Search

Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of 'geographical imagination'. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP's socio-political vision of a 'Yeni Türkiye' (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey's regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey's Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara's policy towards Cyprus under the AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of All Azimuth: A Journal of Foreign Policy & Peace is the property of Ihsan Dogramaci Peace Foundation, Center for Foreign Policy & Peace Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey's relations with the EU have gradually soured roughly since 2013. Today, Turkey and the EU have an erratic modus vivendi episodically bordering political crises. This study attempts to provide a critical constructivist account of Turkey's foreign policy change towards the EU between 2002 and 2017. This change in state behaviour analysed in relation to the paradigmatic shift in Turkish national identity discourses regarding civilisational self-understanding led by the AKP elites. The article asserts that this transformation in Turkish national self-perception made fluctuations in Turkey's policies towards the EU and gradual deterioration of relations 'thinkable' via the medium of national identity discourses. The impact of Turkey's new hegemonic civilisational self-understanding is pursued within the epistemological framework of conceivability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main argument of this paper is that Turkey had close relations with Middle Eastern states during the Atatürk period, which is contrary to the literature that claims the opposite because of Turkey's Western-oriented ideology. The article asks why Turkey as a Western-oriented state sought to have close relations with Middle Eastern states. To answer this question, the article uses discourse analysis focusing on Middle Eastern leaders' visits as represented in Turkish public discourse. Accordingly, it proposes two main answers. Firstly, the paper argues that the new state's relations with Middle Eastern countries played an important role in legitimation of its Westernization projects in the eyes of its citizens. Secondly, the Turkish state marginalized rival political discourses, mainly Islamism, by proving that even Muslim majority countries wanted to imitate modern Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the Copenhagen School's securitization theory in order to analyze the attempts at desecuritizing Turkey's relations with Iran based on the foreign policy of the 'National Outlook' movement. Through analyzing Erbakan's policies, the article sheds light on his role in shaping foreign policy and the consequences of successful securitization and de-securitization acts. In doing so, the article also touches upon the agent-structure interplay in different levels of analysis and its cross-sectoral effects. The article shows that successful desecuritization and securitization occurred, although the acts resulted in suppression from existing dominant secular structures through military interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the global wave of decolonization that began after 1945 reached the island of Cyprus, the Cyprus question turned into an issue of paramount importance for Turkish nationalists and for the Turkish people in general. Long before, Turkish foreign policy architects – who had previously taken the line that ‘Turkey does not have a Cyprus problem’ – came to portray Cyprus as a ‘national cause’. Three different geopolitical discourses were instrumental in legitimizing Turkey’s claims over Cyprus and in leading Turkish society to believe that it had a crucial stake in the fate of the island. Naturalized geopolitics represented Cyprus as a natural extension of the Turkish heartland, while ideological geopolitics put forth that Greek Cypriots were responsible for the spread of communism. Finally, civilizational geopolitics characterized Turkey and Greece’s rivalry in Cyprus as the latest chapter in the centuries-old conflict between Turkishness and Hellenism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article examines the rise of the 'reactionary modernist' project that developed after the devastating defeat of the Balkan Wars and which was promoted by the Young Turks by means of articles published in Turkish Homeland, the intellectual platform of the Young Turks. The article argues that the outlines of this project to a large extent shaped the contours of Turkish nationalism then, and that they have hence been constitutive of Turkish nationalism ever since. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a poststructuralist theorising of identity in international relations, which argues that identity is relationally and discursively constructed through foreign policy, this article attempts to analyse the way in which the European Commission discursively constructs European identit(ies) in its relations with Turkey around the theme of ‘security’. The study utilises the methodological tools of critical discourse analysis in analysing the speeches and field interviews conducted with European Commission officials, in examining the way in which they construct ‘Europe’ in relation to the security implications of Turkish accession. The article’s findings challenge the argument that Europe is moving beyond the modern state to resemble a postmodern order, and problematises the designation of the Commission as a ‘cosmopolitan’ actor in EU enlargement policy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A report is offered from an October 11-13, 2012 conference on the history of the Balkan region of eastern Europe on the 100th anniversary on the Balkan Wars. Topics of discussion included the role of the persecution of Muslim Turks in the rise of Turkish nationalism, Russo-Serbian diplomacy in the war, and the history of pan-Slavic social engineering.

