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This paper examines the intersectional origins of the Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF) in France through analysis of one of its founding groups: Féminin, Masculin, Avenir (FMA). Complicating historiographical perceptions that the feminist revival of 1970 largely resulted from the revolutionary activity of May 1968 in France, this article argues that Women's Liberation also sprung from a transnational, multi‐issue activist network that predated the events of that year. FMA, though statistically insignificant in the vast arena of late‐1960s activism, boasted a disproportionately influential share of MLF activists who would go on to shape the principle theories of Women's Liberation in France. Their engagement with anti‐colonialism, Black liberation and Marxism facilitated their feminist activism, sharpened their theories of oppression and provided them with models of successful identity‐based social movements. FMA explored the intersections of race, class and gender before eventually abandoning these intersections in the name of 'women' as a class. This turn away from solidarity with anti‐racist and anti‐colonial movements in the name of feminism shaped the priorities of Women's Liberation for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The advent of mass, male suffrage in France in 1848 is usually regarded as a great success. There was a huge turnout in elections for a Constituent Assembly, but the outcome disappointed republicans, who failed to win a majority and blamed a backward peasantry. This paper suggests that the electoral system was at fault rather than the electorate. A hastily devised procedure, based on collective voting and the absence of declared candidatures, enabled notables to dominate the new regime. Radicals revised their tactics with some success in 1849, but soon succumbed to the plebiscitary democracy of Louis- Napoleon. Universal suffrage might well mean counter-revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the rise and decline of social movements in Amsterdam and Paris, focusing in particular on the organizations of left-wing immigrant workers. These organizations performed crucial roles for new social movements in the 1970s and 1980s but were isolated and coopted in the 1990s and early 2000s. To explain why this is so, we engage in a dialogue with Jacques Rancière and develop an understanding of cities as strategic sites for both politicization and policing. Cities serve as sites of politicization because they are incubators of the relational conduits that enable activists from different sectors to engage with one another's struggles and look beyond narrow temporal and spatial horizons. However, cities also serve as sites of policing because authorities constantly attempt to reconfigure governmental arrangements in such a way that civil society serves as an extension of the government and comes to fulfill an instrumental role in the development and implementation of policy. Just as politicizing implies the widening of temporal and spatial horizons, policing implies the narrowing of such horizons. The analysis shows the social movements of the 1960s lost steam in two of the major hubs of the new left and reveals some of the more universal mechanisms through which cities generate or quell dissent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the professional subjectivities of gender‐equality (GE) consultants in France based on 63 interviews. A central concern is how these experts shape positions when working on a topic at the crossroads of personal, political, and economic stakes – in organizational and business contexts that are reluctant to embrace any feminist‐like perspective. Questioning the rationales for entering this market activity, the ways to embody professional work and service impact self‐assessment, the analysis highlights the tensions and dilemmas experienced by GE consultants in terms of aligning convictions and business imperatives, and the pragmatic and variable arrangements they make on a daily basis to put GE principles into practice. This research documents GE work by reanalyzing colliding dyads such as work/activism, professionalism/feminism, co‐optation/resistance, and by reviewing the use of market logics in subverting the existing gender/economic order. It draws a nuanced picture of the constraints and opportunities that GE consulting offers to destabilize power from within organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The constitution of 1791 created two categories of citizens - active and passive, based on paying a certain amount in taxes - and defined servants, women and others deemed dependent as passive citizens. Thus, it was not the revolutionary republic that defined citizenship as exclusively male, but rather the more conservative Directory and later the Napoleonic regime that revised the legal and fiscal codes so as to explicitly deny women access to citizenship. As Jarvis states in her conclusion, her research has broad significance: 'In short, the Dames defy and disrupt socioeconomic classification within the capitalist paradigm. [Extracted from the article]

Under what conditions do stakeholders consent to a regime of corporate governance? We propose that consent by the governed in corporate governance cannot be satisfactorily explained without reference to the collective value of procedural fairness that underlies markets. Drawing on the social psychology of justice and the political economy of social choice, we highlight the critical role played by democratic procedures in achieving consent by the governed in modern society. This line of reasoning leads us to suggest that the evolution of corporate governance, too, can be understood in terms of Tocqueville's well-known hypothesis that democracy eventually prevails in all spheres of organised activity. Examining the historical record of institutional reform in France, Germany, the United Kingdom and the United States, we find that corporate governance has indeed evolved to make increasing use of democratic procedures. Viewed over the long-term of two centuries of capitalist development, corporate governance is seen to have successively incorporated enfranchisement, separation of powers and representation. In conclusion, we consider the implications of basing the study of corporate governance on the question of stakeholder consent and the practice of corporate governance on the procedures of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of ETA derives from the interaction of two factors: Basque nationalism and Francoism. The fundamental elements of ETA. both ideological and strategical-political. were already well defined and developed in the Basque nationalism of the pre-war period. particularly in its intransigent and radical sector represented by Aberri and Jagi-Jagi groups. Later, ETA acquired characteristics of its own which separated it from the traditional nationalism. The regime of terror and repression imposed by Francoism exerted a fundamental influence on this state of affairs, inclining ETA definitively towards extremely radical and intransigent postures. In this way the activism of ETA arose. This activism should he understood as the sublimation of praxis to the detriment of theory, and the structure of ETA as an armed group and the adoption of a third world. anticolonialist-style guerrilla strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]