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In times of global ecological crisis, the responsibility of large corporations in environmental degradation is increasingly pointed out. As a result, there has been a surge in private organizations' pledges to reduce their environmental impact in recent years. In this paper, we demonstrate that companies with poor environmental responsibility have incentives to take such pledges to maintain their ability to attract high-skilled human capital. Through a case study on a French climate movement which was initiated by elite students who threatened to boycott job offers from polluting employers, we find that environmental pledges can significantly attenuate this selection effect. Using a unique and large survey database on the climate movement participants (n=2307) and machine learning classifiers, we find that individuals who initially intended to refuse a job offer from a polluting employer were, on average, three times less likely to hold such intentions after being exposed to a corporate environmental pledge. This result can be explained by the fact that intentions to refuse to work for polluting companies, and reactions to environmental pledges are driven by different factors. Furthermore, we find substantial heterogeneity in the response to environmental pledges, which is primarily explained by career perspectives, beliefs about the ecological crisis and support for radical political action in the name of ecology.

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Translation from the French version: https://cloud.parisdescartes.fr/index.php/s/mTAbrXWN4sReA3Q#pdfviewer; The Earth Politics Center (EPC) aims to produce interdisciplinary research of excellence, visible and attractive in France and internationally, in collaboration with stakeholders acting at both local and global levels.With the aim of responding to the scientific and political issues raised by various diagnoses on the state of the planet (growing effects of industrial and agricultural activities on the major balances of the biosphere, disruption of the major water, carbon or nitrogen cycles, etc.), the Center has set itself the mission of developing new ways of knowing and governing these socio-environmental phenomena, while at the same time forming part of a transformed relationship between science and society.Founded in 2019, the EPC has enabled the emergence of an interdisciplinary research community based on the joint exploration of nature and societies by the experimental sciences (physical and biological) and the humanities and social sciences. An Earth challenged by habitability. University and the Challenges of Earth Knowledge, a strategic positioning text, defines its research agenda for the years to come and gives concrete expression to these three years of interdisciplinary dialogue.

International audience; Social trust is at the center of democratic societies but it varies considerably between individuals and societies, which deeply affects a range of prosocial behaviours. Socioeconomic status has been identified as an important predictor of such variability. Although this association has mostly been reported for measures of socioeconomic status taken in adulthood, recent studies have found unique effects of harsh conditions experienced during childhood on social trust assessed decades later. Here, we report a series of three studies that provide further support for the long-lasting association between early childhood conditions and social trust. The first study revealed that higher childhood socioeconomic status was associated with greater social trust in a diverse sample of French participants (N=915), even after adjusting for current socioeconomic status. The second study replicated this result using data from the European Values Study, an independent large-scale survey of 46 European countries (N=66,281). Finally, the last study found a similar association between socioeconomic status and willingness to invest in a trust game (N=60 in original study, N=75 in replication study).

[Abstract: This paper empirically investigates whether developing countries can enforce their antitrust laws or not by measuring potential antitrust enforcement using two proxies: budgets and staffing levels of antitrust authorities. Data was collected from 40 developing countries since the adoption of the law until 2009. This dataset presents an alternative method to measure antitrust enforcement compared to the widespread use of formal enforcement proxies. The data shows that most developing countries actually are capable of enforcing their competition laws but with varying intensities. This finding challenges the assumption that developing countries only adopt antitrust laws to secure trade agreements and constantly fail to enforce these laws. Using this dataset the paper then assessed what issues contributed to the variation of antitrust enforcement across developing countries, using panel data estimation techniques to examine the relation between the potential antitrust enforcement proxies and variables representing macroeconomic, political, legal and institutional environments. The paper finds that the factors that heavily impact the level of potential enforcement are economic development, openness to trade and corruption.]

International audience; Few studies so far have analysed the effectiveness of differentiation in EU policies. This is surprising given the importance and permanence of many differentiated arrangements, for example in EU economic policy. Insights from three studies on differentiation in the energy sector, the financial sector and third-country access to Single Market highlight the importance of institutional factors. EU economic differentiated arrangements tend to be more effective when: (i) there is a good ‘fit’ between the institutional design and the policy objectives; (ii) there are mechanisms to adapt them over time; and (iii) there are institutional provisions to prevent or mitigate negative side effects for the Union as a whole.

The aim of this paper is to investigate whether cities can improve their interna-tional attractiveness by investing in their public transport infrastructure. For this purpose, we examine the influence of a metro shock on the number of greenfield for-eign direct investment (FDI) projects received by a city during the period 2003–2014. We find that cities which have invested in expanding their metro network have at-tracted, on average, more FDI than comparable cities which have not improved their urban transport infrastructure.

