Search

This article focuses on the phenomenon of global rivalry between China and the United States in terms of power transition theory, which is scientifically new and relevant due to the increased attention to the so-called Thucydides trap, in which, as some experts claim, both states have fallen. This paper presents a different vision of the global rivalry for leadership in the shaping of a new world order, which has already taken the form of overt non-violent confrontation and manifests itself in technological and trade wars as well as scientific and cultural rivalries. Nevertheless, despite the non-violent nature of the rivalry, this process is followed by an increase in the military capabilities of states, mainly projected in the basins of the Pacific and Indian Oceans (Indo-Pacific region). The methodological basis of the paper is power transition theory, which has been developed over the past 60 years by A.F. Organsky, J. Kugler, D. Lemke, R. Tammen and other researchers, united in the TransResearch Consortium. The authors argue that the analytical prism of this theory is more relevant to the analysis of current global rivalry than the classical neorealist balance of power approach. Through the prism of the theory the issues of rebalancing the global system of economic governance are analyzed. Also, a comparative analysis of the US-Japanese and US-Chinese trade and technological wars is carried out. Both the military and aggregate capabilities of two countries on a global scale and in the Indo-Pacific region are examined. The conclusion contains findings and comments on the impact of U.S. - China rivalry on the system of international relations.

The article justifies that the Mediterranean Basin in the broad sense (Mediterranean, Black, Azov and Marmara Seas) is a single ecosystem. The state of this ecosystem is affected by the rivers of this water intake basin, among them - the Nile, Tiber, Po, Rhone, Ebro, Danube, Don and others. The interconnection of the individual elements of the ecosystem is ensured through active water exchange and a sufficiently branched system of currents that turn the inland seas of the Mediterranean basin into communicating vessels. The paper analyzes the main anthropogenic factors, as well as the influence of climate changes on the ecological condition of the Mediterranean ecosystem. Within the framework of anthropogenic impact, special attention is paid to the negative impact of urbanization, the oil industry (production, transportation and oil refining), industrial and agricultural waste, as well as runoff waters. The problem of plastic, as well as contamination with dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) is discussed in detail. Analysis of DDT accumulations in the bottom sediments of the Mediterranean basin makes it possible to study the synchronization of anthropogenic processes and their long-term nature. Aridization (intensification of droughts) in the Mediterranean is shown as an important problem for the regional ecology, not directly related to the anthropogenic factor. The article reveals the disastrous effects of increasing droughts and climate change on Mediterranean basin countries. International cooperation to regulate transboundary environmental problems in the region is associated with a number of problems. Among them is the delimitation of sea zones between countries, first of all - the territorial claims of Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean. The problem of the shelf around the Serpents Island in the Black Sea is also considered, as well as territorial disputes in the Western Mediterranean (France/Spain). The paper widely presents successful cases of cross-boundary cooperation: the 1976 RAMOGE Agreement, the 1975 Mediterranean Action Plan and the 1995 Barcelona Convention, as well as its seven protocols. The cases of PEGASO and 4GreenInn projects, as well as the BSEC environmental projects, are considered as successful examples of cross-border academic cooperation. Promising areas of cooperation are outlined and the conclusion is made about the importance of transboundary environmental risk management, despite the political differences between the Mediterranean countries and the EU sanctions restrictions on Russia after 2014.

This article aims to provide a framework for conceptualizing the China-US rivalry. It argues that while the China-US rivalry is distorted to be an analogy to the Cold War, it must be understood as an intra-core competition between two different capitalisms. Theoretically the paper is inspired by the world system theory’s perspective on “cycles of hegemony” and the Kautsky-Lenin debate on inter-capitalism relationships. The causal nexus of the two theories explains that the China-US rivalry is in a new phase of the cycles of capital accumulation, and China’s changing competitive dynamics led by its state capitalism model have generated disadvantageous effect on the US hegemony. The paper’s conclusion is that China-US competition will shape the trajectory of world order for decades to come.

This ePaper explores the endeavours and motivations of the leading figures of the Japanese Red Cross Society, which forms the streams of the Red Cross Movement that get overshadowed in the Eurocentric narrative of its history. Using various primary sources from archives and studying the historical context of the time, the paper highlights how the main protagonists with similar backgrounds to the founders of the International Committee of the Red Cross proactively sought to establish and develop the movement both at the national and international level from 1867 to 1919. Moreover, a close examination of their backgrounds as well as their thoughts as expressed in their writings suggests that their motivations to engage in Red Cross work were multiple and in part, if not entirely, shaped by various needs to fulfil their own desire and sense of obligation. We extend our heartfelt thanks to the Vahabzadeh Foundation for financially supporting the publication of best works by young researchers of the Graduate Institute, giving a priority to those who have been awarded academic prizes for their master’s dissertations.

