48 results on '"Somer, Murat"'
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2. Old and New Polarizations and Failed Democratizations in Turkey
- Author
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Somer, Murat and Tezcür, Güneş Murat, book editor
- Published
- 2022
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3. Turkey : The Slippery Slope from Reformist to Revolutionary Polarization and Democratic Breakdown
- Author
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SOMER, MURAT
- Published
- 2019
4. Transformations through Polarizations and Global Threats to Democracy
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SOMER, MURAT and McCOY, JENNIFER
- Published
- 2019
5. Toward a Theory of Pernicious Polarization and How It Harms Democracies : Comparative Evidence and Possible Remedies
- Author
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McCOY, JENNIFER and SOMER, MURAT
- Published
- 2019
6. Turkey's Kurdish Conflict: Changing Context, and Domestic and Regional Implications
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2004
7. Cascades of Ethnic Polarization: Lessons from Yugoslavia
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2001
8. Politics of Notables versus National Machine: Social, Political and State Transformations, Party Organizations and Clientelism during AKP Governments
- Author
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Baykan, Toygar Sinan and Somer, Murat
- Subjects
authoritarianism ,İYİ Parti ,Party organizations ,clientelism ,popular broker state ,CHP ,national machine politics ,socio-economic change ,AKP ,politics of notables ,HDP - Abstract
This article reviews the existing body of scholarship and draws on original qualitative research that compares the party organizations of four major Turkish parties. By doing so, it highlights the causal relationships -mediated by political agency– between socioeconomic structures and party politics. Clientelism remained part and parcel of Turkish party politics and state-society relations since the transition to multi-party system in mid-20th century through AKP governments. However, important changes occurred in terms of who effectively supplied it, how, and to whom on the basis of broader socioeconomic transformations of Turkey. Political parties did not equally or homologously adjust and respond to social change. The AKP’s successful organizational responses to socioeconomic transformations had important implications for Turkey’s political regime. In pre-AKP clientelism, the state and powerful local notables within parties were key to the supply and distribution of clientelistic benefits. We argue that this contributed to the emergence of electoral democracy under tutelage of military-bureaucratic state actors who faced weak resistance from a fragmented civilian political class. In turn, during AKP governments, the locus of patronage shifted from state to party and from local notables to the AKP party machine: national machine politics. This helped the party to pacify military-bureaucratic tutelage and achieve dominance in party politics, but, the lack of a categorically pro-democratic party ideology and the paradoxes of national machine politics together led the party to transform Turkey to an electoral autocracy instead of developing democracy. Further, the AKP reshaped the Turkish state, which on the surface began to look like a party-state. By revising and providing nuance to this observation, we discuss the emergence of a popular broker-state mediating between national and local state institutions and local communities through its control over resources. We maintain that all these changes facilitated also the party’s internal decay. This generates important opportunities for opposition parties, who however continue to rely heavily on pre-AKP forms of clientelistic politics. Without refashioning their party organizations and party-voter linkages, they may not be able to defeat the AKP electorally, and even if they are, they may not be able to secure successful democratization. They also face difficulties of altering how they form clientelistic linkages with society without controlling state resources at national level.
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- 2023
9. Is Islam the Solution? Comparing Turkish Islamic and Secular Thinking toward Ethnic and Religious Minorities
- Author
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Somer, Murat and Glüpker-Kesebir, Gitta
- Published
- 2016
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10. Why Aren't Kurds Like the Scots and the Turks Like the Brits? Moderation and Democracy in the Kurdish Question
- Author
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SOMER, MURAT
- Published
- 2008
11. Moderate Islam and Secularist Opposition in Turkey: Implications for the World, Muslims and Secular Democracy
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2007
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12. Failures of the Discourse of Ethnicity: Turkey, Kurds, and the Emerging Iraq
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SOMER, MURAT
- Published
- 2005
13. Turkey's new Kurdish opening: religious versus secular values
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Somer, Murat and Liaras, Evangelos G.
- Subjects
Turkey -- Political aspects ,Kurds -- Political aspects ,International relations ,Regional focus/area studies ,Justice and Development Party -- Domestic policy - Abstract
Over the last several months, Turkish politics have been roiled by the 'Kurdish opening' launched by the governing AKP (Justice and Development Party). Though admittedly vague in its content, this [...]
- Published
- 2010
14. Resurgence and remaking of identity: civil beliefs, domestic and external dynamics, and the Turkish mainstream discourse on Kurds
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
Turkey -- Political aspects ,Kurds -- Political aspects ,Government ,International relations ,Political science - Abstract
This article analyzes the case of Turkey and theorizes about the causal mechanisms that can explain discursive transformations through which dominant perceptions of ethnic identities are suppressed, revived, and remade. Systematic content analysis of a major Turkish newspaper from 1984 through 1998, comparisons across subperiods, in-depth interviews with prominent journalists. and detailed examination of the historical events constitute the empirical analysis. Arguing that the state elites did not form a monolithic group, it is shown that the transformation of the mainstream discourse during the 1990s occurred after several reversals, relatively swiftly, and at least partly despite resistance from within the state. The Kurdistan Worker's Party conflict; shifting instrumental elite beliefs: breakdown of cooperation among moderates: external developments, including those in Iraq; and cascade mechanisms played causal roles. The explanation contributes to a multidisciplinary body of literatures on public-political discourse, cascade theories of social-political change, ethnic conflict, democratization. Turkey, and Kurds and derives policy implications. Keywords: public discourse; cascades; democratic transition: Turkey; Kurds; Iraq; ethnic conflict
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- 2005
15. Nation-Building in Turkey and Morocco: Governing Kurdish and Berber Dissent Aslan Senem
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2017
16. Will Turkey's president accept the country's election results?
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Somer, Murat
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Contested elections ,Local elections -- Forecasts and trends ,Presidents (Government) -- Beliefs, opinions and attitudes ,Cogeneration power plants ,Opposition (Political science) ,Elections ,Political parties ,Right and left (Political science) ,Market trend/market analysis ,General interest ,News, opinion and commentary - Abstract
Byline: Murat Somer In Turkey's March 31 local elections, the opposition parties - particularly the center-left Republican People's Party CHP and the informal alliance it formed with a newly founded [...]
- Published
- 2019
17. Pernicious polarization, autocratization and opposition strategies.
- Author
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Somer, Murat, McCoy, Jennifer L., and Luke, Russell E.