Social trust is linked to a host of positive societal outcomes, including improved economic performance, lower crime rates and more inclusive institutions. Yet, the origins of trust remain elusive, partly because social trust is difficult to document in time. Building on recent advances in social cognition, we design an algorithm to automatically generate trustworthiness evaluations for the facial action units (smile, eye brows, etc.) of European portraits in large historical databases. Our results show that trustworthiness in portraits increased over the period 1500–2000 paralleling the decline of interpersonal violence and the rise of democratic values observed in Western Europe. Further analyses suggest that this rise of trustworthiness displays is associated with increased living standards., Quantifying how social trust evolved throughout history can help us understand the long-run dynamics of our societies. Here, the authors show an increase in displays of trustworthiness, using a face processing algorithm on early to modern European portraits.

The COVID-19 disease was first identified in Wuhan, China, in December 2019, having since spread rapidly across the world. The infection and mortality rates of the disease have forced governments to implement a wave of public health measures. Depending on the context, these range from the implementation of simple hygienic rules to measures such as social distancing or lockdowns that cause major disruptions in citizens’ daily lives. The success of these crucial public health measures rests on the public's willingness to comply. However, individual differences in following the official public health recommendations for stopping the spread of COVID-19 have not yet to our knowledge been assessed. This study aims to fill this gap by assessing the sociodemographic and psychological correlates of implementing public health recommendations that aim to halt the COVID-19 pandemic. We investigate these associations in the context of France, one of the countries that has been most severely affected by the pandemic, and which ended up under a nationwide lockdown on March 17. In the next sections we describe our theoretical expectations over the associations between sociodemographics, personality, ideology, and emotions with abiding by the COVID-19 public health measures. We then test these hypotheses using data from the French Election Study.

Let me say first where I see the main contribution of this judgment to the development of European citizenship. In the case-law of the Court which gave substance to this notion, EU citizenship consisted essentially in offering the nationals of the member states the opportunity to act on a transnational plane within the Union. Nationals of member states were granted rights in order to circulate freely, to be admitted in other member states and to enjoy the same treatment as nationals of the host country. They were vested with the power to address the authorities of another member state and to claim admission, residence and welfare benefits on the same conditions as the nationals of that state. This empowerment was aimed to ensure the social integration of EU citizens. The status of EU citizen has been mainly construed as a status of integration into the member states of the Union, a status of transnational integration. Now, what emerges from this case is the notion of integration within the territory of the Union taken as a whole. We move from a national or plurinational integration to a genuine European integration. The European territory as such is the natural place of life and integration for European citizens and their families. (First paragraph)

International audience; Gender quotas have proliferated worldwide as a major tool of gender equality policies, first in the electoral arena and then expanding to other socioeconomic spheres, notably corporate boards. The ensuing rich body of scientific literature on gender quotas so far remains split across disciplines, with a main partition between political science and economics. This scoping review aims at fostering an interdisciplinary dialogue between research on gender quotas conducted from different disciplinary and methodological perspectives. To this effect, we compiled an original bibliographical database of 379 peer-reviewed articles, which we coded according to a series of variables including discipline, geographical area, quota domain, methodology and research question. Drawing on this database, this review presents an overview of the main findings regarding the genesis and the impact of this policy tool, and offers ideas for the further development of interdisciplinary quota research.

In a political economy context characterized by welfare state retrenchment, family policy transformation is a prominent feature of social policy change in high-income countries. Childcare is a key element of this transformation, and its expansion has been championed to promote female employment, gender equality, the conciliation of paid and unpaid work, and the mitigation of the social reproduction crisis. This paper interprets critically this transformation in terms of a retrenchment of compensatory income support policies for families (e.g. family allowances, unemployment, income maintenance), the expansion of services and active programmes (e.g. childcare, active labour market programmes) and the increasing commodification of social reproduction. Accordingly, we suggest the existence of a double movement. Childcare expansion – together with the retrenchment of compensatory income support policies – appears to provide further incentives for mothers to more readily accept low salaries in a service-based economy. It serves also to liberate mothers partially from social reproduction tasks, and it fosters the overall shift toward a dual earner model. The first movement suggests family policy expansion to be another tool to foster neoliberal capitalism. The second movement, in contrast, indicates that family policy expansion is instrumental in supporting working parents with young children, and helps to meet increasing care costs in a more gender-friendly context. On the basis of our empirical data, the first movement seems to prevail over the second in a majority of high-income countries. Further, childcare usage is influenced by household income level in most countries; this magnifies the negative distributional effects of cutting compensatory income support policies. Family policy transformation in a context of welfare state retrenchment does not seem to significantly challenge long-standing class and gender inequalities, and, in the transition from the Fordist to the post-Fordist sexual contract, contributes in most countries to perpetrate these inequalities under new forms.