This paper uses the method of applied analysis of regional complexes developed at the Centre for Comprehensive Chinese Studies and Regional Projects, MGIMO University (Moscow, Russia). Its scientific relevance is defined by the importance of understanding the international and political situation in and around Myanmar. The aim of this study is a scientific exploration of the Rohingya crisis by means of applied methods of regional analysis, designed by the author. This methodology aims to trace scenarios of the development of international and political situations in the region based on the types of interactions within the Southeast Asian regional complex. The article offers the authors own definition of regional complex that builds on the works of Alexei D. Voskressenski, introduces an algorithm of scenario analysis, outlines six ideal types of regional complexes, and defines stable and unstable types of regional complexes. The first part of the article is devoted to current approaches in the study of regional problems in International Relations and World Regional Studies; the second part describes the authors conception of applied international political analysis of regional complexes; and the third part contains an example of the application of scenario analysis to specific regional and domestic affairs - in this case, the contemporary situation in Myanmars Rakhine State. The research yields the following results: 1) by using a combination of the methods of news monitoring and event analysis, the author collected information on political processes in Rakhine over the last five years; 2) this information was arranged according to the matrix compiled by the author, which characterized the situation development according to the negative (-5-1) and positive (+1+5) scenarios; 3) based on the results of the aforesaid analysis, the author comes to a conclusion on the character and intensity of the Rohingya crisis and describes possible ways of its settlement.

The Eastern Mediterranean in recent years has become an arena of growing activity of regional states causing tensions among them. The importance of this region from political and military point of view combined with its strategic value in the world energy markets underpins the growing involvement of the UAE, a non-regional actor that lately has become deeply engaged in the regional agenda. Due to the fact that the UAE has taken up a quite active foreign policy course outside of its traditional Gulf circle only recently - with the Eastern Mediterranean becoming a new area of Emirati activities - the volume and scope of Russian and foreign research on this topic is rather limited. The existing works that in some way cover issues of the UAE foreign policy do not reflect the increasing influence of this small Gulf state in the Middle East and North Africa and beyond. For this reason, there is a need for complex research on the matter. This paper is based on analysis of existing works on topics related to some aspects of Emirati foreign policy and tensions in the Eastern Mediterranean, as well as analytical articles and statistics. The dramatically increased interest of the UAE in the Eastern Mediterranean is part of significant transformations in the monarchys foreign policy that have been taking place since early 2010s. These transformations manifest themselves in new goals and purposes of Emirati foreign policy, its expanding scale and new instruments for its implementation. Not only is the UAE policy in the Eastern Mediterranean consistent with its general goal of containing Turkey and fighting the threat of Islamism, but it is also a part of realizing Emirati global ambitions of becoming a leader in energy and logistics and ensuring its international status as an influential actor.

The article deals with the present-day causes of the reproduction of Islamist terrorism. The concepts of desecularization, hybrid wars, and a system-functional approach form the methodological basis of the research. Recognizing the failure of liberal explanations of the causes of Islamist terrorism, the author criticizes the liberal methodology, which is based on an essentialist explanation of Islam and Muslim civilization and attributes a fixed set of qualities to Islam as an ontological evil, a barbarism hostile to Western civilization. The paper presents a viewpoint based on the approaches proposed by representatives of left-wing radical thought, postmodernism and neo-Marxism. It is concluded that the politicization of Islam, including its radical interpretations, is due not to the militant unchanging nature of Islam, but to the crisis of a number of Muslim societies. The Muslim worlds reaction to Western globalism is also an attempt to implement its own global political projects as a response of Islamic fundamentalism to the challenge of Western democratic fundamentalism. The author analyzes the phenomenon of hybrid wars as a form of armed violence that the Western world uses to restore order in its global empire. The connection between hybrid wars and the concept of a just war is shown, as well as the relevance of Islamist terrorism as an element of the system of hybrid wars. Islamist terrorism and counterterrorism are present in all hybrid wars waged in the Muslim world. This is manifested both in military actions on the ground, and in information warfare, as well as in virtual space. The market for terrorist and counterterrorist services inherent in hybrid wars and the place of Islamist terrorism in it are examined. Financial relations bind the participants in terrorist activities, including the customer, sponsor, mediator, organizer, informant, and performer. It is concluded that Islamist terrorism is not the activity of individual fanatics or a manifestation of the militant nature of Islam, but is produced by the conflict system of contemporary international relations.

RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: el objetivo del artículo es retomar un debate clásico en la tradición marxista sobre el Estado capitalista, para avanzar en la conceptualización de la relación entre Estado y burguesía. Metodología: nos abocamos a realizar un análisis crítico de las obras de Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas -acerca de la distinción de poder de clase y poder de Estado, la autonomía relativa y la intervención del Estado en la economía- y retomamos las críticas de John Holloway. A partir de ello, buscamos comprender la relación entre Estado y burguesía, para explicar la crisis de las formas económicas y políticas de la relación de capital en Argentina, en 1998-2001. Conclusiones: sostenemos que lo que entra en crisis en este periodo es una forma específica de intervención del Estado en la economía capitalista basada en la expansión del disciplinamiento de mercado, y con ello se produce la erosión tanto del poder del Estado como del poder del capital. Originalidad: el artículo realiza un análisis del debate entre Ralph Miliband y Nicos Poulantzas y, a partir de ello, construye una explicación de la crisis argentina de 1998-2001. ABSTRACT. Objective/Context: To advance in the conceptualization of the State-bourgeoisie relationship, the paper returns to a classic debate in the Marxist tradition on the capitalist State. Methodology: In methodological terms, we carry out a critical analysis of the works of Ralph Miliband and Nicos Poulantzas -especially on the distinction of class power and State power, relative autonomy and State intervention in the economy- and we revisit the criticism of John Holloway. With this, we seek to understand the relationship between State and bourgeoisie, to explain the economic and political crisis of the forms of the capital relationship in Argentina, in 1998-2001. Conclusions: We conclude that there is a crisis of a specific form of State intervention in the economy, based on the expansion of market discipline, and, with it, both State power and capital power erodes. Originality: The article analyzes the Miliband-Poulantzas debate and, based on this, builds an explanation of the 1998-2001 Argentinean crisis. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: o objetivo deste artigo é retornar a um debate clássico da tradição marxista sobre o Estado capitalista, para avançar na conceituação da relação Estado-burguesia. Metodologia: em termos metodológicos, fazemos uma análise crítica das obras de Ralph Miliband e Nicos Poulantzas - particularmente sobre a distinção entre poder de classe e poder do Estado, autonomia relativa e intervenção do Estado na economia - e retomamos as críticas de John Holloway. Com isso, buscamos compreender a relação entre o Estado e a burguesia, para explicar a crise nas formas econômicas e políticas das relações capitais na Argentina, de 1998 a 2001. Conclusões: concluímos que está a entrar em crise uma forma específica de intervenção do Estado na economia, baseada na expansão da disciplina de mercado, e com ela se erodem tanto o poder do Estado como o poder do capital. Originalidade: no artigo, faz-se uma análise original do debate Miliband-Poulantzas e, a partir disso, constrói-se uma explicação da crise argentina de 1998-2001.

Despite a vibrant literature on the intellectual lifeworlds of anti-colonial international thought, the development of the formal study of International Relations in postcolonial states is frequently described as derivative of European or American practices. In India a privileging of the moment of India’s independence in 1947 has obscured pre-independence literature and sustained the notion that the origins of Indian ‘IR’ were atheoretical, utilitarian, or simply absent. This paper challenges this understanding by playing closer attention to deeper intellectual lineages of Indian international thought and their institutionalization through the League of Nations Societies in India and the Indian Council of World Affairs – India’s first independent international affairs think tank. Drawing upon archival material and postcolonial theory the article shows how Indian intellectuals and activists knowingly navigated the epistemic terrain of international thought, frequently discussing the ‘international’ as a realm of instruction allowing India to escape the constraints that imperialism had foisted upon Indian intellectuals: a ‘pedagogy of internationalism’. Rather than standing apart from the world, Indian international affairs thinking was part of a global shift towards the sytematization of knowledge, a process driven not just by states, but by international organizations and globally connected think tanks.

