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We are delighted to welcome you to the International Conference on Education and New Developments 2015-END 2015, taking place in Porto, Portugal, from 27 to 29 of June. Education, in our contemporary world, is a right since we are born. Every experience has a formative effect on the constitution of the human being, in the way one thinks, feels and acts. One of the most important contributions resides in what and how we learn through the improvement of educational processes, both in formal and informal settings. Our International Conference seeks to provide some answers and explore the processes, actions, challenges and outcomes of learning, teaching and human development. Our goal is to offer a worldwide connection between teachers, students, researchers and lecturers, from a wide range of academic fields, interested in exploring and giving their contribution in educational issues. We take pride in having been able to connect and bring together academics, scholars, practitioners and others interested in a field that is fertile in new perspectives, ideas and knowledge. We counted on an extensive variety of contributors and presenters, which can supplement our view of the human essence and behavior, showing the impact of their different personal, academic and cultural experiences. This is, certainly, one of the reasons we have many nationalities and cultures represented, inspiring multi-disciplinary collaborative links, fomenting intellectual encounter and development. END 2015 received 528 submissions, from 63 different countries, reviewed by a double-blind process. Submissions were prepared to take form as Oral Presentations, Posters, Virtual Presentations and Workshops. It was accepted for presentation in the conference, 176 submissions (33% acceptance rate). The conference also includes a keynote presentation from an internationally distinguished researcher, Professor Dr. Martin Braund, Adjunct Professor at Cape Peninsula University of Technology in Cape Town, South Africa and Honorary Fellow in the Department of Education at the University of York, UK, to whom we express our most gratitude. This volume is composed by the proceedings of the International Conference on Education and New Developments (END 2015), organized by the World Institute for Advanced Research and Science (W.I.A.R.S.) and had the help of our respected media partners that we reference in the dedicated page. This conference addressed different categories inside the Education area and papers are expected to fit broadly into one of the named themes and sub-themes. To develop the conference program we have chosen four main broad-ranging categories, which also cover different interest areas: (1) In TEACHERS AND STUDENTS: Teachers and Staff training and education; Educational quality and standards; Curriculum and Pedagogy; Vocational education and Counseling; Ubiquitous and lifelong learning; Training programs and professional guidance; Teaching and learning relationship; Student affairs (learning, experiences and diversity); Extra-curricular activities; Assessment and measurements in Education. (2) In PROJECTS AND TRENDS: Pedagogic innovations; Challenges and transformations in Education; Technology in teaching and learning; Distance Education and eLearning; Global and sustainable developments for Education; New learning and teaching models; Multicultural and (inter)cultural communications; Inclusive and Special Education; Rural and indigenous Education; Educational projects. (3) In TEACHING AND LEARNING: Educational foundations; Research and development methodologies; Early childhood and Primary Education; Secondary Education; Higher Education; Science and technology Education; Literacy, languages and Linguistics (TESL/TEFL); Health Education; Religious Education; Sports Education. (4) In ORGANIZATIONAL ISSUES: Educational policy and leadership; Human Resources development; Educational environment; Business, Administration, and Management in Education; Economics in Education; Institutional accreditations and rankings; International Education and Exchange programs; Equity, social justice and social change; Ethics and values; Organizational learning and change. The proceedings contain the results of the research and developments conducted by authors who focused on what they are passionate about: to promote growth in research methods intimately related to teaching, learning and applications in Education nowadays. It includes an extensive variety of contributors and presenters, who will extend our view in exploring and giving their contribution in educational issues, by sharing with us their different personal, academic and cultural experiences. (Individual papers contain references.)

