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By proposing that national identity is not stable and homogeneous, this article explores how mainland Chinese students construct a heterogeneous national identity and negotiate a unified or divided "we-hood" with both Macao locals and other mainlanders under one country, two systems model. Unified we-hood refers to an inclusive China–Chinese nationalism, while a divided we-hood is seen in how mainlanders construct the peoples of the Special Administrative Regions (SARs) as heterogeneous and internal others. This divided we-hood in the state-nationalism-building process is attributed to the outcomes of the two systems, which leads to the blurred consciousness of a mainlander identity, and who or what is Macao. To explain the complex and dynamic process of national identity construction, we further propose both top-down and bottom-up nationalist discourses, within which the frame of produced, contested, transformed, and reproduced strategies works to unpack this process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines manifestations of "shame nationalism"—a learned emotional script prevalent in discourses of modern Chinese national identity—in Se, jie (Lust, Caution ; Ang Lee, 2007) and its reception. The essay argues that this affectively charged response to perceived national humiliation functions as a form of communal identification that performs and interprets shame as a signal of moral virtue and national devotion. Analyzing performances of shame and humiliation in the film, the article demonstrates how the emotional script for shame nationalism employs the melodramatic mode for its narrativization and dissemination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the history of international mobility of students from China to other countries over the century and a half from 1870 to the present day. Different motivations, goals, courses, and knowledge are considered, together with how the purposes of individuals have matched national policy. Implications for the future development in a globalized context are briefly considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Prior to its recent, much discussed international ‘assertiveness’, China's attitude to the West had deteriorated, as reflected in official discourse of national identity. Drawing from political science and social psychology literature on identity studies, I argue that the discursive pattern of national identity can shift as a function of an elite strategy to exclude internal others through opposition to foreign others. Internally exclusionary nationalism, often employed by elites during major crises, is instrumental to consolidating control and maintaining order. But when targeting internal opponents alone is politically inconvenient or lacks public resonance, elites will accentuate ethnocentric national identity discourse vis‐a‐vis foreign nations in order to reinforce internal battles and divert popular discontent externally. An interpretive analysis of the official texts of Chinese national identity discourse during the Hu Jintao decade, supplemented by quantitative data, shows a significant correlation between the regime's fear of internal instability and bottom‐up political opposition on the one hand and the timing and intensity of ethnocentric identity discourse regarding the West on the other. The party‐state negatively framed the West in order to shift the blame for domestic troubles onto foreigners and discredit internal resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constructing national identity with collective memory based on traditional culture has long been a policy and research concern. China's recent revival of its traditional culture, previously denounced by the Communist Party of China (CPC), has caused diverse academic concerns. Yet few studies have addressed how the CPC-led state interacts with domestic actors in cultivating students' national identity with a previously denounced culture, and what paradoxes lie therein. Documentary review shows that in the process, the state is concerned about creating a consensus around providing traditional Chinese culture (TCC) education, and about maintaining its defining role in designing the project, especially when interacting with diverse actors who had different interests in TCC education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article unpacks the contemporary relationship among racial, cultural, and civic notions of the concept of the Chinese nation ( Zhonghua Minzu 中华民族), specifically examining Han (汉), Hua (华), and Zhongguo (中国) as categories representative of each identity marker. It examines the relationship between Han and Chinese identities and how people from multiple ethnic identities relate to the idea of the Chinese nation. Han identity is often fused with the larger Chinese identity that in the past conflated the two, sometimes leading to Han chauvinism and a problematic relationship with the state for non-Han people. Government orthodoxy that emphasizes civic harmony and minimizes national distinction is challenged by exclusive ethnic and racial conceptions. A classical cultural understanding of Chinese identity may be more inclusive yet is undermined by the ongoing territorializing of Chinese nationalism and myth making of Chinese identity in ethno-national rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significance of sport, especially mega sport events, has been widely acknowledged as contributing to the development of nationalism and national identity.1 The use of the National Games by the nationalist government to promote Chinese nationalism and manage national identity in the Republic of China from 1910 to 1948 is examined in this paper. It begins with an interpretation of how Western sport was introduced to China, how China achieved its sovereignty of sport and how sport aided national salvation and nation-building. It examines the birth and the development of Chinese National Games, and the interplays of National Games and nationalism in the context of political and economic perspectives. It concludes that the promotion of National Games met the demands of China's national salvation and the principles of Chinese nationalism such as sovereignty, territorial integrity and patriotic sentiments. The National Games in the Republican China era played a role that was more than that of a sport event but one of shaping Chinese independent nationhood and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of Taiwan in the national identity of China. Taiwan is governed by a Chinese power structure and has its own military capabilities. It has an ocean buffer sufficient to provide options not available to Hong Kong, China and Macao. According to China, by competing with it for the diplomatic recognition of small nations in the Third World and desiring entry into organizations from the United Nations to the World Health Organization, Taiwan has subjected it to repeated embarrassment.

