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The recent success of far‐right populism has led to a wave of public attention to its causes. Drawing on novel survey items from the Canadian Election Study, we investigate how economic insecurity, mediated by immigration and feminist attitudes, affects voting behavior. While economic distress has been linked to far‐right voting in Europe, we find support that subjective measures of economic distress are significantly associated with voting for the Right in Canada, when interacting with immigration and feminist attitudes. However, the association only holds for men. The findings suggest that Canada, despite its comparatively weak nativist cleavage, is not immune to tensions arising from globalization and economic insecurity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nonprofit organizations have become pivotal actors in the delivery of services. Many of them receive public funding to carry out their activities. However, this funding can be interrupted or even stopped for various reasons, political or not. This article examines how 26 housing nonprofit organizations in Québec, Canada, coped with the withdrawal of federal government subsidies to house low-income households. Drawing on structured interviews with managers, this article reports how they perceived this withdrawal and what they reported as the main challenges and the most effective strategies or "best practices" for addressing these. The discussion ends by positioning the housing case in relation to other organizations in the third sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much attention has been paid to the changing class cleavage that structured political conflict in the twentieth century. In contrast to most advanced democracies, class voting has traditionally been weak in Canada. Using the entire series of the Canadian Election Study (1965–2019), we find the historic pattern of working-class voting for the New Democratic Party (NDP) held outside of Quebec in recent elections, before suddenly falling off in 2019. Starting in 2004, we find a clear and distinct trend where the working class has increased its support for the Conservatives. Although greater partisan sorting is occurring over the economy, cultural issues such as moral traditionalism and anti-immigration are now significant drivers of working-class Conservative support. The findings carry important implications for class-party relationships and reveal that Canada, despite its comparatively weak nativist cleavage, is not immune from the tensions social democratic parties have recently experienced in maintaining cross-class coalitions amid socio-economic structural changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Les etudes recentes portant sur le patronat quebecois avancent que ce dernier a modernise son discours, passant du neoliberalisme a une concertation et a une cooperation positive avec les syndicats et l'Etat. Ces etudes suggerent que le patronat quebecois est en train de developper une economie politique distincte du modele liberal en vigueur ailleurs au Canada. Cet article analyse le discours du Conseil du patronat du Quebec (CPQ) depuis sa creation pour evaluer la pertinence de ces arguments. Il conclut que la vision strategique du CPQ est restee neoliberale depuis le debut des annees 1980, ce qui suggere la necessite de la prudence dans la formulation des arguments sur l'exceptionnalisme economique du Quebec. Recent studies of the Quebec patronat argue that it has 'modernized' its discourse, moving from neo-liberalism to the embrace of positive-sum concertation and co-operation with unions and the State. These studies suggest Quebec's employers' associations are developing a different political economy than the liberal one found in the Rest of Canada. This article assesses these arguments using the discourse of the Conseil du patronat du Quebec (CPQ) since its inception. It argues that the CPQ's strategic outlook has remained steadfastly neo-liberal since the early 1980s, which suggests the need for caution in developing accounts of Quebec's economic exceptionalism., THE POLITICS OF QUEBEC'S PATRONAT have remained on the periphery of academic attention for at least two decades. Much of the analysis of the patronat has taken the form of [...]

The Quebec provincial election of October 2018 marked the end of an era. It saw the Quebec Liberal Party (QLP) suffer the worst defeat of its history and the election of agovernment, the first in a half century, not headed by either the Liberals or the Parti Québécois. The election of the Coalition Avenir Québec (CAQ) suggests a political realignment. Yet, whether or not the 2018 vote also ended the era of budget austerity remains uncertain. Combined with a modest growth in program spending, public-sector reforms and cutbacks might, under the new administration, affect public services and once again generate opposition and resistance to budget austerity. In this article, we address this question of change versus continuity in three steps. First, we provide a retrospective account of budget policies under recent Liberal governments in Québec. Second, we present and discuss the CAQ's evolving views on public budgeting and economic policy. Finally, we analyze the new government's actions in its first year in office. While it is hard to discern a clean break in budgetary policies, the CAQ government might surprise us yet: it has a leader largely unconstrained by his party and whose ideas about budgeting and the public sector depart from neoliberal mantras. In addition, he has nationalist policy ideas, particularly around economic development, that might spur significant departures if they are aggressively implemented [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]