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The United States and Canada began major efforts to acquire territory in North America's interior in the nineteenth century. In 1803, the United States purchased approximately 827,192 square miles of territory from France. Canada began to govern 1,409,900 square miles of territory known as Rupert's Land in 1869. Historical accounts of American and Canadian officials' efforts in Washington and Ottawa to obtain these vast territories are abundant. Historians have devoted less attention, however, to expansionists who supported American expansion in Louisiana and Canadian expansion in Rupert's Land. Daniel Clark, U.S. Consul to New Orleans, used his office to promote American acquisition of Spanish Louisiana. Canadian John Christian Schultz, an influential "doctor" and businessperson at Red River, became the owner of the only newspaper in the settlement and used it to advocate for Canadian possession of Rupert's Land. Clark arrived in Louisiana from Ireland in 1786 and Schultz from Upper Canada between 1859 and 1861. Clark and Schultz were opportunists who understood that American and Canadian territorial ambitions presented them with opportunities to advance their business and political careers. Far less important to both men were the futures of other residents of New Orleans and Red River. Clark and Schultz for example, both argued that representative local government should not be immediately introduced in their regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Andresen M. A. The geography of the Canada-United States border effect, Regional Studies. The Canada-United States border effect is a heavily researched area. Despite the plethora of research, very few regional analyses have emerged. This lack of regional analyses is curious because this limited research has shown a strong geographical component to the border effect. This paper contributes to the border effect literature by resolving the border effect through proper economic and statistical specification. Rather than the border representing a strong friction between Canada and the USA, it is shown that most provinces experience an insignificant or positive effect from the border. [image omitted] Andresen M. A. La geographie de l'effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis, Regional Studies. L'effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis est un sujet qui a fait couler beaucoup d'encre. En depit de la quantite de recherche, il n'en ressort que tres peu d'analyses regionales. Ce manque d'analyses regionales est a s'etonner, vu que cette recherche limitee a demontre une variable geographique importante de l'effet frontalier. Cet article cheche a contribuer a la documentation sur l'effet frontalier en resolvant l'effet frontalier a partir d'une vraie specification economique et statistique. On demontre que, plutot que d'etre cause de la friction entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis, la frontiere a un effet negligeable ou positif sur la plupart des provinces. Equation de gravite Effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis Commerce international Andresen M. A. Die Geografie des Grenzeffekts zwischen Kanada und den USA, Regional Studies. Der Grenzeffekt zwischen Kanada und den USA ist ein intensiv erforschtes Gebiet, doch trotz der zahlreichen Studien in diesem Bereich sind bisher nur wenige regionale Analysen entstanden. Dieser Mangel an regionalen Analysen ist sonderbar, denn in dieser begrenzten Studie wurde eine ausgepragte geografische Komponente des Grenzeffekts deutlich. Als Beitrag zur Literatur uber den Grenzeffekt wird in diesem Artikel der Effekt anhand einer ordnungsgemassen okonomischen und statistischen Spezifikation aufgelost. Die Grenze zwischen Kanada und den USA stellt nicht etwa einen starken Reibungspunkt dar; vielmehr zeigt sich in der Studie, dass die Grenze auf die meisten Provinzen einen insignifikanten oder positiven Effekt ausubt. Schwerkraftgleichung Grenzeffekt Kanada-USA Internationaler Handel Andresen M. A. La geografia del efecto fronterizo entre Canada y los Estados Unidos, Regional Studies. El efecto fronterizo entre Canada y los Estados Unidos es un campo que se ha investigado a fondo. Pese a los muchos estudios en este campo, se han realizado pocos analisis en un ambito regional. Esta falta de analisis regionales es curioso puesto que en este estudio limitado ha quedado patente un fuerte componente geografico del efecto fronterizo. Como aportacion a la literatura sobre el efecto fronterizo, en este articulo resuelvo este efecto fronterizo con ayuda de adecuadas especificaciones economicas y estadisticas. Aqui demuestro que la frontera no representa una fuerte friccion entre Canada y los Estados Unidos sino mas bien que en la mayoria de provincias ejerce un efecto insignificante o positivo. Ecuacion de gravedad Efecto fronterizo Canada-Estados Unidos Comercio internacional [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Constitutional entanglements in Canada–Quebec relations are well known. From one referendum on Quebec’s sovereignty to the other, from one pan–Canadian constitutional meeting to the other, the ‘Quebec problem’ seems irresolvable. One dimension is constantly overlooked in this debate: territorial identity. Territorially–based cultural claims emerge in the core of urban Quebec under the leadership of partitionist and localist movements. Originally based in Montreal, the partitionist movement is driven by Anglo–Que´be´cois claims over local municipalities and certain parcels of the territory in the event of an independent Quebec. This paper seeks to understand a dual reterritorialisation process: 1) state territorial rescaling policies such as decentralisation and metropolitan reform, and 2) the use of territorial claims underpinning social mobilisation strategies. When state territorial restructuring policies do not correspond with the local territorial political