- Subjects
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POLARIZATION (Social sciences) , *DEMOCRACY , *POLITICAL opposition , *CITIZENS , *DICTATORSHIP - Abstract
"Pernicious polarization" – the division of society into mutually distrustful Us versus Them camps in which political identity becomes a social identity – fosters autocratization by incentivizing citizens and political actors alike to endorse non-democratic action. An exploratory analysis of new V-Dem data on polarization indeed shows the negative relationship between the level of political polarization and liberal democracy ratings. How can pernicious polarization be avoided or reversed once present? By drawing on an endogenous explanation of polarization, where the decisions and actions of both opposition actors and incumbents contribute to its evolution, we focus on the question of what democratic opposition actors can do to stop or reverse pernicious polarization. Based on insights from examples across the world and deductive theory-building, along with illustrative cases, we offer a typology of potential opposition goals, strategies and tools, and then analyse how these may affect polarization and in turn democratic quality at early and late stages. We identify goals as either generative or preservative, and we argue that "active-depolarizing" and "transformative-repolarizing" strategies are more promising than "passive-depolarizing" and "reciprocal polarizing" strategies to improve a country's resilience to autocratizing pressures. The specific tools employed to pursue these goals and strategies are also crucial, though the effectiveness of available institutional accountability and mobilizational tools will change as the process of polarization advances. The emerging literatıres on opposition strategies to democratize electoral autocracies and to improve the resilience of democracies should incorporate their impact on polarization as a critical intervening variable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
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18. Is Turkish Secularism Antireligious, Reformist, Separationist, Integrationist, or Simply Undemocratic?
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Somer, Murat
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- 2013
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19. Déjà vu? Polarization and Endangered Democracies in the 21st Century.
- Author
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Somer, Murat and McCoy, Jennifer
- Subjects
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POLARIZATION (Social sciences) , *DEMOCRACY , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *POLITICAL participation , *SOCIAL institutions - Abstract
As political and societal polarization deepens, democracies are under stress around the world. This article examines the complex relationship and causal direction between democracy and polarization and posits three theoretical possibilities: (1) polarization contributes to democratic backsliding and decay, (2) polarization results from democratic crisis, and (3) polarization contributes to democratic deepening. We argue “politics” is central to polarization and identify as a key feature of the process of polarization the manner in which it simplifies the normal complexity of politics and social relations. Polarization does so by aligning otherwise unrelated divisions, emasculating cross-cutting cleavages, and dividing society and politics into two separate, opposing, and unyielding blocks. As such, it often has pernicious consequences for democracy, emerging as an intended or unintended consequence of political interest–based and purposeful political mobilization. Polarization over the very concept of democracy may also be the product of democratic crisis. Finally, in certain circumstances, polarization may strengthen democratic institutions and citizen choice. The article then introduces the articles in this issue that address these three theoretical and empirical possibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
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20. Polarization and the Global Crisis of Democracy: Common Patterns, Dynamics, and Pernicious Consequences for Democratic Polities.
- Author
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McCoy, Jennifer, Rahman, Tahmina, and Somer, Murat
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SOCIAL dynamics ,POLARIZATION (Social sciences) ,DEMOCRACY ,IDEOLOGY ,INTERGROUP relations - Abstract
This article argues that a common pattern and set of dynamics characterizes severe political and societal polarization in different contexts around the world, with pernicious consequences for democracy. Moving beyond the conventional conceptualization of polarization as ideological distance between political parties and candidates, we offer a conceptualization of polarization highlighting its inherently relational nature and its instrumental political use. Polarization is a process whereby the normal multiplicity of differences in a society increasingly align along a single dimension and people increasingly perceive and describe politics and society in terms of “Us” versus “Them.” The politics and discourse of opposition and the social–psychological intergroup conflict dynamics produced by this alignment are a main source of the risks polarization generates for democracy, although we recognize that it can also produce opportunities for democracy. We argue that contemporary examples of polarization follow a frequent pattern whereby polarization is activated when major groups in society mobilize politically to achieve fundamental changes in structures, institutions, and power relations. Hence, newly constructed cleavages are appearing that underlie polarization and are not easily measured with the conventional Left–Right ideological scale. We identify three possible negative outcomes for democracy—“gridlock and careening,” “democratic erosion or collapse under new elites and dominant groups,” and “democratic erosion or collapse with old elites and dominant groups,” and one possible positive outcome—“reformed democracy.” Drawing on literature in psychology and political science, the article posits a set of causal mechanisms linking polarization to harm to democracy and illustrates the common patterns and pernicious consequences for democracy in four country cases: varying warning signs of democratic erosion in Hungary and the United States, and growing authoritarianism in Turkey and Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
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21. Conquering versus democratizing the state: political Islamists and fourth wave democratization in Turkey and Tunisia.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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DEMOCRATIZATION , *ISLAM & politics , *ISLAMISTS , *POLITICAL autonomy , *ISLAMIZATION - Abstract
What do we learn from Turkey and Tunisia regarding the relationship between political Islamism and democratization? Variables identified by current research such as autonomy, “moderation”, and cooperation with secular actors can cut both ways depending on various political-institutional conditions and prerogatives. Particularly, the article argues that preoccupation with “conquering the state from within as opposed to democratizing it” has been a key priority and intervening variable undermining the democratizing potential of the main Turkish and Tunisian political Islamic actors – primarily the AKP and Ennahda. These actors have prioritized acceptance by and ownership of their respective nation states over other goals and strategies, such as revolutionary takeover or Islamization of the state and confrontations with state elites. This has led to a relative neglect of designing and building institutions, whether for Islamic or democratic transformation. Hence, while contributing to democratization at various stages, these actors have a predisposition to adopt and regenerate, reframe and at times augment the authoritarian properties of their states. Research should ask how secular and religious actors can agree on institutions of vertical and horizontal state accountability that would help to address the past and present sources of the interest of political Islamists in conquering rather than democratizing the state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2017
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22. Understanding Turkey’s democratic breakdown: old vs. new and indigenous vs. global authoritarianism.
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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DEMOCRACY , *AUTHORITARIANISM , *ISLAM , *DEMOCRATIZATION ,TURKISH politics & government, 1980- - Abstract
Turkey’s ‘authoritarian turn’ in recent years indicates a democratic breakdown that can best be analysed by analytically distinguishing between two simultaneous developments. The first is the reproduction of Turkey’s long-existing semi-democratic regime – which the article calls old authoritarianism – in a new historical and dominant political–ideological context and under an Islamist-leaning government. The second is the emergence of a new type of authoritarianism – dubbed new authoritarianism – that is in many respects unprecedented for Turkey, is in need of better comprehension and displays important parallels with contemporary troubles of democracy in the world. Focusing on political society and institutions is insufficient to adequately examine the emergent authoritarian regime, for example to identify it as a regime type, to explain its popular support and to foresee how durable and repressive, and to what extent party-based rather than personalistic, it may become. It is necessary to combine insights from the new political economy of welfare, transition and communication with those from political and institutional democratization. Doing so suggests that new authoritarianism generates a new kind of state–society relationship where, paradoxically, political power becomes simultaneously more particularistic, personalized and mass-based. Hence, new authoritarianism has democratizing potential, but can also become more oppressive than any other regime Turkey has previously experienced. Oscillation between these two outcomes is also possible. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
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- 2016
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23. Theory-consuming or Theory-producing?: Studying Turkey as a Theory-developing Critical Case.