This volume contains papers on regional and global trends that affect the political factors which are changing the context within which academic mobility occurs: (1) "Introduction" (by Peggy Blumenthal and others); (2) "Political Dimensions of Regionalism in a Changing World" (David Leyton-Brown); (3) "Economic Dimensions of Regionalism" (Gary Hufbauer and Anup Malani); (4) "Cultural Dimensions of Regionalization" (Robert Picht); (5) "International Education from the Perspective of Emergent World Regionalism: The Academic, Scientific and Technological Dimension" (Malcolm Skilbeck and Helen Connell); (6) "Developments in the Internationalization of Higher Education in Europe" (Gisela Baumgratz-Gangl); (7) "Regional Cooperation and Mobility in a Global Setting: The Example of the European Community:" (Alan Smith); (8) "Academic Mobility Programmes in a Regional Context: A German Viewpoint" (Karl Roeloffs); (9) "East-West Academic Mobility within Europe: Trends and Issues" (Ladislav Cerych); (10) "The Hungarian Experience of Academic Cooperation with North America and the European Community" (Tamas Lajos); (11) "Academic Mobility in Russia" (Stanislav Merkurlev); (12) "International Cooperation Activities of Canadian Universities: North American and Other Current Trends" (Eva Egron-Polak); (13) "The Future of Educational Exchange in North America: A View from the United States" (Stanley N. Katz); (14) "From Threat to Opportunity: A New Perspective for the Development of International Education in North America" (Sylvia B. Ortega Salazar); (15) "Academic Mobility and Exchange in Brazil" (Eunice Ribeuro Durham); (16) "Japan and International Academic Mobility in Asia and the Pacific" (Yoshiya Abe); (17) "Academic Mobility in South-East Asia and the Role of Thai Higher Education" (Wichit Srisa-An); (18) "International Education in Australia: Historical Trends, Current Developments and Challenges for the Future" (Elizabeth Anderson); (19) "International Academic Cooperation in the Arab Region: Past, Present and Future" (Salah Morsi); (20) "Regional Cooperation and Mobility in Higher Education: The Implications for Human Resource Development in Sub-Saharan Africa and the Relevance of Recent Initiatives to Europe" (Anthony Smallwood and T. L. Maliyamkono); (21) "Research on Academic Mobility and International Cooperation in Higher Education: An Agenda for the Future" (Ulrich Teichler); (22) "Academic Mobility in a Changing World: Concluding Reflections on the Issues at Stakes" (Crauford D. Goodwin); and (23) "Bibliography" (Albert Over). The bibliography contains about 1,500 references. (JB)

There is now a large literature on the international non-response to Rwanda’s genocide. The position of Germany has, however, received virtually no attention. My paper examines the German position, its actions and omissions, in light of the fact that Germany and Rwanda shared colonial ties, and, more recently, a dense network of aid programs following Rwandan independence. Most of the aid programs were government-sponsored. In addition, a number of German NGOs had links to Rwandan local governments, health and education institutions. Further, Germany’s strong commitment to human rights in its foreign policy also suggests that it would not remain passive when a human rights catastrophee unfolded. However, this is exactly what happened. I attempt to offer an explanation for this outcome. After establishing the parameters of German foreign policy in the early 90’s, the paper proceeds to an exploration of German-Rwandan relations in the 80’s and early 90’s, up to the genocide. The next section assesses German media coverage of the genocide in the spring of ‘94. How attentive were the German media, and how did political elites contribute to the coverage? A fourth section turns to parliamentary and executive actions regarding Rwanda in the crucial months of April,May and June of l994. How did Rwanda play on the political agenda? A final section introduces Hasenclever’s moral-sociological framework for the explanation of humanitarian intervention/non-intervention. With its focus on media, political and NGO actors, the framework seems to fit the German case. It generates hypotheses that can be tested in the German Rwanda debate. And if offers an explanation of Germany’s bystander role which seems to contradict the lessons of history that German elites often evoke. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks into the evolution of regional co-operation in Europe and East Asia since the mid-1990s and at the policies of Germany and Japan in those contexts. Using role concepts as analytical tools for the comparative analysis, the paper assesses the specific role concepts of Germany and Japan with regard to regional co-operation, both in the economic and in the security context. It is widely assumed that East Asia represents an entirely different context for regional co-operation from Europe, and therefore has developed a new, specifically Asian way of regionalism. So far, less attention has been paid to Japan´s specific aims and policies in promoting and supporting regionalism in East Asia. Has Japan been important in promoting shallow forms of regional integration in East Asia, in contrast to Germany´s support for deep integration? If so, how should this be seen from the perspective of the civilian power role concept? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the theory-building portion of a larger project inquiring into the effects of war on the tendency of international rivalries to persist or terminate. The research design of the larger project, a comparative cases design focusing on the rivalry profiles of three different states (Germany, the United States, and Argentina) is discussed. Selected preliminary findings from the Argentine case are utilized in an effort to refine extant hypotheses regarding war and rivalry termination in an effort to build more nuanced theory in this area. The paper concludes with a discussion of one possible direction: a new categorization of rivalries, where different hypotheses regarding war and termination are expected to apply to different rivalry types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What explains variations in state compliance with the 1997 OECD "Convention on Combating Bribery of Foreign Public Officials in International Business Transactions."