International audience; a France est riche. La valeur de son patrimoine foncier s'élève aujourd'hui à 7 000 milliards d'euros, soit six années de revenu national, contre à peine une année après la Seconde Guerre mondiale. Comment expliquer cette hausse et à qui profite-t-elle ? S'agit-il d'une bulle immobilière un peu plus durable que les autres ? Et, sinon, quelles conséquences faut-il en tirer pour notre économie ?Dans ce livre passionnant et minutieusement documenté, Alain Trannoy et Etienne Wasmer expliquent pourquoi la terre urbaine s'est considérablement valorisée au cours des trente dernières années, une tendance que la préférence française pour le foncier et les contraintes écologiques (le "zéro artificialisation") ne peuvent que conforter.Alors que faire de cette manne providentielle ? Les auteurs proposent ni plus ni moins qu'une révolution fiscale.Avec un objectif : diminuer fortement les impôts grevant l'activité économique, augmenter les salaires tout en soutenant l'accumulation du capital productif, afin de pérenniser notre modèle social.Une proposition audacieuse, pour réconcilier justice sociale et efficacité économique.

International audience; National parliaments have long been neglected in the European integration process, although the Lisbon Treaty significantly improved their status. Nonetheless, this article argues that there is still some margin for improvement. This article explains why this situation must be urgently remedied and proposes some pragmatic solutions to this end. It is argued that national parliaments should receive more information directly, that mechanisms to guarantee the collective accountability of the Council and the European Council should be introduced, and that certain safeguards are needed to ensure a level playing field among national parliaments in their relationship to EU institutions and bodies. This would help to address the existing imbalance between the way in which today's EU operates, and national parliaments' limited possibility to participate at the EU level.

International audience; This volume offers a series of short and highly self-reflective essays by leading international lawyers on the relation between international law and crises. It particularly shows that international law shapes the crises that it addresses as much as it is shaped by them. It critically evaluates the modes of intervention of international law in the problems of the world. Together these essays provide a unique stocktaking about the role, limits, and potential of international law as well as the worlds that are imagined through international lawyers’ vocabularies.

International audience; This chapter examines the nature of the Boards of Appeal (BoAs) of EU financial agencies and the type of review they offer. It describes the different operation of the Joint Board of Appeal (JBoA) of the European Supervisory Authorities (ESA) and of the Appeal Panel (AP) of the Single Resolution Board (SRB).. The chapter analyses their decisions, which are binding and which follow appeal procedures that need to be exhausted before a procedure may be started before the EU Courts. It provides a comparative analysis of the JBoA and the AP, and assesses their suitability in providing effective and swift remedy to individuals.

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International audience; High-quality early childcare structures are effective policy levers for reducing inequalities. However, underprivileged populations in Western countries access them the least. The reasons underlying this unequal access have been studied, but not systematically. In addition, many demand-side factors (e.g., information level of families, decision heuristics) have been understudied, and have not previously been theorized in this field of study as contributing to this unequal access. Only the role of preferences has sometimes been considered as contributing to this unequal access. This article fills these gaps by making two major contributions to the literature. At the theoretical level, it proposes a comprehensive classification of the different factors that can underlie these dynamics. At the empirical level, it reexamines the existing evidence, evaluating the proposed factors' relevance through a PRISMA mixed-methods systematic review of the empirical literature. Relying on a cross-validated impact score and p-curve analyses, we find evidence that demand-side factors could contribute as much as supply-side factors (e.g., shortage of places and fees) to this unequal access. However, current public policies often only target supply-side factors. If future research confirms our results, new public policies should be created considering these demand-side factors. Otherwise, structural reforms' effectiveness could be severely limited.

International audience; Sovereignism is at the crux of the current wave of radical right-wing populism. Populist parties advocate ‘taking back control’ and generally do so in the name of the ‘people’, pledging to restore economic well-being. This article argues that populism and sovereignism are inherently connected in radical right-wing populism politics through a set of values that emphasize popular and national sovereignty. To test the empirical validity of our proposition, we focus on two established European radical right-wing populist parties, namely the Rassemblement National in France and the Swiss People’s Party and use data from an original survey. We find that while Rassemblement National and Swiss People’s Party voters diverge in general economic orientations, they share similar economic populist sovereignist values that significantly shape electoral support for those parties. These findings suggest that economic populist sovereignism may represent an important driver of support for the radical right-wing populism, alongside other correlates of radical right-wing populism voting, such as perceived immigration threat.