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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TURKISH studies , *COMPARATIVE studies , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *PERIODICALS , *SCHOLARLY method - Abstract
Case studies of Turkey are typically read and cited as narratives of the Turkish case itself, suppliers of case-specific data, or at best, applications of more general theories. They are not perceived as theory-testing, producing, or even informing exercises. While this tendency partly results from the institutional, geographical–cultural, and methodological biases of extant social sciences, scholars may also be to blame for neglecting theory-development or for producing descriptive narratives. How can Turkish Studies scholars successfully contribute to general theory-development in their respective disciplines? The main value of Turkey for producing theory may lie in its rare combination of many qualities and in its temporal and regional variations. Thus, this article argues that, besides small-N and large-N comparative studies, the most promising way Turkish Studies can engage in theory-building may be by examining Turkey as a theory-developing critical case, i.e. as a crucial or, pathway or within-unit comparative case. For this, scholars would carefully design their studies as theory-infirming, theory-confirming, or theory-producing crucial case studies, utilize temporal and cross-sectional comparisons, and pay special attention to causal mechanisms, sequences, and processes. By using evidence from publications that draw on the Turkish case, the article shows that, since the 1990s, scholars have produced more research published in highly ranked journals of comparative politics, international relations and area studies. They also generate more single case studies with general theoretical ambitions and more visibility but so far with unclear actual theoretical impact. The article discusses some qualities of Turkey which make it a promising critical case for theory-development and how studying it this way can also help to achieve a better understanding of Turkey itself. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
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- 2014
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24. When Are Moderation and Democratization Sustainable? Theory and Lessons from Political Islam in Turkey.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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DEMOCRATIZATION , *ISLAM & politics , *RELIGION & politics , *POLITICAL parties ,TURKISH politics & government - Abstract
This paper is aimed at contributing to better explanations for the relationship between Political Islam and democracy, and, for that matter, religious politics and democracy, by using deductive theoretical development and evidence from a crucial case: the case of the ruling AKP (Justice and Development Party) in Turkey. The AKP is firmly rooted in Political Islam but owes its success mostly to its successful "moderation" and adaptation to secular democracy by in Turkey. The paper argues that political participation needs to be endogenized in order to explain the possibility and sustainability of moderation: sustainable moderation depends on the sustainability of democratization, which in turn depends on the credibility of moderation. It is also argued that the credibility of "political" moderation is closely related to constituency values. This is especially true in the case of predominantly Muslim countries where the main political conflicts between Islamists and secularists revolve around questions of social regulation and pluralism. Accordingly, the paper predicts that moderation will be more sustainable in areas where political moderation was accompanied by simultanous moderation in constituency values. Preliminary findings of a systematic content analysis of Turkish Islamic-conservative newspapers between 1996-2004 support this thesis. The AKP's emergence was accompanied by discursive moderation in areas where the AKP has been most successful, such as political and economic liberlization and EU relations. Discursive change was weak in areas where the AKP has either been passive or less successful, such as questions of social pluralism and secularism. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
25. MUSLIM DEMOCRATS IN THE MAKING?: EXPLAINING TURKEY?S AKP.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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ISLAM & politics , *POLITICAL parties , *ISLAM & secularism - Abstract
This paper offers a critical review of an interdisciplinary body of research on Islam and democracy and develops theory in order to explain the emergence of Turkey?s ruling AKP (Justice and Development Party) and to interpret to what extent this contributes to Turkey?s liberal-democratic consolidation. The paper shows that the AKP has so far featured a significantly more liberal-democratic and pro-West discourse and program than its predecessors have. It identifies the political-economic and institutional conditions that appear to have facilitated the AKP?s emergence, and places special emphasis on the EU as an external anchor and on the intended and unintended consequences of past secularist pressures. Political and theoretical implications of the case of Turkey are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
26. Moderation of religious and secular politics, a country's “centre” and democratization.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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DEMOCRATIZATION , *POLITICAL science research , *POLITICAL parties , *CENTER (Politics) , *MODERATION , *RELIGION & politics , *ISLAM & politics , *SECULARISM , *HISTORY of political parties ,TURKISH politics & government, 1909- - Abstract
Based on a within-case comparative analysis of Turkish democratization since the 1920s and data on elite values, this article develops a general theoretical framework to better explain the moderation of religious and secular politics and democratization. First, it is maintained that the content of moderation and its effects on democracy will vary across countries depending on its domestic and international context – called a country's “centre” – and political rivals’ reactions. Second, moderation can further democratization only insofar as it happens with a democratic centre. Third, absent a democratic centre, moderation may involve adoption, retention and reproduction of the centre's undemocratic attributes. In such cases, the challenge of democratization is not moderation per se but the construction of a new, democratic centre by transcending the existing centre. Fourth, moderation is interactive between religious and secular actors, multidimensional and reversible. Turkish democratization began with the moderation of authoritarian-secular actors, but generated only a semi-democracy because the changes were not institutionalized through explicit and formal compromises to produce a fully democratic centre. Turkish political Islamism moderated during the 1990s. But, despite major achievements, democratization remained ambiguous under the rule of moderate Islamists because they compromised and associated themselves with the semi-democratic centre, and secular-religious cooperation failed while some secular actors de-moderated. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2014
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27. Does It Take Democrats to Democratize? Lessons From Islamic and Secular Elite Values in Turkey.
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRATS (United States) , *DEMOCRATIZATION , *DEMOCRACY , *ISLAM & state , *ISLAM & secularism , *SECULARISM , *ELITE (Social sciences) - Abstract
Do political-Islamic elites need to be democrats for participation in democracy, how do their values compare to secular elites’, and how do their values change through participation and affect democratization itself? A comparative-systematic content analysis of three Islamic-conservative and two pro-secular Turkish newspapers over nine years shows that, overall, political-Islamic elites adopt democratic political values. Furthermore, they began to view that liberal-democratic rights and freedoms serve their interests. However, value democratization, and, thus, moderation and democratization, is not a linear and inexorable process automatically resulting from participation or socioeconomic development. It occurs through ruptures such as conflicts with secular actors, and interdependently through the interactions of secular and religious actors. Hence, religious actors’ adoption of more democracy may paradoxically make some secular actors less democratic. The consolidation of pluralistic democracy requires the emergence of both religious and secular democrats by resolving complex problems of commitment, and of clashes in areas like social pluralism where Islamic values are less open to change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
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28. Media Values and Democratization: What Unites and What Divides Religious-Conservative and Pro-Secular Elites?
