to redefine their ideas and understand the influence of the political economy of development policies on the advice that experts give.

Armed conflicts have different impacts on women. In this regard, women’s civil society organizations are inserted in the international political arenas in order to guarantee their rights in warfare contexts. In the case of conflicts in Colombia, women are identified not only as combatants and victims, but also as members of women civil organizations for peacebuilding. These organizations played a prominent role in the elaboration of the peace agreement between the Government of Colombia and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) in Havana, Cuba, between 2012 and 2016. This article proposes an analysis of the theoretical production on peace, international security, feminism and subalternity, to present the specific case of the conflict in Colombia and its gender perspectives. The results indicate that peace agreements can be instruments of political inclusion and reparation for women affected by armed conflicts. In highlighting the role of political minorities in the international peace negotiations in Colombia, this research contributes to the development and expansion of critical perspectives —feminist and subaltern— on international security and studies for peace. Moreover, building upon the specific analysis of the Havana Agreement, this paper aims to contribute to the inclusion of a gender perspective in future peace agreements.

As long as there has been violence in organized societies, achieving peace has been a goal through different means, including education. In Colombia –a country where the national government and the guerrilla FARC reached a peace agreement–, education was set to be essential to promote a culture of peace. Accordingly, this article presents a literature review of Cátedra de la Paz, a peace education course that seeks to encourage and strengthen a culture of peace in every educational institution in Colombia. The literature review suggests that, whereas this course reveals a positive impact in the communities, a lack of institutional support –which could stem from larger-scale political and societal conflicts over what peace means and how to achieve it– trumps its implementation. Furthermore, this paper argues that –if Cátedra de la Paz or other future peace education courses aim to promote a culture of peace grounded in contextualized needs and opportunities– critical lenses towards the topics and pedagogy are necessary.

The works of the Colombian geographer, cartographer and historian Francisco Javier Vergara y Velasco (1860-1914) —and his cartographic works in particular—, is beginning to be known and valued by Colombian and international historiography. His maps, wood-engraved, sum up more than two hundreds, most of them distributed between the final edition of his Nueva Geografía de Colombia (1901-1902) and his Atlas completo de geografía colombiana (1906-1910). This paper aims to describe and characterize the set of maps belonging to the Nueva Geografía de Colombia. This is a wide, rich and variegated cartographic collection, based in strong erudition and arduous collection and processing of data, making it a relevant and original work. The set of thematic maps on the book is highlighted.

This paper presents a state of the art about studies of “black / Afro-Colombian women” between 2007 and 2017, whose purpose is to analyze the scientific production on the main social problems that affect their life experiences. The methodology used was a bibliographic inquiry from which a sample was constructed, which was processed through thematic content analysis. The results show that those who carry out this type of studies are women researchers, it also characterizes the typologies of the publications, the theoretical and methodological approaches used in these investigations, as well as the emerging themes, from wish it is emphasized that the existence of Black / Afro-Colombian women is imbued with multiple oppressions: racist, sexist, by class and by armed conflict. From the conclusions, it is highlighted that the women object of study make a substantial contribution to the (re)signification of representations about black / Afro-Colombian women, they also produce knowledge prioritizing the territorial and situated perspective in their works, as well as the recurrent interest in granting visibility to womwn’s concrete social problems and political action strategies.

This paper describes how a collaborative action research project implemented in an underprivileged high school in Bogotá helped an English teacher and her students discuss issues of social justice with a special focus on bullying. It also discusses how the English teacher used her class to connect global and local issues to sensitize students to their own social inequalities. To do this, the teacher used social justice, critical peace education, and globalization as a framework that guided her research and practices. The students, the teacher, and I, as a researcher, collaborated to cocreate lessons whereby students were conscientized about normalized aggression in the school. The findings of this research suggest the following (a) students became more sensitive to and aware of the violent culture that existed in the school, (b) the activities empowered them to become advocates for social change, and (c) the actions taken translated into the community becoming central as praxis. I conclude that the English classroom has the capacity for social transformation as it allows for alternative pedagogical approaches targetting the students’ needs.