culture, as I argue in the case of a ‘frontier–city’ like Montreal, it spurs the activation of strategic territorialisation. This paper begins with an analysis of Montreal’s territorial political culture, rooted in the coexistence of opposite territorial myths and a common feeling of distinctiveness. Then follows a discussion of strategic territorialisation and the poly–scalar nature of such mobilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper relates developments in the science of geology to forms of governmental rationality in Canada during the late nineteenth century. By so doing it opens for discussion a topic rarely broached by political theorists: the role that the earth sciences played in the historical evolution of forms of political rationality. The paper contests theoretical approaches that understand the relation between scientific knowledge and state rationality as only instrumental. Instead, the paper demonstrates how attending to the temporality of science (as evident in the emergence of specifically geological ways of seeing nature during the period) helps us understand the ways in which science is constitutive of political rationality, rather than merely its instrument. This argument is developed through a critique of Michel Foucault’s concept of ‘governmentality’, a concept that historicizes political rationality, yet remains silent on how the physical sciences contributed to its varied forms. The paper concludes with reflections on the implications of such an argument for theories of the social production of nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes which role the Atlantic Alliance plays in the Arctic and whether it can contribute to the security and territorial integrity of its members in the region. In a dramatic change from the cold war era, the Arctic is no longer at the center of a conflict between two hostile superpowers. But what can a basically military organization such as NATO – though with proven political functions – contribute to stabilizing the Arctic region if its major challenges are non-military? With regional challenges resulting mostly from globalization and climate change, it is open to question whether a military alliance such as NATO has the will and the capability to cope with them. We might thus need to look also at individual members’ interests and abilities besides searching for joint alliance action. If we find NATO not up to the challenges, which alternative institutions offer themselves for coping with the political conflicts and controversies in the Polar region? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Like many Commonwealth countries, Canada and the United Kingdom have faced challenges to their territorial integrity from assertive minority nationalist movements, especially in Québec and Scotland. Successive governments have faced the task of identifying strategies to accommodate these nations within the territorial framework of the existing state. The accommodation of national minorities is a central task of territorial management within multinational states, and essential to the state's survival. This article draws upon Hirschman's analysis of exit, voice and loyalty, as well as Taylor's emphasis upon the importance of recognition, to identify the contrasting accommodation strategies evident in Canada and the UK. It concludes by suggesting that successful territorial accommodation will depend upon the employment of strategies that provide for recognition of the status of national minorities as well as the expression of their distinctive voice within the multinational state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Current Canadian defense policies envision not only defense of the national territory, but a possible commitment of military forces overseas either through Canada's obligations as a member of NATO or the United Nations. In meeting these potential responsibilities, Ottawa would have to rely upon the reserves since the country's regular forces are small and time is required to raise, organize, equip, and train forces from a nonexisting prior base. Government declarations about the reserves have noted defects of which officers, regular and militia, are very cognizant. What would happen if Canada must send non-regular forces overseas under such conditions? This has occurred twice in the twentieth century; at the beginning of each conflict, Canadian forces were sent abroad, unprepared for war. This article will examine, as a case study, what happened in summer and autumn 1940 when one such brigade, "Z" Force, deployed to Iceland. Events are viewed from the perspective of an infantry ground force, "from the bottom up." An analysis of what occurred then can provide insight into what could happen when and if militia forces are again mobilized and deployed abroad before they are operationally ready for such service. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the public service framework in the Canadian north. The constitutional program and cultural context in the north territory have two territories with different characteristics, histories, and state of development. The northern jurisdictions have the population of a small city, with the cultural and economic problems of both the frontier and the third world. The problems faced by the societies are comparable to the problems of other towns and single industries. The range of population of native ancestry is also discussed.

The article discusses the case, in political terms, of the provincial north region of Canada. The boundaries that constitutes the country's north territory relied upon climatic, social, geological, and economic factors. The provincial north consists of the northern two-thirds of Canadian provinces, with boundaries include that of Northern Alberta Development Council, the Department of Northern Saskatchewan and the Manitoba Ministry of Northern Affairs. The problem of managing the provincial north is also presented.