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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DEMOCRATIZATION , *POLITICAL change , *MASS media , *CONSERVATIVES , *NEWSPAPERS , *PRESS & politics , *SECULARISM , *ELITE (Social sciences) , *SOCIAL values , *RELIGION - Abstract
This article presents a systematic content analysis of three religious-conservative and two pro-secular newspapers in 1996-2004 in Turkey, and discusses some findings and their implications regarding elite values and democratization: considerable internal pluralism within both religious-conservative and pro-secular elites; general consensus on democracy but not on democratic norms' application to specific issues and groups other than one's own; a division of values on religion, secularism, and social pluralism; political value change in favor of liberal democracy but social conservatism among religious-conservative elites; fragmentation and relative cynicism, but not necessarily authoritarianism, among pro-secular elites; weak ideational change on the Kurdish issue. The article argues that the press plays a significant political role as a site where elite values change or are reproduced through discussion, deliberation, or silence. Values affect and are affected by political developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2010
- Full Text
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29. Defensive- vs. liberal-nationalist perspectives on diversity and the Kurdish conflict: Europeanization, the internal debate, and Türkiyelilik.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Abstract
Focuses on the importance and implications of a debate in Turkey over the meaning, social-political role and regulation of Turkey's ethnic cultural diversity, especially that of its Kurdish component. Background on the evolution of Turkish nationalism; Information on several books that exemplify and contribute to the debate; Dominance of the defensive-nationalist perspective over the major texts, practices and discourse of the state.
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- 2005
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30. Ethnic Kurds, Endogenous Identities, and Turkey's Democratization and Integration with Europe.
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2002
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31. Sustainable Democratization and the Roles of the U.S. and the EU: Political Islam and Kurdish Nationalism in Turkey.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
DEMOCRATIZATION ,ISLAM ,NATIONALISM ,DEMOCRACY - Abstract
Sustainable democratization has to be foremost a domestic transformation based on domestic consensus. In regard to political Islam and Kurdish nationalism, which involve complex questions of identity, democratization in Turkey requires time and domestic debate. The EU and the U.S. have significant long-term interests in assisting this process by acting as firm but judicious anchors: They should avoid promoting culturally or historically essentialist values and be non-intrusive in areas with weak domestic consensus. Domestic actors should pursue domestic consensus, formulate versions of nationalism that are more compatible with liberal democracy, and design policies to gradually improve state-society relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
32. Overcoming Polarization.
- Author
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McCoy, Jennifer and Somer, Murat
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *POLARIZATION (Social sciences) , *AUTHORITARIANISM - Abstract
Around the world, democracy is being undermined by elected leaders using polarizing political strategies that divide societies into mutually distrustful camps. The logic of polarization creates incentives for political leaders and voters alike to sacrifice democratic principles rather than risk their side losing power, and it changes the capacity of institutions designed to manage political conflict and sustain democracy. Drawing lessons from experiences around the world, we propose strategies for oppositions to depolarize or repolarize around democracy-building agendas. We further analyze the challenges of "the day after" polarizing incumbents are removed, and how strategic choices to emphasize long-term collective interests over short-term partisan interests can begin to shift the vicious cycle to a virtuous one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
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33. Path to Collective Madness: A Study in Social Order and Political Pathology: Dipak K. Gupta; Westport, CT, Praeger, 2001, 283 pp., $24.95 (paperback), ISBN 0-275-97221-6
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Published
- 2002
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34. Book Reviews.
- Author
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Salmoni, Barak, Mello, Brian, Dodd, Clement, Ahmad, Feroz, Criss, Nur Bilge, Bilgin, Pinar, Kirbaroglu, Mustafa, Somer, Murat, and Heper, Metin
- Subjects
NATION-state ,NONFICTION - Abstract
Reviews the book "A Nation of Empire: The Ottoman Legacy of Turkish Modernity," by Michael E. Meeker.
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
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35. When is Moderation and Democratization Sustainable? Lessons from Political Islam in Turkey.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
- *
DEMOCRACY , *CULTURE , *INTERNATIONAL relations , *ECONOMICS - Abstract
The difficulties that the development of western democracy faces in societies with a predominantly Muslim culture form some of the major divisions in current international politics. In this context, the âmoderationâ of Political Islam and democratic consolidation in Turkey is an invaluable example. This paper evaluates the sustainability of the moderation of Turkish Political Islam, by presenting and discussing the findings of an empirical project. This project systematically content-analyzes the discourse of major Islamic-conservative newspapers and social and economic associations in Turkey, between 1996 and 2003. The premise is that in order to be sustainable, the moderation of Islamist political parties should be preceded or accompanied by changes in the values of the partyâs constituency. The content analysis reveals to what extent constituency values changed, in which areas (such as social and political pluralism, the image of the West, etc.) and how. Historical event analysis is employed to identify how change was affected by domestic and external mechanisms. The resulting causal explanation is compared to interviewed political-economic actorsâ perceptions. Finally, the paper will discuss what the findings imply for the emergence of a âtwin tolerationsâ between Islamic and secularist actors and institutions, which is necessary for democratic consolidation. Muslim societies involve major secularist actors and institutions, which are as much a product of the Muslim worldâs historical engagement of western modernity as Islamists are. Thus, for democratic consolidation it matters greatly that Islamic and secularist constituencies trust each other and produce a âtwin tolerations.â ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2008
36. CIVIL DISCOURSE, INTER-GROUP TRUST AND VIOLENT BREAKDOWN: WHEN IS IT LEAST LIKELY?
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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INTERGROUP relations , *INTERGROUP communication , *ETHNIC relations , *TRUST , *VIOLENCE - Abstract
By integrating insights from the literatures on trust, cascade theories of interdependent choices, democratic transition, and ethnic-religious conflict, this paper develops a parsimonious explanation for vulnerability to violent social breakdown. The paper then explains why rapid and violent breakdown could occur in Bosnia although it did not occur in cases including Czechoslovakia, Bulgaria and Turkey, in light of the theory developed. The argument offers a simple explanation for cross-regional variations in trust between ethnic-religious communities, and in vulnerability to violent breakdown, and complements existing explanations based in elite competition. It describes how an insincere public-political discourse under communism or any other authoritarianism, and institutions and policies that insufficiently promoted socioeconomic cooperation across ethnic-religious divisions, contribute to the pace and intensity of disintegration, if and when it occurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