This paper presents the first results of the application of the methodology of Grounded Theory by Anselm Strauss, based on qualitative analysis through surveys, interviews and observation to other models, such the German and Mexican models . The analysis focuses on learning models in their environment of competencies and skills for innovation and technological development, the technical level of training and its relation to innovation in companies regarding to the Colombian case.

This paper analyzes Carlos Rojas´ work in the public-private enterprise “Artesanías de Colombia” during the 1970s. During his administration there was a modernization in the way of conceptualizing, producing and putting into circulation the handcrafts in this South American country. The hypothesis of this work argues that Rojas – an important Colombian abstract artist – went across the themes, functions, techniques and materials of rural crafts from modern art language. This art crafts process of modernization – that involves operations of synthesis and condensation of formal elements and the renewal of chromatic aspects – carried out by Rojas from “Artesanías de Colombia” sought a national and international circulation and consumption. This work does not pretend to carry out an exhaustive study of the Colombian craft. Some examples of handcrafts will be analyzed as varnish of the city of Pasto (barniz de Pasto-Department of Nariño), animals figures made from wood (Bogotá) and Tagua seed carvings (Chiquinquirá).

El trabajo que presentamos pretende, desde un punto de vista comparado, y en perspectiva histórica, presentar la realidad del fenómeno educativo colombiano, en concreto las políticas y prácticas educativas en zonas indígenas. La realidad colombiana se presta a muchas intervenciones y reflexiones filosóficas, educativas y políticas acerca de los indígenas y su papel, representatividad y visibilidad en la sociedad. La educación indígena sigue un proceso de marcha, en ocasiones parece lento, en otras rápido; en este momento siguen existiendo problemas prioritarios como la tierra, la producción, la salud, etc. No obstante para las hoy comunidades indígenas, el planteamiento educativo es muy importante y lo enmarcan en su problemática actual que hoy viven como comunidades indígenas.The present paper seeks,from a comparative perspective, and historical perspective, presenting the phenomenon Colombian education,specifically educational policies and practices in indigenous areas. The situation in Colombia, lends itself to many interventions and philosophical, educational and policy on indigenous people and its role,representation and visibility in society.Indigenous education is an ongoing process,sometimes seems slow, others fast, at this time remain priority issues such as land,production, health, etc. But for today, indigenous communities, the educational approach is very important and fall within its current problems today live as indigenous communities.

This paper analyses the effects of tourism on the economic growth and development, focusing on the main tourism regions of Colombia: Antioquia, Bolivar, Bogotá, Magdalena and San Andrés-Providencia of Colombia. For the analysis, the study uses annual data from 1990 to 2006. Firstly, the work presents a quantitative exercise describing the evolution of the participation of the tourism sector in the different regions and its contribution to economic growth. The analysis shows an increasing participation of tourism in the economic growth of each region during the periods 1990-1999 and 2003-2006 and a decresing in the intermediate period. Secondly, the study uses cointegration analysis to evaluate the existence of VEC among real GDP per capita, tourism expenditures and real exchange rates. We show that the causality relationship is positive and unidirectional for all the regions but the values of elasticities are considerable different. This implies that a change in tourism expenditure will produce different effects on the economic growth of the regions.

This paper presents a case study on “infant mortality” in a major Colombian mining district in the early 19th century. Local and rural aspects are examined without sacrificing the analysis in the national and the international levels, since this issue emerged in the international and Colombian medical fields at the same time as a new responsiveness towards infancy was expanding and consolidating itself. Filiations, sources and theoretical tools used by Colombian physicians to treat infancy at the time fit in a wide international movement, which was a scientific, political, economic and demographic movement all at once. The analysis of a particular case, from Titiribí Municipality Records, illustrates the local and regional dimensions of infant mortality, while contributing to public health historiography in Colombian rural areas.

The paper aims to show that the process of consolidation of radio as mass media depended on the formation and training of its audience in which Colombia was initially restricted to minority scientific community to urban centers and then managed to cover a spectrum broader population. Factors such as the installation and operation of radio stations, the increased number of radios and the associations of amateur radio have contributed to the process. The information came from newspapers, magazines, trade directories, commercial guides and statistical studies of the age.