After the handover of sovereignty from the United Kingdom to China in 1997, the post-colonial government in Hong Kong initiated a nation-building project aimed at boosting nationalism and patriotism. Drawing on documentary analysis, this article analyses how the dominant bloc subtly manipulates a Chinese identity rooted in local traditions through its national education policy, and how it seeks to foster hegemony via several discursive strategies including normalization, naturalization, homogenization, utilitarianization, glorification, moralization, and eclecticism. This article also draws attention to the alternative discourses by the civil society in opposition to the hegemony project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Wushu, also known as Kung Fu, is a traditional Chinese martial art. It also symbolises the strength of the Chinese and their pride in their history. Wushu came to be associated with Chinese nationalism after China's various defeats at the hands of foreign imperialist powers at the turn of the twentieth century. This relationship has been further strengthened through martial arts films. In the first half of the twentieth century, martial arts films helped to construct national identity among the Chinese. They also facilitated the development of Wushu, making it a symbol of indigenous virtue and strength. From the late 1960s, influenced by a defensive strain of nationalism, Chinese film-makers began to adopt a new approach to the portrayal of Wushu. Martial arts films were endowed with political and cultural significance, and evolved as a unique representation of Chinese nationalism. Several decades later, martial arts films still retain at their core a sense of ‘Chineseness'. From Bruce Lee'sFist of Furyto Donnie Yen'sIP Man, Chinese martial arts films have demonstrated not only the important place of Wushu in Chinese nationalism, but also the influence of nationalism on Chinese cinema. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the evolution of conceptions of national identity in contemporary Chinese fashion by analyzing Chinese designers and their work over the last thirty years. It focuses on the post-Mao years of "opening up and reform" since 1978 and draws evidence from a textual analysis of published reports and interviews with a selection of established and emerging designers. This study shows that contemporary Chinese fashion designers still hark to a notion of "Chineseness." This invocation of an essential and identifiable "Chinese" quality is a result of China's nationalistic education curriculum but is also a mechanism by which Chinese fashion designers seek to gain rapid recognition and a distinctive place in the international community. This distinctive identity facilitates their competitiveness on the global fashion stage. This article shows that conceptions of national identity in Chinese fashion have evolved from the promotion of concrete "traditional Chinese" symbols to more amorphous ideas about "the Chinese spirit." This spirit is manifest in two particular styles of recent years. First, the works of the "Zen" designers that seek to invoke "Oriental" ideas of peacefulness, calm, and harmony by adopting pale or neutral colors, natural fabrics, and naturally flowing shapes. Second, the designers that invoke images of "modern" China, either by sourcing inspiration from contemporary daily life or rejuvenating traditional Chinese elements with a modern look. This article argues that the evolution from the use of traditional Chinese symbols to the Chinese spirit within the fashion design world signifies a new form of Chinese nationalism: instead of delivering Chinese culture in an explicit, direct, and exterior and form, Chinese designers have switched to convey their exterior unique "Chineseness" in a subtle, indirect, and form. Such evolution is a result of modernization, hybridization, and competition between the twin tensions of nationalism and globalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis on the issues of national identity, citizenship, and belonging by investigating the national education debate in Hong Kong, China. It discusses the association between pro-Beijing organisations, educational institutions, and the government. It explains the activism against red indoctrination, which is a rare collaboration between various forces against national education.