37. CIVIL BELIEFS, DOMESTIC AND EXTERNAL SECURITY, AND THE TURKISH MAINSTREAM DISCOURSE ON KURDS.
- Author
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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NATIONAL security , *INTERNATIONAL security , *ETHNICITY , *KURDS - Abstract
In order to understand how dominant perceptions of ethnic identities are suppressed, revived, and remade through discursive transformations, and to derive theory and policy implications for the Kurdish and other conflicts, this article presents a systematic content-analysis of a major Turkish newspaper from 1984 to 1999. It then documents, divides into sub-periods, and explains the transformation of the mainstream discourse on Kurds during this period. The explanation contributes to a multidisciplinary body of theoretical and empirical literatures on public-political discourse, cascade theories of collective action and social-political change, elite-based explanations of ethnic conflict and democratization, Turkey, and Kurds. It is shown that the discursive transformation occurred relatively swiftly and underwent several stages and reversals, whereby the PKK-conflict, shifting instrumental elite beliefs, breakdown of cooperation among moderates, developments in Iraq, and the cascade dynamics of the mainstream discourse played causal roles. Implications for Turkey?s Kurds, democratization and role in Iraq are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
38. Turkey's secular state.
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Somer, Murat
- Subjects
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LETTERS to the editor ,TURKISH politics & government, 1980- - Abstract
A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "Courtroom Drama" in the April 5, 2008 issue.
- Published
- 2008
39. Pernicious polarization, autocratization and opposition strategies
- Author
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Russell E. Luke, Jennifer L. McCoy, Murat Somer, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer L., Luke, Russell E., College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
021110 strategic, defence & security studies ,Autocratization ,Polarization ,Democratic erosion ,Democratic backsliding ,Democratic resilience ,Opposition strategies ,05 social sciences ,Geography, Planning and Development ,Polarization (politics) ,0211 other engineering and technologies ,Opposition (politics) ,Identity (social science) ,02 engineering and technology ,0506 political science ,Politics ,Political economy ,Political science ,Political Science and International Relations ,050602 political science & public administration ,Social identity theory ,Government ,Law - Abstract
""Pernicious polarization"" - the division of society into mutually distrustful Us versus Them camps in which political identity becomes a social identity - fosters autocratization by incentivizing citizens and political actors alike to endorse non-democratic action. An exploratory analysis of new V-Dem data on polarization indeed shows the negative relationship between the level of political polarization and liberal democracy ratings. How can pernicious polarization be avoided or reversed once present? By drawing on an endogenous explanation of polarization, where the decisions and actions of both opposition actors and incumbents contribute to its evolution, we focus on the question of what democratic opposition actors can do to stop or reverse pernicious polarization. Based on insights from examples across the world and deductive theory-building, along with illustrative cases, we offer a typology of potential opposition goals, strategies and tools, and then analyse how these may affect polarization and in turn democratic quality at early and late stages. We identify goals as either generative or preservative, and we argue that ""active-depolarizing"" and ""transformative-repolarizing"" strategies are more promising than ""passive-depolarizing"" and ""reciprocal polarizing"" strategies to improve a country's resilience to autocratizing pressures. The specific tools employed to pursue these goals and strategies are also crucial, though the effectiveness of available institutional accountability and mobilizational tools will change as the process of polarization advances. The emerging literatires on opposition strategies to democratize electoral autocracies and to improve the resilience of democracies should incorporate their impact on polarization as a critical intervening variable., Central European University Institute of Advanced Studies
- Published
- 2021
40. Overcoming polarization
- Author
-
Jennifer McCoy, Murat Somer, Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), McCoy, Jennifer, College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Sociology and Political Science ,Authoritarian regimes ,Post-Soviet ,Autocracy ,Political science - Abstract
Around the world, democracy is being undermined by elected leaders using polarizing political strategies that divide societies into mutually distrustful camps. The logic of polarization creates incentives for political leaders and voters alike to sacrifice democratic principles rather than risk their side losing power, and it changes the capacity of institutions designed to manage political conflict and sustain democracy. Drawing lessons from experiences around the world, we propose strategies for oppositions to depolarize or repolarize around democracy-building agendas. We further analyze the challenges of “the day after” polarizing incumbents are removed, and how strategic choices to emphasize long-term collective interests over short-term partisan interests can begin to shift the vicious cycle to a virtuous one., NA
- Published
- 2021
41. Varieties of capitalism in the Middle East & North Africa: A comparative perspective
- Author
-
Sinanoğlu, Semuhi, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Middle East ,Siyasal Bilimler ,Middle eastern countries ,Political Science ,International Relations ,Uluslararası İlişkiler ,Political system ,Capitalism ,North Africa ,Management systems ,North Africa country ,Capitalist economy - Abstract
Ortadoğu çalışmaları, diğer bölge çalışmalarıyla aynı düzeyde ilerleyemiyor. Öne sürülen teoriler süratle Latin Amerika, Uzak Asya ve Doğu Avrupa'ya uyarlanıp uygulanırken, Ortadoğu çalışmaları istisnailikten mustarip. Bu tez, iki hedefi gerçekleştirmeyi amaçlıyor. Öncelikle bu çalışma, Ortadoğu'nun bütünleşmiş bir bölge olarak kabul edilebileceğini savunarak bölgeyi karşılaştırmalı ekonomipolitik genel tartışmalarına, özellikle karşılaştırmalı kapitalizmler literatürüne dâhil ediyor. Farklı kapitalizm ideal tiplerinin açıklama gücünü ve bunların Ortadoğu bağlamına uygulanabilirliklerini analiz ediyor. Bu analize göre, piyasa-dışı bir kapitalizm türü olarak patrimonyal kapitalizm Ortadoğu bağlamına genel olarak uyuyor. Patrimonyal kapitalizm, Sovyet bakiyesi ülkeler gibi başka alanlarda da gözlemlenen ve standart altı ekonomik performansa yol açan modern bir görüngü olduğu için; bu kavramsallaştırma Ortadoğu bölgesinin az gelişmişliğine dönük özcü/kültürcü teorilere karşı çıkılmasına yardımcı oluyor. 