International audience; The creation of the Banking Union (BU) in 2012 represented an important change in the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), and in the European Union (EU) in general. Indeed, it entailed the delegation of new competences in the areas of banking supervision and bank resolution to the EU level, and it demanded the creation of unique procedures and original governance mechanisms. It has no doubt represented a big step forward in the process of European integration as it is only the second area in which full integration is realized. At the same time, it has also certainly increased the existing level of complexity within the EU. This is the case among other reasons because euro area Member States are part of the BU, but membership to the BU is also open to the rest of the Member States. In fact, in 2020, Bulgaria and Croatia availed themselves of this possibility to join the BU without having adopted the common currency. By creating a third category of Member States next to the EU27 and those that belong to the euro area within the EMU, the BU added a new layer of differentiation in an already largely differentiated Union. [First lines]

What does it mean to treat people as equals when the legacies of feudalism, religious persecution, authoritarian, paternalistic and oligarchic government have shaped the landscape within which we must construct something better? This question has come to dominate much constitutional practice as well as philosophical inquiry in the past 50 years. The combination of Second Wave Feminism with the continuing struggle for racial equality in the 1970s brought into sharp relief the variety of ways in which people can be treated unequally, while respecting the formalities of constitutional government. Above all, what these two great political movements made plain, is that a concern for group inequality and, specifically, group injustice must figure in the formulation and adjudication of individual rights, if legal protections for equality are adequately to combat the causes of inequality. Getting to grips with that challenge, it became obvious, required going beyond the familiar analyses of inequality inherited from Liberalism and Marxism, given the many different ways in which people can be equal or unequal.(Hackett and Haslanger 2006, 3 - 15) In the first part of this chapter, I will seek to illustrate these claims, by focusing on efforts to reframe the theory and practice of constitutional equality in light of demands for sexual and racial equality. I will then show that analytic philosophy has also come to recognise the various non-reducible dimensions of equality in ways that reinforce the claims of critical legal theory, even as philosophers highlight their disconcerting consequences. If equality has multiple irreducible dimensions, conflicts between the legitimate demands of equality are unavoidable features of law and politics, even in the best possible world, and are likely to be particularly painful when set against a background of historical injustice. The chapter concludes with the challenges to democratic constitutionalism, and the scope for constructive responses to those challenges, which the rapprochement between critical and analytic thinking on equality suggests.

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International audience

We present a projection theory on the space of idiosyncratic histories for heterogeneous-agents models. This allows solving for optimal Ramsey policies in heterogeneous-agent models with aggregate shocks, using a Lagrangian approach. In addition, it allows improving current simulation methods using perturbation techniques, by using more steady-state information. We apply this to study the optimal level distorting tax on labor and unemployment insurance over the business cycle in a production economy. In the quantitative exercise, the average optimal replacement rate is 10% higher than the one implies by a sufficient-statistics approach, due to saving distortions. Moreover, the optimal replacement rate is countercyclical.

International audience; This chapter analyses the evolution of the European Central Bank (ECB)’s institutional structures – which it finds to have indeed been great since its creation – and compares them to that of other European Union institutions and bodies. It also shows that the dual national and European nature of the National Central Banks and their governors has given rise to tensions and varying dynamics between supranational and national logics. The analysis provided concludes among other things that the institutional logics that govern today’s ECB are somewhere between those of the supranational Commission and the intergovernmental Council, although in some ways the Supervisory Board could also be compared to EU agencies. It also outlines what the existing challenges might be in terms of accountability as a result of the existing (varying) institutional structures of the ECB.

[Abstract editor: This paper presents a statistical study of public antitrust enforcement in developing countries. It illustrates what really happens with antitrust laws in developing countries after they are put into force. Counter to predictions predominant in the literature, this research shows that developing countries do enforce their antitrust laws with a trend to increase enforcement over time. This disqualifies arguments that developing countries only adopt antitrust laws to signal compliance to donor institutions and to secure trade deals with no real intention to enforce these adopted legislations. It also shows that collecting enforcement data for developing countries is a practicable undertaking. The paper puts together an original dataset that can be complemented and refined by researchers interested in studying actual antitrust enforcement instead of relying on ready-made proxies. In this research 20 antitrust enforcement variables for 50 developing countries over a mean period of 10 years were collected. The data presented here also allows an in-depth look at the activities of antitrust authorities across developing countries. It highlights activities particular to developing countries’ antitrust enforcement, it shows in detail what activities are performed at these public authorities and allows an observation of the varying intensities of enforcement not only across countries but also within the same country. With the help of this dataset the relationship between the enforcement data collected in this research and the ready-made proxies frequently used to measure antitrust enforcement in developing countries is analyzed. The results show that many of these widespread measurements are not associated with the different aspects of the enforcement process.]

