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“What distinguishes and indeed contrasts the nation system and the city system is their structural organization. The city state avoided carrying the heavy burden of the so-called primary sector: Venice, Genoa and Amsterdam consumed grain, oil, salt, meat, etc., acquired through foreign trading; they received from the outside world the wood, raw materials and even a number of the manufactured products they used. It was of little concern to them by whom, or by what methods, archaic or modern, these goods were produced: they were content simply to accept them at the end of the trade circuit, wherever agents or local merchants had stocked them on their behalf. Most if not all of the primary sector on which such cities’ subsistence and even their luxuries depended lay well outside their walls; and laboured on their behalf without their needing to be concerned in the economic and social problems of production. In all likelihood, the cities were but dimly aware of the advantages this brought and rather more conscious of the drawbacks: obsessed with their dependence on foreign countries (although in reality such was the power of money that this was reduced to almost nothing), all leading cities desperately tried to expand their territory and to develop their agriculture and industry. What kind of agriculture and industry though? The richest and most profitable of course. Since Florence had to import food anyway, why not import Sicilian grain, and grow vines and olives on the hills of Tuscany?” (Braudel 1984a: 295)

Au début du 20e siècle, les systèmes alimentaires urbains en France étaient marqués par un régime de fonctionnement centralisé et gouverné en grande partie par des décideurs relevant de la sphère publique et urbaine. Depuis les années 1950, l’approvisionnement alimentaire urbain est devenu un enjeu commercial, laissé à la gestion opaque des acteurs privés et règlementé ad minima par les pouvoirs publics. Plus récemment, à partir des années 2000, les logiques agro-industrielles et commerciales sont réinterrogés à l’aune des principes du développement durable, par des actions individuelles ou collectives, et notamment par l’action publique. Comment, en presque un siècle peut-on raconter et analyser la trajectoire suivie par les systèmes alimentaires urbains ? Et plus particulièrement, de quelle manière l’action publique municipale dans la gouvernance des flux alimentaires a été d’abord évincée et semble entamer un retour cautionné par des initiatives de relocalisation des approvisionnements ? Des réponses à ces questions sont avancées avec l’analyse de deux cas français : l’un à Paris, métropole capitale haut lieu de consommations importantes et spécifiques, et l’autre à Brive-la-Gaillarde, ville moyenne enchâssée dans une région rurale et marché régional d’expéditions agricoles. Nous proposons une analyse croisée de deux politiques municipales contemporaines impliquant une reterritorialisation des approvisionnements qui concernent les marchés forains à Paris et la restauration scolaire à Brive. Il s’agit de dégager les impacts potentiels et avérés de ces initiatives innovantes sur la trajectoire récente de l’approvisionnement urbain., In the early 20th century, a centralized regime featured urban food systems in France, and the public and urban spheres governed it. Since the 1950s, urban food supply has become a trade issue, left to the opaque management of private stakeholders and ad minima regulated by public authorities. More recently, since the 2000s, the food system and its agro-industrial logics are questioned, through individual or collective initiatives, including by public action, enlighten by the sustainable development issues. How, within almost a century, can we tell and analyze the trajectory of urban food systems ? And specifically, how the place of the local public action in the governance of food flow was first ousted and seems now to return through food supply relocation initiatives ? Answers to these questions are suggested with the analysis of two French cases : one in Paris, the capital city, a stronghold of important and specific consumption, and the other in Brive-la-Gaillarde, medium town set in a rural area, featured by its shipments of agricultural products on a regional and national market. We provide a cross-analysis of two contemporary municipal policies involving reterritorialisation of the urban food supply, concerning street markets in Paris and school catering in Brive. We aim at identifying the potential and proven impacts of these and innovative initiatives on the recent trajectory of the urban supply.

Trans fats are undesirable because they raise LDL-cholesterol and lower HDL-cholesterol levels in the blood, which can lead to an increased risk of coronary heart disease. In the mid-1990's, researchers estimated that Canadians had one of the highest average trans fat intakes in the world, estimated to be approximately 3.7% of energy. The World Health Organization recommends that average intakes of trans fats should be less than 1% of total energy. As such Canada has pursued a multi-faceted approach to decrease trans fat levels in Canadian foods. Initiatives undertaken include: mandatory nutrition labelling, the establishment of a multi-stakeholder Trans Fat Task Force to develop recommendations and strategies to eliminate trans fat in Canadian foods, and most recently the monitoring of industry's efforts in reducing trans fats from their food products. Collectively, these initiatives have proven successful as average trans fat intakes have been reduced to 1.42% of overall energy. Further reductions in trans fat levels in the Canadian food supply are needed to meet the target of 1% of energy, the associated public health objectives, and the protection of vulnerable populations., Les gras trans sont indésirables, car ils augmentent la concentration sanguine en cholestérol à lipoprotéines de faible densité et abaissent celle en cholestérol à lipoprotéines de haute densité, ce qui peut mener à un risque accru de coronaropathie. Au milieu des années 1990, les chercheurs ont estimé quʹau sein de la population canadienne les apports en gras trans comptaient au nombre des plus élevés au monde en atteignant environ 3,7% de l’apport énergétique. Selon la recommandation de l’Organisation mondiale de la santé, l’apport moyen en gras trans devrait être inférieur à 1% de l’apport énergétique total. Par conséquent, le Canada a adopté une démarche à volets multiples visant à diminuer la teneur en gras trans des aliments canadiens. Les initiatives entreprises sont les suivantes: l’étiquetage nutritionnel obligatoire, l’établissement dʹun groupe de travail multilatéral, soit le Groupe d’étude surles graisses trans, dans le but d’élaborer des recommandations et des stratégies ciblant l’élimination des gras trans dans l’approvisionnement alimentaire canadien et, plus récemment, la surveillance des efforts investis par l’industrie dans la diminution des gras trans contenus dans ses produits. De concert, ces initiatives ont été couronnées de succès alors que l’apport moyen en gras trans a atteint 1,42% de l’apport énergétique total. D’autres réductions de la teneur en gras trans de l’approvisionnement alimentaire au Canada sont essentielles pour atteindre pleinement la cible de 1% de l’apport énergétique ainsi que les objectifs afférents en matière de santé publique et de protection des populations vulnérables.

International audience; Since the beginning of the nineties voluntary quality management systems (QMS) have emerged in the food supply chain. QMS can be assumed as voluntary approaches to food safety (Codron et ali, forthcoming). In environmental economics some empirical studies emphasize that firms entering into a voluntary program (VP) behave differently because they are heterogeneous leading to free-riding issues (Delmas and Keller, 2006). Most of theoretical researches focusing on free-riding issues within collective VP consider homogeneous firms and does not deem that free-riders could belong to the group (Dawson and Segerson, 2004). We borrow from these strands of literature to extend the analytical framework of collective voluntary approaches considering both firms’ heterogeneity and food safety specificities. First, our model aims to characterize efficient mechanism of incentives to avoid free-riding within a collective VP to food safety. We show that, when the probability of detecting free-riders is low, it is more efficient to increase the minimum level of compulsory safety effort imposed to firms by the agreement than to increase the probability of individual control faced by the members of the whole group. Second, we test econometrically our theoretical propositions. We consider thereby the safety self-monitoring agreement of fresh produce that exists on one of the most important market of fresh produce import in France.