23 ülkenin kümeleme analizi ve dört ülkenin (Tunus, Katar, Rusya Federasyonu ve İran) karşılaştırmalı vaka analizi ile Ortadoğu'yu Sovyet bakiyesi ülkelerle karşılaştıran bu çalışma, patrimonyal kapitalizmin yekpare bir kavram olmadığını ve alt tiplerinin olduğunu savunuyor. Ortadoğu'nun bölgeler arası bir karşılaştırmayla bu literatüre dahil edilmesi, patrimonyal kapitalizme dair anlayışımızı güçlendiriyor. Ayrıca bu çalışma, Ortadoğu'da bölge-içi çeşitliliği de Ortadoğu ülkelerinin patrimonyal kapitalizmin farklı alt kategorilerine sınıflandırılmasıyla açıklıyor. Ortadoğu bölge çalışmalarında, rejim tipleri ve otoritarizm dereceleriyle bölge-içi çeşitliliği izah eden analizler hâkim konumdayken; bu tez, bölge çalışmalarına ve bölgedeki ekonomipolitik varyasyona dair anlayışımıza katkı sunuyor. Tez, özellikle petrol zengini rejimler arasındaki farklılaşmayı önemli kurumsal alanlar olan kurumsal finansman, endüstriyel ilişkiler ve düzenleyici çerçeveler üzerinden açıklıyor. Middle Eastern studies do not generally keep pace with other regional studies. While emerging theories are quickly adapted and applied to specific contexts in Latin America, East Asia, and Eastern Europe, Middle Eastern studies often suffer from exceptionalism. This thesis is aimed at accomplishing two goals. Firstly, it incorporates the Middle East as a region into general discussions concerning comparative political economy, specifically the literature of comparative capitalism, by outlining justifications for why the Middle East should be treated as an integrated region. It evaluates the explanatory power of different concepts or ideal types of capitalism and their applicability to the Middle Eastern context and maintains that patrimonial capitalism, which is a 'non-market type of capitalism', generally fits the Middle Eastern context well. Since patrimonial capitalism is a modern phenomenon which explains sub-optimal economic performance in other settings such as post-Soviet countries, this designation helps challenge culturalist and essentialist theories regarding the underdevelopment of the Middle East. By comparing the Middle Eastern context with post-Soviet countries through cluster analysis of 23 countries and using comparative case studies (Tunisia, Qatar, Russian Federation, and Iran), this thesis argues that patrimonial capitalism is not a monolithic concept and rather has its own sub-types. The incorporation of the Middle Eastern context into this literature via cross-regional analysis will thus enhance our understanding of patrimonial capitalism. Secondly, this thesis acknowledges the high degree of diversity across the region by classifying Middle Eastern countries into various subgroups of patrimonial capitalism. As Middle Eastern studies are currently dominated by analyses focusing on regime types and degrees of authoritarianism, this thesis will contribute to the regional studies and to our general comprehension of variations in political economies across the region by differentiating between oil-rich regimes along lines of vital institutional domains such as corporate financing, industrial relations, and regulatory frameworks. 168
- Published
- 2017
42. Ideal citizenship depictions in Turkish primary school textbooks: Changes and continuities during the government of the Justice and Development Party
- Author
-
Seyis, Didem, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Textbooks ,Siyasal Bilimler ,Political Science ,Citizenship ,Adalet ve Kalkınma Party ,Ethnic identity ,Primary education schools ,Nation - Abstract
Bu çalışma Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde inşa edilen Türk ulusal kimliğinin etnik ve dini kimlik bileşenlerindeki değişimi ve devamlılığı ölçmeyi amaçlıyor. Bunu gerçekleştirebilmek için sıkı devlet denetimi altında tutulan ilköğretim ders kitaplarına odaklanıyor. Araştırmanın temel hedefi, farklı etnik ve dini kimliklere sahip Türkiye yurttaşlarının ders kitaplarında inşa edilen ulus algısında ne derece yer bulabildiğini göstermektir. Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi hükümetleri döneminin açıklayıcı bir analizini yapmak için bu dönemde basılan ders kitaplarıyla bu hükümetlerden hemen önce basılmış ders kitaplarını karşılaştırmalı olarak incelemek büyük önem taşımaktadır. Bu sebeple, bu tez 2000 yılı ders kitapları ile 2012 yılı ders kitaplarının karşılaştırmalı içerik ve söylem analizlerinde varılan sonuçlara dayanarak son dönemde üretilmesi hedeflenen yurttaş kimliğinin etnik ve dini bileşenlerindeki değişimleri ve devamlılıkları gösterir. Bu iki ayrı döneme ait Hayat Bilgisi, Sosyal Bilgiler ile Din Kültürü ve Ahlak Bilgisi ders kitaplarının mukayesesi sonucunda varılan noktaya göre Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde öğrencilere sunulan ulus algısı, Türkiye Cumhuriyeti tarihi boyunca olduğu gibi hiyerarşik yapıdadır. Ders kitaplarının toplumda yer alan bazı etnik ve dini kimlikleri idealize ederek inşa ettiği kapsayıcılıktan uzak bir ulusal kimliği tüm yurttaşlara empoze etmesi, bu hiyerarşik ulus algısının temel kaynağıdır. Ders kitaplarının karşılaştırmalı söylem ve içerik analizi sonuçlarına göre Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi döneminde farklı etnik ve dini kimlik grupları, kurulan hiyerarşik ulus algısında farklı derecelerde ulusa kabul edilir veya ulustan dışlanır. Böylece, kanun önünde eşitliğe sahip yurttaşlar ders kitaplarının kimliksel içeriğine ve söylemine göre inşa edilen ulus algısının farklı basamaklarında yer alır.Anahtar Sözcükler: Türkiye, Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, ulus, ulusal kimlik, etnik kimlik,dini kimlik, ders kitapları, ilköğretim, makbul yurttaş, Türklük, devlet, söylem analizi, içerik analizi The present study examines the changes and continuities in the ethnic and religious aspects of the Turkish national identity during the government of the Justice and Development Party. For this purpose, it focuses on primary school textbooks which are under strict state supervision. The main drive behind this study is to show the extent to which different ethnic and religious identity communities are recognized hence included in the textbook representation of the nation. A complete assessment of the national identity-formation in textbooks during the Justice and Development mandate necessitates the comparison between the textbooks published in this era and those published just before the party's accession to power. Accordingly, this thesis builds upon the findings of comparative discourse and content analysis of textbooks from 2000 and 2012. The results of the comparative analysis on textbooks of Life Sciences, Social Sciences, and Religious Culture and Moral Knowledge courses show that similar to the general tendency of textbooks during the history of Turkey, the image of nationhood constructed in the textbooks published during the Justice and Development Party rule is hierarchically-organized. The major reason behind this is the imposition of a national identity, which is dominated by certain ethnic and religious identities, on other citizens with different ethnic and religious identities. As a consequence of this, the nation is constructed in a hierarchical pattern by assigning ethnic and religious identity communities to different ranks according to their compliance to the idealized national identity.Keywords: Turkey, the Justice and Development Party, nation, national identity, ethnicidentity, religious identity, textbooks, primary school, ideal citizen, desirable citizen, Turkishness, state, content analysis, discourse analysis. 204