? In an initial phase of follow-up monitoring to evaluate each country's implementing legislation, this Convention's peer-review monitoring group found a surprising variation in the compliance records of the OECD's four largest members. While Germany and the United States 'satisfactorily' complied with the Convention, France only 'sufficiently' complied and the United Kingdom did not comply. Why did some states comply and others not? Given the Convention's optimal design, function, and normative basis from the point of view of compliance theory, this outcome is particularly surprising. Employing evidence from research in the fours countries, and focusing on the U.K. case in particular, the paper assesses three alternative explanations for the observed variations in compliance: unintentional non-compliance; strategic trade; and norms related to transnational bribery. The analysis finds that none of the explanations initially suggested by the evidence is complete, but that a combination of strategic trade interests and normative factors is at play. The paper concludes with a discussion of the implications of this study for compliance theory in IR, and theories of international politics in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at presenting research about the roots of Realism, in particular about the origin(s) of Hans J. Morgenthau's Realism and his ideas about international politics which can be found in his German years in the Weimar Republic. The thesis presented in the paper is about the impact of the liberal as well as the conservative and emerging totalitarian 'Zeitgeist' on young Morgenthau, especially during his time as lawyer in Frankfurt (1923-1932, interruptedly). The German years have to date been a crucial aspect which is almost neglected in the literature focusing on the history and evolution of Realism and of International Relations (IR) as a discipline so far. Nevertheless, the core argument of this paper is that we have to take Morgenthau's life and work in Germany - in particular the historical, political and economic context in which he was embedded, and the influence of intellectuals such as left social democrat Hugo Sinzheimer and far-right conservative Carl Schmitt on Morgenthau - seriously as the constitutive moment of Realism. If we truly want to understand the genesis and trajectory of Morgenthau's thought it becomes of dire necessity to incorporate and to explore this time period of his life. To illustrate my argument: Morgenthau's criticism of US foreign policy was, among other things, characterized by a multitude of legal and moral arguments against US interventionism in Central and Latin America and against Vietnam War. One of his arguments was about the moral attractiveness, integrity, and legitimacy of the United States as a model of society to be emulated by other nations. This perhaps even critical and normative bias, at first glance, seems to be paradoxical when thinking about 'Realism' as a purely power-based theory. If we are to understand the tensions, inconsistencies and even paradoxes in Morgenthau's thinking about power, international law, and morality, and if we seek to deal with them, we must begin by reconsidering his early Weimar ideas (which are in deep contrast to his later postwar American ideas) and his socialisation in the 'Twenty Years' Crisis'. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins from reflection upon a very real fence and the imagined bridges constructing the theme of this year’s ISA conference. In preparation for the G8 summit in Heiligendamm, Germany, taking place on June 6th to 8th 2007, an enormous fence has been built around the little Baltic Sea resort. The fence is some 12 kilometers (7.5 miles) long, 2.4 meters (7.9 feet) tall, stabilized by 4,800 concrete slabs and crowned by four rows of barbed wire, which are, in turn, covered in thick rolls of razor-wire. 18,000 police officers and at least 1,100 military personnel will be deployed to safeguard the G8 proceedings. Authorities are preparing for mass arrests of protestors, and harassment of organizations supporting protest mobilization is already in full swing. In this paper this fence is viewed to symbolize the division of critique from power. The argument will be made, in line with the panel theme, that those academic approaches that are employed to buttress the defenses of power against critique should be contested. What is in order here is not bridge-building but the tearing down of fences for the sake of both exposure and access. The bulk of the paper will consist in a discussion of how and which academic approaches in our field contribute to the protective self-enclosure of politically dominant institutions and practices. The aim is to identify lingering epistemological and institutional obstacles to critically engaged IR scholarship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the past two decades, there has been an upsurge of interest in the research on the effect of prime ministers on foreign policymaking. One of the most controversial issues within this body of research concerns the following question: What is the primary determinant of how prime ministers manage foreign policy decision-making processes in parliamentary systems? The response to the question has taken different shapes: Whereas students of comparative politics prioritized structural constraints that affect the power position of a prime minister (such as ministerial autonomy, existence of a pivotal party within the coalition, etc.), scholars in leadership studies emphasized the personality factor and leadership style. Structural approaches to the question tend to downplay the extent to which individual prime ministers can shape the process, while psychological perspectives understate the importance of external constraints within which any agent is to act. In seeking to bridge the relevant literatures in comparative politics and international relations, I offer a systematic comparison of prime ministerial management of foreign policy-making processes which attends simultaneously to institutional constraints and the leadership styles of individual prime ministers. Following the structured-focused comparison method, the paper focuses on a total of six cabinet decision-making cases in the United Kingdom, Germany, and Israel. The paper is guided by the following question: How does the interaction between leadership style and institutional constraints shape the prime ministerial management of the foreign policy decision-making process in various types of cabinets? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration has been deepened and expanded several times toward the Eastern enlargement whose start was to realize the renunciation of war between Germany and France. Although variety of issues arguing self interest occurred, shared interest coming from European common values has seemed to exceed self interest, which has led to the EU eastern enlargement. Compared with European Union which has its institutional way of integration, East Asia is called as functional way of integration led by enterprises not by nation states, which has led to the de facto integration. We examine in this paper the origin and the characteristics of the introversion of East Asian region with public goods approach. Also we investigate the way in which East Asian internationalism will appear and East Asian international order with independency will also be born, whose tendency is investigated in this paper by function provided by reiterated communication (typically insisted by Axelrod) and by beneficial viewpoints of creating FTA and customs union (typically asserted by Kemp and Wan). Those viewpoints emphasize importance of free mobility of goods, labor and capital, communication and reiteration towards Pareto optimal situation, towards more integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the heart of the EU?s problems in turning its European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) into an effective crisis management instrument are differences among EU member states about what role the EU should play as a security actor in a changing international context, what kind of instruments are to be used in what situation, and what the role of the military should be in all of this? This paper will analyse national responses to ESDP. The central argument presented is that while all EU members face the same pressures emanating from the international environment and ESDP, their responses are culturally conditioned. Growing convergence among EU member governments about the security challenges the EU is facing therefore does not produce convergence with regards to how to address them. The results are conflicting visions about the EU?s role in the world and the function ESDP should perform as an instrument at the EU?s disposal. I will briefly summarize external pressures expected to trigger policy change in EU member states. Second, I will outline a framework for comparative analysis, to examine how EU member states respond to these adaptation pressures. Finally, I will apply this framework to the case of Germany. An appendix sketches initial thoughts on the cases of Austria, France and the United Kingdom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the East Bloc crumbled and Germany was reunified in 1990, it promised countries such as Poland that it would act as their advocate in the EU, pushing the EU to admit them. Did Germany keep its word? What mix of motivations drove it? This paper will show that, while Germany saw itself as pursuing European goals, it also was driven by national foreign policy and domestic goals. Expansion strengthens Germany--both by promoting its reconciliation with the East and by strengthening Germany’s central role in the union. Yet Germany has reason to fear low-priced competition from its neighbors. As the EU prepares to take on new members in 2004, the accession negotiations offer a rich field for studying the mix of European and national interests in the new Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the inter-relationship between Germany’s enforced disarmament following the First World War and the international disarmament process launched under the auspices of the League of Nations by the peace settlement. It will consider three linked themes: (i) how the initial, highly-limited model of what international disarmament entailed steadily evolved into the far more ambitious conception of a general limitation agreement covering all spheres of armaments and embracing all states; (ii) how Germany’s political position evolved from that of an object with no voice in the disarmament debates to that of an integral participant with an effective veto power on any agreement; (iii) how differing British and French views of the importance of Germany’s continued enforced disarmament for European security effectively blocked a successful compromise on international disarmament during the years from the war’s end until the collapse of the League’s World Disarmament Conference in 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ratification process for international treaties has become increasingly politicized in many democratic states, often pitting domestic actors against one another in intense debates about institutional commitments and sovereignty. But while scholars have devoted attention to the negotiation of international agreements, few have studied ratification struggles that define the ultimate success or failure of international commitments. Fewer still have examined the dynamics of this process in comparative perspective. This paper attempts to fill this gap in the literature by exploring the politics of contemporary international treaty