ABRSTRACT. Objective/Context: This paper examines the arguments of the Constitutional Court of Colombia in a sentence declaring that Pentecostalism represents a threat to indigenous cultures and to the country’s cultural diversity. The sentence was issued in 1998, a few years after the political Constitution (1991) declared that Colombia is a pluralist nation that protects the cultural diversity of the country and the right to religious freedom. Methodology: A qualitative and hermeneutical study of the sentence was implemented to understand the arguments presented by the Court. Subsequently, a critical analysis of those arguments was carried out, questioning the pluralist presuppositions related to key categories such as “indigenous cultures,” “religion,” and “diversity.” Conclusions: The pluralist institution has been unable to recognize the dynamic and manifold realities of lived religion, as well as the problems related to the double marginalization of a religious minority within an ethnic minority. Furthermore, the pluralist imperative to protect cultural diversity places limits upon alterity and promotes new forms of exclusion. Originality: The jurisprudence under scrutiny is not studied in its legal or ethical dimensions-as it has been done in the past-but as the implementation of a pluralist ideology grounded in a certain worldview. Thus, pluralism is critically examined in its ontological, axiological, epistemological, and praxeological principles. RESUMEN. Objetivo/contexto: este trabajo examina los argumentos de la Corte Constitucional de Colombia en una sentencia que declaró que el pentecostalismo representa una amenaza para las culturas indígenas y para la diversidad cultural del país. La sentencia fue emitida en 1998, pocos años después de que la Constitución Política (1991) declarara que Colombia es una nación pluralista que protege la diversidad cultural del país y el derecho a la libertad religiosa. Metodología: se ha implementado un estudio cualitativo y hermenéutico de la sentencia con el fin de comprender los argumentos presentados por la Corte. Posteriormente, se ha realizado un análisis crítico de esos argumentos, cuestionando los presupuestos pluralistas relacionados con categorías clave como culturas indígenas, religión y diversidad. Conclusiones: la institución pluralista ha sido incapaz de reconocer las realidades dinámicas y múltiples de la religión vivida, así como los problemas relacionados con la doble marginación de una minoría religiosa dentro de una minoría étnica. Además, el imperativo pluralista de proteger la diversidad cultural pone límites a la alteridad y promueve nuevas formas de represión y exclusión. Originalidad: la jurisprudencia bajo escrutinio no se estudia en sus dimensiones legales o éticas -como se ha hecho en el pasado- sino como la implementación de una ideología pluralista basada en una determinada cosmovisión. El pluralismo se examina así críticamente en sus principios ontológicos, axiológicos, epistemológicos y praxeológicos. RESUMO. Objetivo/contexto: neste trabalho, examinam-se os argumentos do Tribunal Constitucional da Colômbia em uma decisão que declarou que o pentecostalismo representa uma ameaça às culturas indígenas e à diversidade cultural do país. A sentença foi emitida em 1998, poucos anos depois que a Constituição Política (1991) tivesse declarado que a Colômbia é uma nação pluralista que protege a diversidade cultural do país e o direito à liberdade religiosa. Metodologia: foi realizado um estudo qualitativo e hermenêutico da sentença para a compreensão dos argumentos apresentados pelo Tribunal. Posteriormente, procedeu-se a uma análise crítica desses argumentos, questionando os pressupostos pluralistas relacionados com categorias-chave como “culturas indígenas”, “religião” e “diversidade”. Conclusões: a instituição pluralista tem sido incapaz de reconhecer as realidades dinâmicas e múltiplas da religião vivida, bem como os problemas relacionados à dupla marginalização de uma minoria religiosa dentro de uma minoria étnica. Além disso, o imperativo pluralista de proteger a diversidade cultural limita a alteridade e promove novas formas de repressão e exclusão. Originalidade: a jurisprudência sob escrutínio não é estudada em suas dimensões jurídicas ou éticas -como se fazia no passado-, mas sim como a implementação de uma ideologia pluralista baseada em uma determinada cosmovisão. O pluralismo é, portanto, examinado criticamente em seus princípios ontológicos, axiológicos, epistemológicos e praxeológicos.

The paper examines Brazilians’ attitudes toward the BRICS, verifying whether the soft balancing strategy finds support on public opinion, by using survey data from the Brazil, the Americas and the World Project. Results indicate that the attitudes toward the BRICS countries are similar to those toward other relevant partners. Moreover, attitudes toward the BRICS are not associated with a rejection of the US, which points to the possibility of soft-balancing having support in national public opinion.