- Published
- 2014
43. Is Turkish secularism anti-religious, reformist, separationist, integrationist, or simply undemocratic?
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Secularism ,Refporm ,Separationist ,Democracy ,Political science ,Government and law - Abstract
NA
- Published
- 2013
44. To which Eurasia does Turkey belong? A comparative analysis of Turkish Eurasianist geopolitical discourses
- Author
-
Eren Webb, Ebru, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Nationalism ,Islamist currents ,Geopolitic position ,Turkey ,Critical discourse analysis ,International Relations ,Uluslararası İlişkiler ,Kemalism ,Socialist movements ,Comparative analysis ,Eurasia ,Geopolitic - Abstract
Bu çalışma Türkiye'de milliyetçi, sosyalist ve İslamcı jeopolitik gelenek üzerinden şekillenen biri Kemalist diğeri ise Osmanlıcı olmak üzere iki tane öne çıkan Avrasyacı söylem olduğu iddiasındadır. Dolayısıyla bu tez bu üç jeopolitik gelenek ve iki jeopolitik söylemi kollektif hafıza ve eleştirel jeopolitik teorilerinin yardımı ile karşılaştırmalı olarak analiz etmek amacındadır. Bu üç geleneği temsil eden üç süreli yayının (milliyetçi Türk Yurdu, sosyalist Teori ve İslamcı Türkiye Günlüğü) 1990- 2010 yılları arasında yayınlanmış sayılarına uygulanan içerik analizi aracılığı ile şu üç temel soruya cevap aranmıştır: birincisi, bu üç jeopolitik söylemi birbirinden ayıran faktörler nelerdir? İkincisi, yakın dönemde milliyetçi ve sosyalist grupların görüşlerinin birbirlerine yakınlaşıp ulusalcı adı verilen duruş altında birleşirlerken İslamcı grubun bu iki gruba karşı yeni bir fikir kutbu oluşturduğu iddia edilebilir mi? Üçüncü olaraksa, eğer bu yeni kutuplaşma meydana geldiyse altta yatan sebepler nelerdir?Birinci soruya cevap olarak, bu çalışmada gösteriliyoru ki bu üç grubun jeopolitik vizyonları ve geçmişi nasıl kurguladıkları onların bugkünkü kendi Avrasyalarını nasıl oluşturduklarını ve Türkiye'yi bu kurgulanmış Avrasya'ya nasıl yerleştirdiklerini belirliyor. İkinci soruya cevap olaraksa, yine bu tez gösteriyor ki milliyetçi ve sosyalist jeopolitik gelenekler arasında Avrasyacılık noktasında bir kesişme yaşandığı tezi doğrudur. Bu çalışmanın bulgularının da desteği ile iddia ettiği üzere Soğuk Savaş sonrası Türkiyesi'nde bu yeni ortkalık ve beraberinde gelen kutuplaşma yaşandı çünkü İslamcı çevreler liberallerle yeni bir ortaklık geliştirdiler ve beraber Kemalist tarih yazımını hedef alan alternatif bir tarih anlayışı içine girdiler. Bu arada sosyalist ve milliyetçi gruplar ise bu arayışa karşı çıkıp Kemalist tarihe sadık kalmayı tercih ettiler. Diğer bir deyişle bu üç jeopolitik grubun elitleri pragmatik bir anlayışla kendi siyasi amaçlarına uygun doğrultuda jeopolitik söylemlerini şekillendirirken ortaya çıkan kollektif hafıza odaklı tartışmalar yeni kutuplaşmanın aktörlerini belirledi. This study argues that there are two prominent Eurasianist discoursesin Turkey, the Kemalist and the Ottomanist, and that these traditions draw on three geopolitical traditions: the nationalist, the socialist, and the Islamist. The thesis then comparatively examines these three traditions and two discourses by employing insights from theories of collective memory and critical geopolitics. The contents of three representative journals (the nationalist Türk Yurdu, the socialist Teori, and the conservative democrat Türkiye Günlüğü) are analyzed, investigating their issues published between 1990 and 2010, in order to seek answers to three main questions. First, what distinguishes these three types of geopolitical traditions? Second, did the nationalist and socialist views in recent years converge on each other, thereby forming the Ulusalci view, while the Islamists became the new opposing pole? Third, insofar as the answer to the second question is yes, why did this realignment take place?In response to the first question, the thesis shows that the geopolitical visions of these three groups and the way they imagine the past help to explain their respective perspectives of Eurasia and how they place Turkey in these perspectives. In response to the second question, again the thesis shows that the nationalist and socialist visions of Eurasianism did indeed converge on each other. The thesis then maintains that this happened because the Islamist circles in the Post- Cold War allied with the liberal groups and developed a ?counter-memory? of the past that became an alternative to the Kemalist historiography, while the nationalist and socialist geopolitical traditions remained faithful to the Kemalist narrative of the past. In other words, while the political elites of these three ideological camps try to construct these geopolitical discourses instrumentally with a view to serve their political aims, the ensuing disputes of historiography and competing collective memory constructions shape and constrain their political and ideological alliances and cleavages. 193
- Published
- 2011
45. The impact of citizenship benefits on the national identity perception of the displaced communities: The Palestinians and comparisons with the Armenians in Lebanon
- Author
-
Yeğin, Şenay, Somer, Murat, and Uluslararası İlişkiler Anabilim Dalı
- Subjects
Siyasal Bilimler ,Political Science - Abstract
Bu çalışma vatandaşlık faydalarıyla ulusal kimlik edinme ilişkisinin daha iyi bir şekilde kavranmasına Lübnan?da örnekler arası karşılaştırma yaparak katkı sağlıyor. Dört farklı grupla yapılan planlanmış röportajlar sayesinde bu çalışma vatandaşlık faydalarının ev sahibi ülkeyle özdeşleşmelerini arttırmaya eğilimli olduğunu gösteriyor. Araştırma Beyrut'ta dört farklı grupla gerçekleştirilen saha çalışmasına dayanıyor. Bu gruplar: Tüm vatandaşlık haklarından yararlanan vatandaşlığa kabul edilmiş Ermeniler; Ermeni'lerden daha az vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip olan vatandaşlığa kabul edilmiş Filistinliler; Birleşmiş Milletler (BM) tarafından tanımlanmış (ID) Beyrut şehrinde yaşayan ve daha da az vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip Filistinliler; ve en az vatandaşlık hakkına sahip olan BM tarafından tanımlanmış (ID) Bourj Al Barajneh Mülteci Kampı'nda yaşayan Filistinliler. Yapılan röportajlara göre daha az (çok) vatandaşlık faydalarına sahip yerinden edilmiş bireyler daha az (çok) ontolojik güvenliğe sahip olduklarından dolayı, bu tez, vatandaşlık faydaları arttıkça bu bireylerin ulusal kimlik edinmelerini arttırmaya eğilimli olduğunu savunuyor. Bu ilişki iki sonuç doğuruyor. Birincisi, daha az vatandaşlık faydasına sahip olan ve dolayısıyla ontolojik olarak daha güvensiz olan insanlar birden çok kimlik benimsemek için gerekli olan psikolojik kaynaklara daha az sahip oluyorlar. Bu nedenle, ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini orijinal ulusal kimliklerine rakip olarak görüyorlar. İkincisi, görüşmelere göre, yerinden edilmiş bireyler ev sahibi