Using the 2008 China Survey, this paper examines Chinese respondents' feelings toward their country and how such feelings are related to their democratic values. First, it compares Chinese nationalism with that of 35 countries and regions in the 2003 National Identity Survey. Second, it looks at the origins of Chinese nationalism as embedded in the social and political characteristics of individuals. Third, it further examines the impact of nationalism on people's political attitudes. The findings show that nationalism in contemporary China is better predicted by the political and economic characteristics of an individual rather than cultural attributes, and that nationalism serves as a powerful instrument in impeding public demand for democratic change. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author responds to criticisms of his book "Embattled Glory: Veterans, Military Families and the Politics of Patriotism in China, 1949-2007" which appeared in the article entitled "Patriotism, Nationalism and China's US Policy: Structures and Consequences of Chinese National Identity," by Peter Hays Gries, Qingmin Zhang, H. Michael Crowson, and Huajian Cai, in the No. 205 issue of "The China Quarterly." Topics considered include contemporary Chinese nationalism, patriotism, and Chinese attitudes towards Western countries and Japan,

The present study examined longitudinal changes in Asian (i.e. Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan) school students’ national identity before, during and after the 2008 Beijing Olympics. Participants were 946 secondary students aged 12–17 years from Mainland China, Hong Kong and Taiwan. This study revealed that residence, especially the hosting city, acted as the most significant factor in longitudinal changes and contribution to the national identity among the three regions. The time factor (before, during and after the Games) was only significant when it interacted with residence. These findings suggest that residence (hosting city) provided the greatest contribution in national identity before, during and after the 2008 Beijing Olympic Games. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

National image is not only a channel to wield a state’s national power, but also an important national power resource. It has become critically important for China as it tries to rise in a relatively favorable international environment. Following a theoretical discussion on national image management in international relations and a historical review of China’s national image management, this article examines China’s strengths and weaknesses in its national image management. On the one hand, China’s national image benefits from its strong commitment to cultural diplomacy, effective employment of information and communication technologies in international broadcasting, and close connections with the Chinese diaspora around the world. On the other hand, China’s national image management is constrained by such hurdles as weak political credibility, reviving popular nationalism, and various missteps in its foreign policies. This study concludes that China’s national image management will remain an uphill battle in the long run. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article will examine the relationship between sport, Chinese nationalism and the building of the Republic. It will highlight the role of sport in constructing the modern Chinese nation state in a historical and political context. The Republic of China Era (1912-49) saw the transformation of the modern Chinese nation state from its infancy to maturity. Sport played an important part in this process of change, supporting and facilitating the rise of a Republic from the ashes of the Qing Empire. During this period, sport contributed to the shaping of national conscious among the Chinese people and greatly consolidated the unity of the newly established nation state. It became an essential part of Chinese nationalists, politicians and educationalists'strategy to achieve national salvation and revival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Modern Olympics have always been about national prestige. The 2008 Olympic Games in Beijing was a good illustration. The unprecedented support level to the Beijing Games from the government to the public reflects the sense of national identity which is motivated by the memories of past grandeur and humiliation and the keenness to build a new, vigorous, modern and strong nation in the world. Through examining Beijing's two Olympic bids, construction of infrastructural facilities, the choreography of the Games' Opening Ceremony and the widely publicized Olympic slogans, this paper explores the complicated relationship between national identity building, modernization drive and the Beijing Games. It claims that Olympic victory has been regarded as the public embodiment of national strength and symbolic of China's emerging status in the world.; the building of a new national identity has been closely linked with modernisation which is inseparable from the ongoing globalization, urbanization and migration in the country. In addition, the Games facilitated China's modernisation in industry, communication, transportation and management. The Games was not just the dream