International audience; This chapter aims to offer a fresh perspective on campaign finance by looking at political parties as key organisations of electoral campaigns. The chapter defends three claims: (1) that parties are ideally suited to organise campaigns in accordance with the democratic principle of collective self-rule, because they realise campaigns' epistemic, justificatory and motivational functions; (2) that campaign finance regulations affect parties' capacity to fulfil these functions, as well as their mutual relations and internal structure; and as a consequence (3) that we should consider their proper functioning at least as a pro tanto reason in favour of public funding, specifically in the form of a voucher system. After the introduction, the chapter illustrates the normative conception of political parties and then shows in the third section how they are ideally suited to organise electoral campaigns. The fourth section introduces the debate around campaign finance regulations, while the fifth clarifies why normative theorists working on parties and campaign finance should talk to each other and outlines a potential benefit of the voucher system for intra-party democracy. The conclusion wraps up.

International audience; While economic issues are increasingly salient in political mobilization by European radical right-wing populist parties, we are still in need of a definition of these parties’ economic positions. This paper argues that the economic supply of radical right populist parties is best characterized by a mix of economic populism and sovereigntism, which forms the basis of a common mobilization frame. Economic populism refers to defence of the economic prosperity of the ‘heartland’ against the elite and immigrants. Economic sovereigntism is seen, on the other hand, as a means of restoring the people’s well-being and the nation’s prosperity. To illustrate this argument, we conduct a qualitative analysis of five established European populist radical right parties. We demonstrate that, despite different socioeconomic stances, all parties under scrutiny share a common economic populist sovereigntist frame which claims to defend the self-identified economic interests and well-being of the people. We discuss the implications of our research for the broader understanding of populist mobilization.

International audience

International audience; Trust and democracy appear to be linked in a self-reinforcing circle whereby higher levels of trust are conducive to more desirable forms of democracy, and democratic institutions preserve trust relationships and allow them to thrive. However, the relationship between trust and democracy is less straightforward than it seems. Firstly, some have denounced a progressive decline of social and political trust in some democratic countries. Secondly, and more importantly, democracy and vertical trust, which is trust in political institutions and government, might be inherently at odds, insofar as liberal and republican traditions alike claim that citizens should distrust their rulers. At the same time, it is not clear how citizens can be considered co-authors of the laws (which seems a distinctive trait of a democratic regime) when their only role in the decision making is indirect and when they ought to distrust those who exercise that role directly.This chapter addresses two related questions. The first one concerns whether citizen trust in representatives is warranted. While this is, to a large extent, an empirical question, I argue that there are sound theoretical reasons for being sceptical about vertical trust in representatives. The second question examines what ensues from the fact that citizen trust in representatives is often unwarranted.In the following section, I briefly introduce the concept of trust with which I work. The third section applies this concept to political representation and explains why vertical trust in representatives is hardly justified. The fourth section illustrates the delegate solution and raises three objections against it. This proposal is not only unfeasible, as it has been argued, but also undesirable because it is based on a mischaracterisation of the representative process. The fifth section identifies two circles of trust, namely two self-reinforcing mechanisms that generate trust, and contends that we should not relinquish the language of trust because it serves to express public recognition of representatives’ discretionary power and citizens’ vulnerability under representative democracies. A language of trust is compat- ible with mistrust, which demands a certain degree of oversight of representatives’ activities, or so I claim. The final section wraps up the argument and concludes.

International audience; Trust and democracy appear to be linked in a self-reinforcing circle whereby higher levels of trust are conducive to more desirable forms of democracy, and democratic institutions preserve trust relationships and allow them to thrive. However, the relationship between trust and democracy is less straightforward than it seems. Firstly, some have denounced a progressive decline of social and political trust in some democratic countries. Secondly, and more importantly, democracy and vertical trust, which is trust in political institutions and government, might be inherently at odds, insofar as liberal and republican traditions alike claim that citizens should distrust their rulers. At the same time, it is not clear how citizens can be considered co-authors of the laws (which seems a distinctive trait of a democratic regime) when their only role in the decision making is indirect and when they ought to distrust those who exercise that role directly.This chapter addresses two related questions. The first one concerns whether citizen trust in representatives is warranted. While this is, to a large extent, an empirical question, I argue that there are sound theoretical reasons for being sceptical about vertical trust in representatives. The second question examines what ensues from the fact that citizen trust in representatives is often unwarranted.In the following section, I briefly introduce the concept of trust with which I work. The third section applies this concept to political representation and explains why vertical trust in representatives is hardly justified. The fourth section illustrates the delegate solution and raises three objections against it. This proposal is not only unfeasible, as it has been argued, but also undesirable because it is based on a mischaracterisation of the representative process. The fifth section identifies two circles of trust, namely two self-reinforcing mechanisms that generate trust, and contends that we should not relinquish the language of trust because it serves to express public recognition of representatives’ discretionary power and citizens’ vulnerability under representative democracies. A language of trust is compat- ible with mistrust, which demands a certain degree of oversight of representatives’ activities, or so I claim. The final section wraps up the argument and concludes.