Military diplomacy incorporates measures adopted by a country to enhance its defence and security capabilities. States engage in military diplomacy to share intelligence, equipment, and resources necessary to safeguard their interests. This study examined trends of Kenya-Britain military diplomacy under four regimes. The focus was on the critical areas of military diplomacy, cooperation and assistance between Kenya and Britain, trends of trade in military equipment and the factors that have influenced military diplomacy and trade in military hardware and software between Kenya and Britain from 1963 to 2017. The study was based on two theories – interdependence liberalism and realism. The study used the historical research design to trace the nature of cooperation and momentous events influencing military diplomacy. Purposive sampling was used to arrive at a sample size of 70 derived from the target population comprising the military, ministry of foreign affairs, and experts in international relations. Field data were collected through oral interviews and Focused Group Discussions. Secondary data was sourced from conference papers, books and journals. Collected data were grouped, corroborated, and presented using content analysis. The study concludes that Kenya and Britain have engaged in military diplomacy for a long time. After Kenya attained independence from Britain, the latter immediately became instrumental in forming a military and laying necessary security and defence structures in her former colony. Britain, therefore, became Kenya's long-standing defence and security partner. Britain and Kenya signed several agreements to cement these relations that enabled the British Army to train in Kenya and conduct joint military exercises to offer military assistance to their Kenyan counterparts. Moreover, Britain supplied Kenya with military equipment and arms. But military cooperation between Kenya and Britain has shifted over the four regimes. Geopolitics and globalization have made Kenya open the doors of her militaries to more countries, especially in acquiring its military equipment. Consequently, volumes of trade imports in military equipment from Britain to Kenya have declined. This trend has been influenced by economic and political sanctions levelled on Kenya in the advent of multiparty democracy in the early 1990s and the look-east policy adopted by Kenya to cushion her from the stringent measures on funding from the West. As a result, China, Oman and Jordan are emerging as Kenya's new trade partners in military equipment. This notwithstanding, Kenya still enjoys close business ties with Britain in military circles. The recommendations point that Kenya should strengthen its military diplomacy with Britain to enhance its national security and access to military capacity. Further research needs to be done on emerging military capacity, especially in intelligence gathering and sharing.

Diplomacy has played a key role in conflicts since ancient times. Over time, the role of diplomatic agents has changed, to take on, gradually, greater importance especially in wartime. This article focuses on the activities of the Italian foreign service in World War II and on the role of diplomats during the civil war that followed the fall of Fascism and the subsequent armistice with the Allies. In this dramatic context, some diplomats confirmed their loyalty to the king, while others joined the new-born Italian Social Republic, a puppet state ruled by Mussolini under the protection of Nazi Germany. Somewhere, two Italian diplomatic representations coexisted shortly. A page in the history of diplomacy, unknown to wide audience, that this contribution aims to bring to light. The paper strives to draw conclusions on the implications and consequences of this 'diplomatic civil war' on post-war Italian foreign policy. info:eu-repo/semantics/acceptedVersion

This paper discusses the shaping of Mexican territory in the light of the power relations that moulded international politics in the 19th century. Drawing from Yves Lacoste’s geopolitical analysis, the work claims, first, that it is essential to look at the interconnections and interaction between different territorial scales; and, second, that we need to take a long-term historical view, if we are to grasp the process that led to the final configuration of Mexico’s borders. Cet article traite de la formation du territoire mexicain à la lumière des relations de pouvoir qui ont façonné la politique internationale au xixe siècle. S'appuyant sur l'analyse géopolitique d'Yves Lacoste, ce travail affirme, d'une part, qu'il est essentiel d'examiner les interconnexions et les interactions entre les différentes échelles territoriales et, d'autre part, qu’il faut adopter une vision historique à long terme, si on veut saisir le processus qui a conduit à la configuration finale des frontières du Mexique. Este trabajo analiza la conformación del territorio mexicano a la luz de las relaciones de poder que moldearon la política internacional en el siglo XIX. Basándose en el análisis geopolítico de Yves Lacoste, el trabajo afirma, en primer lugar, que es esencial observar las interconexiones y la interacción entre las diferentes escalas territoriales; y, en segundo lugar, que es necesario adoptar una visión histórica de largo plazo, si queremos comprender el proceso que condujo a la configuración final de las fronteras de México.