ülkenin vatandaşlığını bir takım haklara sahip olmak için bir araç olarak görseler de, daha fazla vatandaşlık faydasına sahip oldukça ev sahibi ülkelerle daha fazla özdeşleşme gerçekleşiyor. Bunun nedeni vatandaşlık faydalarının onlarıpsikolojik olarak daha çok kaynak sahibi yaparak, bilinçlice veya bilinçsizce, birden çok kimlik benimsemelerini sağlaması. Sonuç olarak, bu bireyler ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini orijinal ulusal kimliklerine uyumlu olarak görmeye başlıyor ve bu da yerinden edilmiş bireylerin ev sahibi ülkenin ulusal kimliğini benimsemesini kolaylaştırıyor.Anahtar Kelimeler: Ulusal Kimlik, Vatandaşlık Faydaları, Yerinden Edilmiş Topluluklar, Ontolojik Güvence, Rakip/Uyumlu Kimlikler This study contributes to a better understanding of the relationship between citizenship benefits and national identity acquisition through a within-case comparative examination of Lebanon. Through structured interviews with four groups it shows that more citizenship benefits tend to increase the identification of displaced individuals with their host country. In particular, the research draws on field work in Beirut, which involved interviews conducted with four groups: naturalized Armenians with full citizenship benefits; naturalized Palestinians with less citizenship benefits than naturalized Armenians; Identified (ID) Palestinians by the UN but live in Beirut and who have even less citizenship benefits; and Identified (ID) Palestinians by the UN and who live in Bourj Al Barajneh Camp and who have the lowest amount of citizenship benefits. The thesis argues that citizenship benefits tend to increase national identity acquisition among displaced individuals because, as the interviews suggest, displaced individuals with less (more) citizenship benefits have less (more) ontological security. Two consequences follow from this. First, people with less citizenship benefits and thus more ontological insecurity are psychologically less resourceful to embrace multiple identities. Thus, they tend to view the national identity of the host country as rival to their original national identity. Second, as the interviews show, although the displaced individuals view the citizenship of the host country as instrumental, nevertheless they display more identification with the host country as they gain more citizenship benefits. It is argued that this is because more citizenship benefits make them psychologically more resourceful to embrace multiple identities, whether this happens consciously or subconsciously. Consequently, they begin to see the national identity of the host country as compatible to their original national identity, which makes it easier for them to embrace the host country identity.Keywords: National Identity, Citizenship Benefits, Displaced Communities, Ontological Security, Rival/Compatible Identities 139
- Published
- 2010
46. The bourgeoisie and moderation: The case of political İslam and the Kurdish question in Turkey
- Author
-
Şahin, Osman, Somer, Murat, and Diğer
- Subjects
Siyasal Bilimler ,Sociology ,Turkey ,Political Science ,Kurdish question ,Democratization ,Sosyoloji ,Tolerance - Abstract
The dominant Kurdish movement and political Islam in Turkey have displayed different patterns, which is also visible in two important political parties these movements have produced. While the pro-Kurd DTP has failed to integrate into the mainstream Turkish politics and moderate its discourse and goals, the Islamist AKP has shown a willingness to be a part of mainstream politics and tried to prove their difference from radical wings of political Islam. This paper is an attempt to explain this variance by investigating a possible role of the bourgeoisie in respective political parties. I argue that the bourgeoisie can be moderating force under certain conditions; thus, transforming the radical movements if it is allowed to play central roles. In addition, I suggest that the presence of such a class within the leader cadre of the AKP might be one of the reasons of its moderate stance whereas the lack of such a class within the DTP might have contributed to the stalemate in the Kurdish question. Bugünün Türkiye?sinde, bu hareketleri temsil eden ana akım partilerin karşılaştırılmasından da anlaşılabileceği gibi, politik İslam?ın ve ana Kürt hareketinin izledikleri yol açısından önemli farklılıklar gösterdiği tartışılabilir. Bir tarafta İslamcı AKP?nin kendisini radikal İslami akımlardan ayırmak için ve legal politik hayat ile entegre olmak için çabalarına şahit olurken; öbür tarafta bu hedeflere ulaşmakta başarısız olmuş Kürtçü DTP partisini görmekteyiz. Bu araştırmada bu farklılığının sebeplerinden birinin burjuva sınıfı olup olmadığı araştırılmaktadır. Burjuva sınıfı, belirli koşullar dahilinde, radikal hareketlerin ılımlılaşmasında roller oynama potansiyeline sahiptir. Bu bağlamda, bu çalışma, AKP?nin lider kadrolarında burjuva sınıfına mensup insanlar bulunurken; bu sınıfın DTP kadrolarında bulunmamasını bu farklılığın ihtimal dahilindeki sebeplerinden birisi olarak önermektedir. 138
- Published
- 2008
47. Turkey's Kurdish conflict: changing context, and domestic and regional implications
- Author
-
Somer, Murat (ORCID 0000-0003-1053-3751 & YÖK ID 110135), College of Administrative Sciences and Economics, and Department of International Relations
- Subjects
Political science ,Area studies ,Environment ,Revolution ,Cascades ,Identity - Abstract
This article develops new analytical categories that are necessary to analyze Turkey's Kurdish conflict in its changed domestic and international environments and to evaluate the policy options. If Turkish state policies and discourse, and that of the other regional and international actors, signal to Kurds that the Turkish and Kurdish identities are mutually exclusive categories with rival interests, radical shifts may occur in Turkish Kurds' social and political identities and preferences. If state policies promote these identities as complements with compatible interests, radical shifts are unlikely and Turkey can play a more constructive regional role., NA
- Published
- 2004
48. LETTERS.
- Author
-
Reichel, Fredric, Yarmolinsky, Adam, Fryer, Donald, Rickwood, Frank, Wollack, Kenneth, Cowan, Glenn, Hitchins, Robert, Meshkati, Najmedin, Somer, Murat, Clark, Terence, Cutileiro, Jose, Lerner, Joseph, Spreutels, Jean, Johnson, Tim, Grueter, Patrick, and Baxter, Gregga
- Subjects
- *
LETTERS to the editor , *SULTANS , *POLICE , *BOMBINGS - Abstract
Several letters to the editor are presented in response to articles in previous issues including "Where's Our Sultan," which talked about the sultan of Oman, "Drop Your Guns," which dealt with the European police and "Carnage Jerusalem," which focused on the bombing of Mahane Yehuda.
- Published
- 1997
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