International audience; Despite the constant "parliamentarization" of the European Union, the supranational dimension of European elections remains limited. Forty five years after its first election, the European Parliament (EP) still suffers from two main problems: (i) its democratic representativeness is impaired by the diversity of national electoral rules and by the predominantly national dimension of electoral campaigns; (ii) the impact of European elections on the appointment of the Commission remains uncertain, as the so-called lead-candidates (Spitzenkandidaten) procedure is only informal. Today, MEPs are promoting a double strategy to fix these issues. They have decided to relaunch the reform process of the 1976 Act, notably regarding the creation of transnational lists and the formalisation of the lead-candidate procedure, and they encourage the Conference on the Future of Europe to consider these issues. In sum, as they expect their new proposals to be once again challenged in the EP and the Council, MEPs count on the Conference to create a political momentum around these topics with a view to fostering an ambitious reform.

International audience

First Published December 8, 2021 The role of the symbolic is often overlooked in the public policy literature. Yet, it is a key component of public action, particularly in crisis management. During the Covid-19 pandemic, all democratic states needed to carry out cognitive and emotional work to persuade their citizens to show solidarity and comply with heavy restrictions. The near-simultaneous occurrence of the pandemic’s first wave (March–May 2020) allows us to compare the patterns of symbolic crisis management across four European countries (France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom). Our analysis finds significant variation in governments’ usage of the symbolic. We analyse leaders’ performances (wordcraft and stagecraft) as they try to reassure citizens, unite the nation, and legitimise themselves and their decisions. Our article shows not only that national leaders pay great attention to the symbolic in the management of crises, but also that their performances differ systematically in line with their personas and distinct national political cultures.

In this paper, we devise a machine learning protocol to tackle a complex sociological task: to create a research sample from a few examples of interest, but in the absences of a clear definition of the target subset. As an example, we create a sample of organisational leaders starting from a list of nominees for the Bureau of the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change. The difficulty in this task lies in the impossibility to spell out the characteristics that define leadership in a complex and highly distributed organization like the IPCC. To bypass this lack of explicit definition, we use a series of techniques for anomaly detection to identify IPCC contributors with profiles similar to official Bureau nominees. We find that we can construct a precise (albeit implicit) model of IPCC leadership despite its social and political complexity, and that we can usefully use this model to expand our initial sample.

As early as March 2020, the President of the European Parliament decided to shut down the assembly’s facilities in Brussels and to cancel the plenary sessions in Strasbourg . Impor­tant decisions were made to abandon in-person meetings, introduce teleworking for all staff, and implement remote deliberation and voting both in committees and in the plena­ry . The Rules of Procedure were adapted to formalize these organisational changes and make them ready for future crises . All in all, the European Parliament proved to be resilient and adaptive: it continued to discuss and adopt many legislative, budgetary, and non-legis­lative texts in the plenary . However, remote-work did have an impact on the political dynamics within Parliament . It was characterised by a very high level of consensus, as the result of a higher level of agreement between the two main party groups, the European People’s Party and the Socialists & Democrats . Those main groups also became much more cohesive .

International audience; In the last months of the German rule in Lithuania, various military-political groups fought the occupiers, their collaborators, and each other in the multi-ethnic regions of the Generalbezirk Litauen. Many civilians marked as “enemy sympathisers” fell victim to this multidirectional violence. This chapter interrogates the relationship between violence, gender, and ethnicity in the mobilising discourse and anti-partisan violence of Local Force battalions (Litauische Sonderverbände, Vietinė rinktinė), set up by the German authorities in February 1944. It discusses three factors that enabled the occupation regime to recruit Lithuanian men to fight Polish and Soviet partisans: the memories of violent multi-sided conflicts between Poles, Lithuanians, and Soviets that erupted at the end of the Great War, the Soviet takeover of 1940, perceived as a humiliation and symbolic emasculation of Lithuanian soldiers, and the opportunity to assert the dominance of ethnic Lithuanians in the predominantly Polish-speaking Vilnius region. The chapter also suggests that Local Force violence should be approached within the context of the multidirectional violence that intensified in south-eastern Lithuania in the spring of 1944 rather than as a manifestation of the ancient hatred between Poles and Lithuanians.