This largely historiographic article examines the ways in which the other articles published within the present journal issue effectively explain the relations between the Ottoman and Russian Empires throughout history. In this way, the author explains military development in both states. He also discusses Russian authors' Orientalist view of the Ottomans. Russia's support for Kurdish nationalism as a response to Central Asian pan-Turkism is detailed as well. An article on Russian-German political activist Alexander Parvus, who emigrated to Istanbul, Turkey, demonstrates the relationship between German intellectuals and the Ottoman Empire's Young Turk nationalist movement.

The article discusses the politics and history of Cyprus, focusing on its division between Turkish Cypriots in the North and Greek Cypriots in the South. It comments on the attempted coup d’état in 1974 that aimed to overthrow the government and annex Cyprus to Greece, and the subsequent invasion by Turkish forces. The author reflects on Cyprus' European Union (EU) membership and Turkey's prospects for EU membership. Other topics include international mediation, the prospect of reunification, and the influence of nationalism.

This paper focuses on the development of national identity and the formation of political organizations in the Turkish minority in the early years of the formation of the Bulgarian state from 1878 to the 1940s. It studies transnational aspects of nationalism, which is usually considered territorially bounded, by studying the impact of connections between the Turkish minority and the Ottoman Empire and later with Turkey. In addition to studying inter-state relations and their reflection in the legal and political sphere, this paper studies the flow of ideas across borders, transnational networks among political activists, and the resulting cleavage formation. Findings show that transnational connections and actors played dual roles. The circulation of political activists, contributed to the formation of national organizations which played a crucial role in (re)formulating national identity. Transnational connections increased political activity in the name of the Turkish minority. Through these organizations the community was able to make collective demands from the Bulgarian state. However, transnational connections carried debates and divisions in the Ottoman Empire and Turkey to the Turkish minority in Bulgaria. By dividing the community, they decreased the capacity for collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of a form of ethno-nationalism which is being seen in Turkey in 2009. A discussion of the history of nationalism in Turkey and the process of nation building which has been seen in Turkey since the Ottoman Empire is presented. The role that ethnicity has played in the development of the Turkish nation is examined. Debates on nation and nationalism which are happening in 2009 in Turkey and political conflicts which are being seen in Turkey in 2009 are examined and discussed.

The article seeks to explore whether there is evidence based on a survey of Belgian, German, Lithuanian and Polish elites that there is a common European identity or whether distinct European identities are emerging along the "new-old" dividing line between European Union (EU) states. Elites' perception of three potential external threats to the cohesion of the EU are investigated and include the inclusion of Turkey to the EU, the close relationships between some EU countries and the U.S., and the interference of Russia in European affairs. Individual-level factors such as elite left-right self-identification, different visions of the role of the EU, and national identity, are examined to determine how they shape perceptions and affect the formation of distinct European identities.

The article discusses how nationalist ideologies of Panturkism and Panislam, which together make Panturanism, influenced the foreign policies of the Ottoman Empire towards Russia in the early 20th century. It describes the rise of ethnic, religious, and national identities in the Ottoman empire, the Panturanist desire to reunite with Muslims and ethnic brethren in Russian Turkestan, and the factors leading to the decision to invade Turkestan. The author argues that nationalistic Panturanism was not a causative factor in geopolitical and military decisions in the Ottoman Empire.