ResumenEl estudio presenta la estimación de la magnitud del efecto escolar para Colombia a partir de los datos del Segundo Estudio Regional Comparativo y Explicativo, SERCE. La muestra estuvo conformada por 7.236 es- tudiantes y 155 escuelas de 3o y 6o de básica. Para el análisis se ajustaron modelos multinivel de dos niveles con las variables índice socioeconómico, nivel cultural, género, preescolarización, lengua materna, punta- je en matemáticas y lenguaje. Los resultados señalan un efecto entre 6% y 23%, mayor para Lectura que para Matemáticas, al igual que diferencias entre las escuelas a partir de las diferencias socioculturales y socioeconómicas de los alumnos y la escuela.AbstractThis paper presents an estimation of the magnitude of the school ef- fect fo Colombia based on data from SERCE, the Segundo Estudio Regional Comparativo y Explicativo (Second Regional Comparative and Explana- tory Survey). The sample consisted of 7,236 students of 3rd and 6th grades from 155 schools. For the analysis, multilevel models were adjusted to the following variables: socioeconomic index, cultural level, gender, nursery education, mother language, and mathematics and language scores. The results show an effect between 6% and 23%, greater for reading than for mathematics, as well as differences between schools related to the socio- cultural and socioeconomic dissimilari- ties of students and schools.RésuméL'étude présente l'estimation de la ma- gnitude de l'effet scolaire pour la Co- lombie à partir des données du Deu- xième Etude Régionale Comparative et Explicative, SERCE. Le prélèvement était conformée par 7.236 étudiants et 155 écoles de troisième et sixième de basique primaire. Pour l'analyse on a ajusté les modèles multi-niveaux de deux niveaux avec les variables de l'indexe socioéconomique, du niveau culturel, du genre, de la pré-scolarité, de la langue maternelle, de la moyen en mathématiques et langage. Les ré- sultats indiquent un effet entre 6% et 23%, majeure pour la Lecture que pour les mathématiques, ainsi que les différences entre les écoles à partir des différences socioculturelles et socioé- conomiques des élèves et de l'école.ResumoO estudo apresenta a estimação da magnitude do efeito escolar para a Colômbia a partir dos dados do Se- gundo Estudo Regional Comparativo e Explicativo, SERCE. A amostra foi composta por 7.236 estudantes e 155 escolas, de 3o e 6o anos do ensino fun- damental. Para a análise se ajustaram modelos multinível de dois níveis com as variáveis: índice socioeconômico, nível cultural, gênero, pré-escolariza- ção, língua materna, pontuação em matemática e linguagem. Os resul- tados assinalam um efeito entre 6% e 23%, mais para a Leitura que para Matemática, como também diferenças entre as escolas a partir das diferenças socioculturais e socioeconômicas dos alunos e da escola.

This paper briefly presents Fronteras de la Historia, journal of the Colombian Institute of Anthropology and History (Icanh), specializing in Latin American colonial history. It talks about the origin and characteristics of the journal, its thematic content, the influence Colombian politics of science and technology have had on it; the article ends with some reflections on the challenges the online publication represents for the journal.

This paper looks at the recent illicit cocaine trafficking geographical and geopolitical trends, from the South american producer regions to the western markets, through the various spaces filling this commercial gap into the Caribbean and Africa. New patterns have been emerging since two decades: production activities have been increasingly taking place in Colombia without being completely eradicated from Bolivia and Peru, consummation has been steadily increasing in Europe as well as in South America and Africa, while trafficking operations were blooming around the Caribbean and in Africa. The main reason for those developments is the balloon effect, the shift of trafficking networks according to day-to-day repression targets. Those movements have been eased off by the actual prohibition politics lack of will, although much energy has been put into the discourses surrounding them. This gap between talks and actions allows us to be very sceptical when it comes to a repression often used as a smoke screen to mask major geopolitical interventions.