ratification processes across democratic regimes. Drawing on two-level game theory, I posit that successful elite strategies for treaty ratification in democratic states must take into account regime type (which conditions executive-legislative relations), interest group pressure, and public opinion in the domestic political environment relative to international commitments. A structured, focused comparison of case studies is presented to analyze the experiences of the United States, Canada, and Germany in ratification struggles in the past decade. Treaties that have been successfully completed, including the North American Free Trade Agreement and the Treaty on European Union, are compared to high-profile treaty failures such as the United States’ position on the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty and the Kyoto Protocol. I conclude that the likelihood of successful treaty ratification across issue areas depends primarily upon executive strategies and electoral systems (which condition elite consensus in government). In addition, federalism and factionalism appear to function as important intervening variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines several key problems in the application of the enforced disarmament of Germany by the Allied powers after the First World War (1919-1928). It will focus on how different conceptions of disarmament amongst the Allies responsible for its enforcement (in particular France and Great Britain) undermined both the alliance and the disarmament process. It will discuss the importance and failures of the intelligence process in the enforcement of German disarmament. It will also show how the First World War and the idea of total war made the effort to enforce disarmament profoundly more difficult compared to the pre-1914 era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, Germany maintained an Atlanticist foreign policy, rejecting the challenge initiated by Charles De Gaulle to American hegemony in Europe. Since the end of the Cold War, however, changing circumstances have created new dilemmas and opportunities for German foreign policy, suggesting the possibility of a shift to a more neo-Gaullist foreign policy. This paper argues that German policy is consistent, but that new circumstances open the door to a European alternative to Atlanticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of the paper is military organizational change. Utilizing insights from game theory, sociology and international relations, I attempt to explain the complicated decision-making process behind the creation of the West German armed forces ? the Bundeswehr. My argument focuses on non-military goals and the desire to signal ?responsibility? as important motives in designing the original institutional structure of the Bundeswehr. In order to promote West European integration, the development and maintenance of a democratic political system and regain the much-needed trust of domestic and international actors, German decision-makers sacrificed military combat effectiveness and configured their armed forces in an extremely unique (revolutionary) manner. Furthermore, in order to more thoroughly understand the dynamics behind the process, the detailed case study incorporates factors from two-levels of analysis, the domestic and international. Ultimately, the Bundeswehr performed a useful function in consolidating Germany’s post-war transition to democracy and fostering the Western orientation necessary for the Federal Republic of Germany to become the vital anchor of the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Westphalian style of state building has been the main method of state construction ever since the peace of Westphalia. This system of construction is being replaced by the fragmentation of states into zones or territories that continue to have substantial geopolitical importance, which depict the motivations behind relations between states. This paper will show how the establishment of Israel has rearranged the traditional mode of state building. International institutions are now taking a bigger role in building states externally. Borders are becoming more less important as territory becomes more structured externally. Critical geopolitics offers a way to examine state building in a structural way, and sets up certain ways to define territory in this new age of geopolitical analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Germany has gone from being a non-participant in humanitarian interventions until 1992 to having 10,000 men deployed in various peacekeeping missions in late 2006. German policy has throughout this period remained driven by the same underlying principle: to incorporate the lessons of the Holocaust, particularly the prevention of genocide and militarization. Yet the implementation of that dictum has seen a 180-degree shift, from Cold War reluctance to being among the loudest voices to call for a European mission in Darfur. What has brought about this change? One crucial reason is the emergence of international norms on humanitarian intervention in the wake of Rwanda, Somalia and the Balkans. One country finds itself time and again in the forefront of propagating these norms: Canada. Ottawa has led the efforts behind the Responsibility to Protect and has through its strong peacekeeping tradition led the way in changing perceptions of intervention. This paper will contrast these two examples and in each case investigate the interplay between domestic and international norms. In the first instance, the reticence characteristic of the German domestic norm comes under increasing attack from increased expectations of participation from allies and others; the analysis is based on the mobilization of the norm by entrepreneurs with the German political elite. In the Canadian case, the norm diffusion process is the opposite and results in concerted efforts by similar entrepreneurs to export a domestic norm to the international level. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]