This article examines the challenges of Kurdish nationalism within Turkey and of Kurdish nationalist movements emanating from Iraq during the period between the 22 July 2007 elections and the crises of March 2008. In particular the article discusses the following developments: First, the domestic political scene, particularly the consequences of the 22 July elections and the surprisingly strong wins of AKP deputies in the southeast and east of Turkey versus the relatively poor showing of the DTP; second, the efforts of the Turkish Armed Forces and businessmen's associations to ameliorate economic grievances in the southeast; and third, the increase in PKK terror activities and the TAF's subsequent air and land attacks on northern Iraq. The conclusion addresses the implications of the ongoing U.S. occupation of Iraq for Turkish-Kurdish relations, and discusses the trade-offs of different instruments utilized by Turkey to resolve the Kurdish problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to evaluate the forces behind the Turkish-Greek rapprochement, its prospects and its limitations. In the first part, through an analysis of the route from détente to rapprochement, the case for sustainable changes in the foreign policies of the two countries will be made, from confrontation to cooperation. In the second part, the effect of Europeanization on the foreign policies of Greece and Turkey and on their bilateral disputes will be discussed, with a view to presenting the overall contribution of the EU to bilateral affairs in the way of opportunities offered and constraints set. Finally, in the third and fourth parts it is argued that obstacles to rapprochement still remain, particularly in the form of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Celal Bayar, a prominent figure in Turkish politics who had hold various offices and positions last one being Republic Presidency, contributed to the Turkish nation-building process and took part in its various proceedings and institutions. This article discusses the views of Celal Bayar on nationalism, more specifically on Turkish nationalism. The discussion reflects on Bayar's conception of ‘Turkish nation’, ‘national state’, ‘the Eastern question’, ‘Democrat Party nationalism’ and ‘the non-Muslim minorities’ The public speeches of him clearly point out that Celal Bayar understood and even promoted a type of Turkish nationalism which is very much close to civic nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the accession negotiations between the European Union and Turkey. According to the article the Turkish membership into the European Union is unpopular amongst large parts of the European Union population, because of unanswered questions about the political, socio-economic, cultural, religious and georgraphical limits of the European Union and its finalization. The article asserts that the European Union can not fail in its negotiations with Turkey because it would harm the political creditibility of the European Union and possibly give rise to nationalism and Islamism in Turkey.

In 1999 the EU states took the decision to commence negotiations with Turkey on the possibility of EU accession. The wisdom and appropriacy of accession are still subject to violent disagreement in the EU, while in Turkey the swell of critical voices is rising. And it isn't as if these are accession negotiations - rather a kind of preliminary »sounding out« likely to last around 10 to 15 years, in an attempt to make out whether Turkey really is in a position to become a full EU member. This procedure was agreed upon by the EU states in 1999, although in 1997 they had clearly pronounced against accession negotiations with Turkey. Obviously the decision of 1999 was intended to relieve the pressure constantly being exerted by the USA in favor of Turkish EU entry. At the same time, the EU member states had no wish to commit themselves. The resulting aimless mad contradictory conflict situation has on both sides led to enormous and dubious repression of important facts likely to block Turkish accession. On the European side these include in the first place the fact that all the relevant EU treaties stipulate that accession is permissible exclusively to »European states,« and no one has so far seriously asserted that Turkey is a European state. An accession agreement with Turkey or even concrete negotiations on that subject would not get past the European Court of Justice. Add to that the neglect of geopolitical realities. On the Turkish side no notice is being taken of such historical, political and politico-religious facts as »human and civil rights«, »nationalism«, »Islamization«, »Armenians« and »Kurds.« The significance that these topics have for Europeans in relation to Turkish accession is also being underestimated. Finally, both sides are avoiding the question of whether the current mutual sounding out process can manage in 10 to 15 years what could not be managed by Turkish politics and culture in the last 80 years. Both sides would do well to find a way of extracting themselves from the unfortunate fixation on »Turkish accession: yes or no?« - it can only harm them both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article highlights a roundtable discussion focusing on the state of Turkish domestic politics and foreign policy. One person talks about the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). Another addresses the growing risk of a rift between the ruling echelons and the masses over European Union membership. A participant expresses concern over the increase in nationalism in the country.

The article discusses the religious nationalism of the Welfare Party (WP) and in what way it is differentiated from the nationalism followed in Turkey. According to the WP, nationalism plays a vital role in the overall perspective of modernity. The current scenario shows that it is a tough job to study Turkey's history and compare it with the present advancements. The article also presents WP's outlook over the new world order, that is interconnected to its religious nationalism.