fulfilled, but a future vision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 Olympic Games is so significant in reconstructing Chinese nationalism as well as reshaping the state-society relationship because in the single year of 2008 most of the political mobilization and social movements were driven by the games; most of the focusing events (e.g. accidents and disasters) are redirected or reinterpreted due to the games; most of the contradictions and conflicts are concealed or exposed under the name of the games. Both the authorities and the public faced more opportunities, challenges and pressures from the domestic and international community because of the games. The reconstruction of Olympic-mobilized nationalism then lies in such dynamic official and popular responses and also reflects transforming state-society relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the unique process of reconstructing the identity of the Macau Special Administrative Region and its people after the political resumption to China in 1999, and the political and economic significance of the reconstruction. As in other postcolonial contexts, identity is an arena of political contest where various discourses that embody re-appropriation of political traditions and legacies criss-cross. In Macau, the post-handover identity comprises the local, the national and the international components, with Macau characterized as a historical, colonial/cultural hybrid and economic object. In fact, the Macau identity after 1999 represents a re-appropriation of the image of colonial Macau propagated by the Portuguese administration since the 1980s. Also, identity making has been a process of incorporating instead of repressing or eliminating the identities of "the other," and building a stand-alone national identity is not the prime task in the reconstruction of an identity. Rather, multiple identity components are deliberately incorporated and promoted. The success of the process has fabricated Macau's relatively smooth reintegration with China and enhanced the legitimacy of its new government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the October 2008 slapping incident of historian Yan Chongnian as a case study, this article attempts to contextualize and critically examine the articulation of Han supremacism on the Chinese internet. It demonstrates how an informal group of non-elite, urban youth are mobilizing the ancient Han ethnonym to challenge the Chinese Communist Party's official policy of multiculturalism, while seeking to promote pride and self-identification with the Han race (han minzu) to the exclusion of the non-Han minorities. In contrast to most of the Anglophone literature on Chinese nationalism, this article seeks to employ "Han" as a "boundary-spanner," a category that turns our analysis of Chinese national identity formation on its head, side-stepping the "usual suspects" (intellectuals, dissidents and the state itself) and the prominent role of the "foreign other" in Chinese ethnogenesis, and instead probing the unstable plurality of the self/othering process in modern China and the role of the internet in opening up new spaces for non-mainstream identity articulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the mediated cultural politics of the Beijing Olympics through analysis of selected Australian print, online and television coverage. It demonstrates that media coverage of major sports events such as the Olympics is linked to the particular concerns of each country, while also displaying elements of internationalism and globalism. The 2008 games provided an opportunity to 'interrogate' the current condition and trajectory of China, creating a very mixed picture of a nation wishing to use the games to symbolize its increasingly prominent place in world economics, politics and sport, but inducing considerable resistance to its projected image among the Australian press, as well as some robust defences of its achievements. Ultimately, the Beijing Olympics revealed (despite the familiar catchcry that sport and politics should be separated) a battle of narratives that saw, for example, Chinese nationalism and global engagement pitted against international defensive positioning and global scepticism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Wang Jingwei's ideas on nation and race before the 1911 Revolution. It has often been agreed by scholars that there was a strong current of anti-Manchuism among the revolutionaries and as a result, on the eve of the 1911 Revolution, the revolutionaries remained divided as to whether the new Republic should inherit all the territories ruled by the Manchu dynasty and whether it should include the Manchus into the nation. It was only in the reformist camp led by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao that the Manchus were unambiguously regarded as part of the Chinese nation. This article suggests that in the revolutionary camp before the 1911 Revolution, it was Wang Jingwei who broke new ground in mapping out a place for the Manchus after the revolution. He stood out among the revolutionaries in the clear formulation of the idea that the new Chinese nation should be composed of different nationalities including the Manchus. This article also suggests