International audience; The legal discourse includes sentences that relate to the capacity to produce new legal entities and to the validity of the ensuing entities. In order to deal with these entities, legal scholars have to craft appropriate concepts. Kelsen’s initial individuation of the legal norm was based on the following scheme: “If certain conditions are met, then coercion ought to be used by the states’ organs”. Insisting on the mandatory character of norms, whose unique function is to create obligations, Kelsen considered that the other functions of legal sentences, like power-conferring, are merely apparent. They may be reduced to the obligation-imposing one if they are understood as mere fragments of norms properly so-called or, as Kelsen proposed in the Allgemeine Theorie der Normen, as indirect ways to impose obligations. But this posthumous book also offers another theory of power-conferring sentences, whereby these are understood as full-blown legal norms. On the one hand, this major change in Kelsen’s ontology of law is based on a shift from Kantianism to empiricism in his conception of legal science. On the other hand, it results from the unsuspected consequences of Kelsen’s adoption of Adolf J. Merkl’s Stufenbaulehre. Just like Merkl was led to distinguish between two kinds of norms, Kelsen was conceptually constrained by the internal dynamics of this conception of the legal system that was alien to his initial theory to revise his individuation of legal norms. Only at the end of his life did he seem fully conscious of the consequences of Merkl’s theory.

International audience; This paper aims at testing whether there exist spending interactions between French municipalities by estimating a dynamic panel data model. Our results suggest that there are some interactions between neighbouring municipalities as regards primary and investment expenditures. A positive relationship between municipalities' wage bill and unemployment rates is likely to stress a rise of temporary employment in those municipalities that suffer from social troubles. Further, the estimation results show that these interdependences also exist between cities whose mayors have the same partisan affiliation. Finally, our results confirm the opportunistic behaviour of local governments, which increase all categories of public spending in pre-electoral periods.

We offer a series of reflective insights about the state and direction of studies related to the politics of regulation. Notably we argue that the field is characterized by persisting divisions between Americanists and Europeanists. Largely focused on the actions taken by political principals, the former regularly report a substantial politicization of regulatory behavior. Reflecting on recent developments in US politics however, we show that political influence could be overestimated in the United States. Symmetrically, this same influence could be underestimated by Europeanists, who for now have largely focused on regulators and agencies. This is notably suggested by a discussion of recent development in European politics, as revealed by contributions systematically measuring agency politicization in Western European democracies. On this basis, we identify some promising research questions and agendas for future studies on the politics of regulation.

International audience; Étymologiquement, le terme genre, de genus, generis « origine, naissance », est lié à la sexualité comme source de procréation. Il exprime à la fois l’idée générale d’un groupe d’êtres ou d’objets présentant des caractères communs, en particulier l’ensemble des êtres humains dans l’expression « le genre humain », et celle de subdivisions (en botanique, zoologie, microbiologie), voire de classifications comme en grammaire, en littérature ou en arts et lettres.C’est ainsi qu’il désigne en particulier un trait grammatical permettant de répartir certaines classes lexicales (dont les noms, les verbes et les adjectifs), en catégories, les plus courantes dans les langues indo-européennes étant le masculin, le féminin et le neutre. L’apprentissage du langage, ou plus précisément de la parole, est ainsi celui du genre des mots et de leur arbitraire. Les controverses tournant en ridicule les efforts militants et institutionnels, depuis les années 1980, pour promouvoir un langage moins sexiste, dit inclusif ou égalitaire, émaillent l’illusion du consensus sur l’égalité femmes-hommes. Par le biais du langage, c’est l’attachement à un ordre sexué inégalitaire qui est mis en scène comme étant le cadre à travers lequel nous devons parler, penser, vivre. Le langage participe en effet de la construction de nos goûts, de nos rêves et donc de nos réalités. Les réactions à la remise en cause du sexisme de la langue sont révélatrices des résistances encore présentes, au-delà des postures apparemment consensuelles à la fois sur l’égalité femmes-hommes et sur la nécessité de donner une priorité pour cela à une éducation non sexiste.

There is perennial debate in comparative politics about electoral institutions, but what characterizes this debate is the lack of consideration for citizens’ perspective. In this paper, we report the results of an original survey conducted on representative samples in 15 West European countries ( N = 15,414). We implemented an original instrument to elicit respondents’ views by asking them to rate “real but blind” electoral outcomes. With this survey instrument, we aimed to elicit principled rather than partisan preferences regarding the kind of electoral outcomes that citizens think is good for democracy. We find that West Europeans do not clearly endorse a majoritarian or proportional vision of democracy. They tend to focus on aspects of the government rather than parliament when they pass a judgment. They want a majority government that has few parties and enjoys wide popular support. Finally, we find only small differences between citizens of different countries., info:eu-repo/semantics/published

International audience; The electoral success of populism has been one of the most significant political developments of recent decades, which accelerated dramatically in the 2010s. The relevance of the ‘demand side’ of populist politics is increasingly recognised in the literature on this subject (Rooduijn et al. 2017; Rooduijn 2018; Van Hauwaert and Van Kessel 2018; Rama and Santana 2020; Rovira Kaltwasser and Van Hauwaert 2020; Kriesi and Schulte-Cloos 2020). This chapter engages in a review of that literature on the basis of electoral support for populist parties, and the motives of voters in supporting those parties. Working from the predominance of populism being defined as a ‘thin ideology’ (Mudde 2004), it addresses the strand of research which relates to the radical right-wing and left-wing manifestations of populism, to propose a review of current knowledge on the social and attitudinal basis of voting for radical populist parties. The last section identifies future research avenues in the field of populist electoral politics.