Discusses the modernity and economic nationalism in the formation on Turkish nationalism. Critical factor for the rise of nationalism; Status of Turkish nationalism in the modernization process in an imperial and dynastic context; Background of the modernist approach to nationalism.

This paper scrutinizes the ways in which two films from the showcase of contemporary Turkish popular cinema ( Mrs. Salkim's Diamonds and Commissar Shakespeare ) function in disordering the monolithic and homogenising discourse of Kemalist nationalism. The paper is an attempt to unravel how the official nationalism in Turkey has suppressed and imprisoned the diverse and plural identities in the margins of its society. Throughout the piece the author underlines the importance of the post-1980s political and social climate of Turkey in preparing the ground for subversive criticisms towards the Kemalist regime and in allocating a space for the emergence of multiple identities with ethnic, religious, local and global references. Finally, the paper explores how this climate has been reflected in cinema, through the analysis of the above-mentioned two films. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an analysis of the policies of Turkey toward the development of nationalism, capitalism and state formation in Kurdistan-Iraq and Iraq in 2005. Elections in the provinces of Iraq and for the Kurdish parliament; Reason of the U.S. to involve Turkey in the rebuilding and economic development of Iraq; Commitment of Prime Minister Recep Tayyib Erdogan to participate in the U.S. Wider Middle East Initiative.

The article discusses the relation between Turkish nationalism and minorities in the 1930s and examines the extent to which race shaped nationalism throughout the period. In 1930, the idea that the Turks were a glorious nation rose to prominence in Turkey. As late as the 1920s, Turkishness had been mostly defined independently race. In 1922, Turkey was liberated, and in 1923, a republic was established. Thus, in the 1930s, the rise of the notion of race ushered in questions: how would this phenomenon affect the practices of the state vis-a-vis the minorities. The "Turkish History Thesis," which marked the ascent of race under Turkish nationalism, emerged in 1930-31.

At the heart of a critical, self-reflexive comparative social science lies the ability and willingness to question and rethink the theoretical boundaries and dichotomies that provide the foundations for comparative analysis. By using the process of Turkish national identity formation, this paper attempts to problematize the canonical dichotomization of nationalisms as either civic or ethnic. The analysis of the Turkish case suggests the need to supplant the paradigmatic dichotomy of ethnic versus civic nationalism with a third category: modernist nationalism.

The article focuses on the security policies of Great Britain during Chanak Crisis, which began in September 1922 and ended in October 1922. Between August 26, 1922 and September 11, 1922, Turkish Nationalist Army threw Greek Army out of Anatotia. In considering the role of intelligence in these events that culminated in the 1922 Chanak Crisis, particular attention is given to the extent to which intelligence assessments of Turkish Nationalist troop strengths influenced Great Britain's decisions.

Examines the intellectual roots of anti-European sentiments embraced by the radical nationalists in Turkey, and their parliamentary representative, the Nationalist Action Party (MHP). Analysis of the role played by radical nationalists in Turkish politics; Background on the MHP movement; Historical background of radical Turkish nationalism.

I argue in this article that the 'Azeri' question, that is, the reemergence of ethno-nationalism in Azerbaijan-Iran and in the Republic of Azerbaijan, has become a major factor in the politics of the Middle East, Central Asia, the Caucasus and in the Caspian Sea Basin countries during the past decade. This article situates the growth of Azeri nationalism and the Azeri question in its historical context and then focuses on those aspects that have most directly affected relations between Turkey and Iran during the past decade and particularly the first three years of the twenty-first century. The article then discusses the local, national, regional and international manifestations of the recrudescence of Azeri ethno-nationalism and the role that it has played in the ascendancy of Turkey vis-à-vis Iran in the two countries' bilateral relations and what this bodes in the future for the politics of the wider Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the development of the economy in Turkey and the influence of its religion-based politics to the European Union. Impact of its geographic position; Conflict over its national identity.