that although Sun Yat-sen had an influence upon Wang Jingwei's political thinking during the Tongmenghui (Revolutionary Alliance) times, Wang's intellectual talents and resources enabled him to outgrow Sun's framework and develop his own ideas. His concepts on race and nation and perceptions of Han-Manchu relations owed a considerable debt to the Swiss legal scholar, Johann Kaspar Bluntschli. Wang Jingwei has been a much reviled political figure in twentieth century Chinese history. His contribution to the formulation of a racial identity for the new Chinese nation has long been underrated, and this article attempts to throw light upon this aspect of his political thought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper [1] reports on an ethnographic field research conducted in Beijing in 2007, with an attempt to examine the cognitive and affective orientation dimensions of a group of Hong Kong students toward the Beijing 2008 Olympics and their negotiation of national identity. In 1997, China resumed sovereignty over Hong Kong under the principle of 'One Country, Two Systems,' continuing a long history of Hong Kong people struggling with their national identity. Study tours to Mainland China had been arranged as an extension of national education, with the Beijing Olympics as the main theme. With field notes and focus groups, this study found that the tour provoked in the students an interesting mixture of pride and skepticism and also reinforced their 'insider/outsider' identity crisis. This article concludes that the debate over the use of Beijing Olympics as national education reflects an intrinsic paradox of the principle of 'One Country, Two Systems.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of the late Qing Dynasty and the early Republic clearly showed the close relationship between sport, nationalism and politics, and reflected the changes in Chinese society and Chinese people's view of their identity as well as their way of thinking. Sport had a great importance, not only for the construction of Chinese nationalism and national consciousness, but also for the eventual transformation of China from a celestial empire into a modern nation state. It played an important part in Chinese nationalists' strategy of restoring the power of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contextualizes the emergence of the Chinese claim over the historical ownership of Koguryo in the politics of historiography in China. Contemporary Chinese historiography from which the Chinese state and populace draw core identities has never been fully fixed or stabilized. Regardless of the temporal distance from the present, Chinese pasts are continuously constructed and re-memorized based on contemporary sociopolitical needs. Compared to the pre-reform eras, broadened social spaces in China have made the Chinese Communist Party's monopoly over historiography untenable. In that sense, the future of East Asian regional order or Sino-Korean relations is highly unpredictable, if not unstable, due to the continuously changing Chinese national identity. With radical nationalization of China's imperial past, the next generation in China may favor actions to alter the status quo. National and state identities informed by "historical facts" are hardly negotiable or changeable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mass pro-democracy protest in Hong Kong for the first time raised doubts about the "one country, two systems" model that was adopted by Deng Xiaoping to unite Hong Kong with mainland China in 1997. This has considerably alarmed the People's Republic of China (PRC) whose nationalist ideology is underpinned by its policy of successful reunification not only with Hong Kong but, in the future, with Taiwan. In fact, the rise of a distinct Hong Kong identity contests the "one China" principle. This exposes the weakness of the notion of Chinese nationalism which defines the current ideology of the PRC and gives the Chinese party-state its legitimacy and enables it to survive. This study looks into how a Hong Kong identity has emerged and contests the notion of Chinese nationalism today. It also examines how China attempts to impose its notions of nationalism on the Hong Kong identity. The present crisis in Hong Kong thus represents a clash between Chinese nationalism and the Hong Kong identity. In essence, what China needs is a new definition of nationalism which, instead of submerging the "other," can try to build a plural identity in which competing identities coexist and do not clash. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traces the interrelation between two constructions of territorial identity in sojourning communities in Shanghai in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Native place identity; Chinese identity; Study of the role of native place associations in shaping nationalist movements; Case study of the May Fourth Movement; Native place and national identity in the Republican era.

Provides preliminary analysis of the Chinese intellectual writings for the future prospects and hopes in China. Outline of the 'Middle Kingdom Mentality' parameters; Examination on the significance of the key terms in discourse; Reaction to colonial discourse and the challenges of modernity.