International audience; Addressing some of the most perilous, controversial issues in international law and governance, this volume brings together legal scholars from diverse geographic, personal and scholarly perspectives. They reflect on the pervasive feeling of crisis in the world today and share their views on the possibilities and limits of the international legal architecture and its expert communities in shaping the world of tomorrow. What exactly is this feeling that the contemporary international legal architecture is at a tipping point? What do these possible risks expose about the fragility and limits of our current conceptual and institutional order? What commitments drive our hopes and anxieties? Authors explore these questions across a wide range of possible tipping points and offer readers a unique snapshot of the lived experience of what it means to be an expert engaged right now in international law and governance. Each chapter covers both theory and practice in analysing a current problem.

This report is the result of a research project conducted by Sciences Po’s Laboratory for Interdisciplinary Evaluation of Public Policy (LIEPP). The report aims to analyze Kuwait’s current social policy system, identify key challenges, and in response to these challenges, propose general reforms. This report is split in two parts: the first part provides an overall description of Kuwait’s welfare system, and assessment of main challenges. The second part proposes guidelines and recommendations to develop new venues for social policies in Kuwait, with a strengthened focus on social investment for a dynamic society and economy less dependent on oil revenues.

International audience; Inorganic antigens may contribute to paediatric sarcoidosis. Thirty-six patients matched with 36 healthy controls as well as a group of 21 sickle-cell disease (SCD) controls answered an environmental questionnaire. Patients' indirect exposure to inorganic particles, through coresidents' occupations, was higher than in healthy and SCD controls (median score: 2.5 (0.5-7) vs 0.5 (0-2), p=0.003 and 1 (0-2), p=0.012, respectively), especially for construction, exposures to metal dust, talc, abrasive reagents and scouring products. Wood or fossil energies heating were also linked to paediatric sarcoidosis. This study supports a link between mineral environmental exposure due to adult coresident occupations and paediatric sarcoidosis.

This paper proposes an evaluation of the pre-retirement consequences of a reform of the Frenchpension system that increased the minimum legal retirement age. Our empirical strategy relies onthe comparison of two groups of cohorts. The control group consists of cohorts not affected by theincrease in the minimum legal retirement age while the treatment group consists of cohorts bornlater. Using a sample of 38,652 high-school teachers, we identify the effect of increasing theminimum retirement age on short sick leaves (i.e., of less than three months) by comparingprobabilities to take at least one sick leave during a schooling year before retirement across thetwo groups. Estimates of panel data models show that teachers affected by the reform have anincreased probability to take short sick leaves before retirement. This is mainly due to teacherswho decide to retire at the minimum legal retirement age, while those who continue to work abovethe minimum retirement age do not increase the frequency of their short sick leaves beforeretirement. This last result is predicted by a theoretical model that analyzes the optimal retirementchoice over the life-cycle, and it is confirmed by using an empirical strategy that distinguishesteachers according to their retirement age.

International audience; This article analyzes the different ways in which transitional justice has dealt with demands over property restitution and redistribution. To do this, it presents a review of academic literature regarding how to define reparation, the justifications for restitution, and the debate regarding property redistribution as a part of peace negotiations. The article ends with a synthesis of the different critiques raised to the ways in which restitution and redistribution of property have been legally structured. These critiques include foregrounding neoliberalism (as an economic ideal and a governance project) in transitional justice, unveiling gender biases as well as demands for more comprehensive redistribution in the aftermath of civil war.

The strengthening of the populist radical right poses an important challenge for European integration. This article explores whether democratic backsliding among member states has acted as a catalyst for broader PRR cooperation at the EU level. Studying the co-sponsorship and contents of parliamentary questions and roll-call vote cohesion of PRR representatives in the European Parliament from 2009 to 2019, we examine the extent and substance of their joint polity-based contestation of European integration. Our findings indicate that overall levels of PRR cooperation remain low and concentrated within European party groups, suggesting that ideological divergences between PRR actors and their institutional fragmentation within the EP still hamper their formal cooperation at the European level. These insights feed into debates on the potential and limitations of transnational cooperation of PRR actors., Journal of European Public Policy, 30 (1), ISSN:1350-1763, ISSN:1466-4429