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espanolEl Estatuto Organico de Bogota —EOB— fija las relaciones entre la Administracion central del Distrito y sus 20 localidades, y plantea asi los lineamientos de la descentralizacion subdistrital de Bogota. Este articulo reune tres miradas que surgen a partir de una investigacion reciente adelantada sobre el EOB por parte del grupo de investigacion interfacultades “Politicas Urbanas” de la Pontificia Universidad Javeriana. La idea principal de estas reflexiones es como a partir del EOB, la descentralizacion de Bogota se ha visto caracterizada por elementos de diversos modelos que la llevan a ser calificada como fruto de un proceso hibrido. Despues de hacer un recorrido por los antecedentes historicos del EOB para comprender su origen, y los debates en la Asamblea Constituyente para poder dar explicacion a las diversas corrientes que lo inspiraron y le dieron vida, explicitando el contexto politico de la epoca, se presenta el diseno de la descentralizacion en Bogota y cuales son sus particularidades. Asi, se hace una aproximacion de la caracterizacion del modelo de descentralizacion de Bogota como un proceso hibrido entre descentralizacion, desconcentracion y delegacion que, unas veces, privilegia el modelo economico de descentralizacion y, otras, el modelo politico. Las reflexiones finales dejan pensar que mas que “desdibujarse y/o modificarse” bajo el efecto de los instrumentos de planificacion y de gestion que le fueron posteriores, son las particularidades del “modelo de descentralizacion adoptado” en el EOB —es decir esencialmente su caracter hibrido. las que permiten entender lo que esta ocurriendo cuando se pasa de la formulacion de las directrices que se dan a nivel central del Distrito a la formulacion y la implementacion de los proyectos. Eso hace necesario fomentar un dialogo mas fluido entre Administracion central y localidades que fortalezca los espacios en los que la voz ciudadana este presente como interlocutor valido EnglishThe Bogota Organic Statute —EOB, after the Spanish acronym— set outs the relationships between the city central administration and its 20 local districts and provides the guidelines for a district-based decentralization in Bogota. This paper gathers three viewpoints emerging from a recent research conducted by the inter-faculty research group at the Pontificia Universidad Javeriana, the “Urban Policy Group” that addressed the theme of the EOB. The main idea from these reflections is how the decentralization in Bogota has been characterized based on the EOB, in relation to elements from different models allowing defining it as the result from a hybrid process. After a review of the EOB historic background in order to understand its origin, and, having explored the debates in the Constitutional Assembly in order to explain the different trends that inspired and brought it into existence as well as the political context back then, this paper provides a design of the decentralization in Bogota and its particularities. This way, the characterization of the decentralization model in Bogota is described as a hybrid process between the decentralization, deconcentration and delegation that sometimes favors the decentralization economic model and, sometimes, the political model. The final reflections lead to think that instead of “becoming blurred and/or modified” due to the effect of the planning and management devices that appeared later, it is the particularities of the “decentralization model adopted in the EOB” —i.e., its largely hybrid nature— that allow understanding what happens when going from the guidelines produced by the city central administration to the formulation and implementation of the projects. This fact requires encouraging a more fluent dialogue between the central administration and the local districts to strengthen the spaces where the citizen’s voice is present as a valid speaker

espanolLa teoria de la dependencia ha sido considerada como una perspectiva obsoleta para el estudio de la realidad latinoamericana. El exito de otras areas geograficas perifericas al posicionarse en el centro de la economia mundial al final del siglo veinte significo el aparente final de la validez de la teoria de la dependencia. Sin embargo, los Estados de America Latina siguen sin ser capaces de corregir las deficiencias estructurales que inspiraron la incepcion de la dependencia, ya que continuan siendo significativamente dependientes a la comercializacion de materias primas. Este articulo busca reabrir el debate sobre la teoria de la dependencia, con el objetivo de recuperar sus valiosos analisis para la reflexion sobre las tendencias socioeconomicas actuales de la region. A su vez, busca redefinir los aspectos teoricos mas rigidos y obsoletos de la teoria de la dependencia, para resaltar su influencia en discursos de desarrollo actuales. En este sentido, este articulo resalta los paralelismos entre la teoria de la dependencia y la literatura academica sobre el desarrollo y los recursos primarios EnglishDependence Theory has been deemed as an obsolete approach for the study of Latin-American reality. The success in other peripheral geographic areas that managed to position themselves at the core of the world economy by the end of the 20th century apparently meant that the said theory was not valid anymore. However, the Latin-American countries are still not capable to correct the structural deficiencies that inspired the inception of the dependence, as they are still today significantly dependent on the raw material trading. This paper aims to resume the debate on the Dependence Theory in order to recover some valuable insights for the reflection on the current socioeconomic trends in this region. This work attempts, in turn, to redefine the most rigid and obsolete theoretical aspects of the Dependence Theory in order to underline how it influenced current development discourses. In this vein, this paper highlights the parallel facts between the Dependence Theory and the academic literature on development and primary resources

Resumen A lo largo de los últimos quince años, las migra ciones colombianas al exterior experimentaron una expansión geográfica sin precedentes. Dentro de este fenómeno, se destaca el fortalecimiento de los flujos migratorios hacia países de América Latina, dentro de los que se destaca Argentina. Por tanto, el principal objetivo de este trabajo es estudiar el origen y la evolución de las migraciones colombianas hacia Argentina y comprender tanto las condiciones estadísticas como etnográficas estudiadas. A pesar de la decreciente tendencia migratoria hacia este país, la experiencia colom biana en Argentina es una fiel evidencia de los nuevos procesos de transformación de las ten dencias históricas de migración de esta población. Abstract Throughout the last 15 years, Colombian mi grations experimented a massive geographical expansion without precedents. Within Latin America, Argentina stands out as the main des tination, and therefore, the main objective of this paper is to analyze the origins and evolution of Colombian migrations to Argentina. Resorting to statistical and ethnographical elements, the paper shows the new migratory patterns of Co lombian population to Argentina, even though the current migratory trend towards this country is descending.

espanolEste trabajo se trata de un ensayo historico sobre el III Congreso del Partido Comunista Cubano de 1986, sobre la base de un analisis del contexto internacional y los discursos pronunciados por Fidel y Raul Castro en las plenarias de la reunion partidista. La justificacion de este trabajo se basa en la necesidad de entender la naturaleza de los cambios politicos del gobierno cubano en los ultimos anos de la Guerra Fria, marcados por la precariedad economica y las transiciones geopoliticas en America Latina EnglishThis paper is a historic essay about the 3rd Congress of the Cuban Communist Party in 1986 developed as an analysis of the international context and the discourses by Fidel Castro and Raul Castro in the party plenary sessions. This work is justified on the basis of a need to understand the nature of the political changes by the Cuban government in the latest years of the Cold War. This era was marked by the economic precariousness and the geopolitical transitions in Latin America

espanolEste articulo realiza un analisis del concepto de populismo y su relacion con la violencia en Colombia entre las ultimas tres decadas del siglo XX y la primera del siglo XXI, con particular enfasis en el trabajo pionero del historiador Marco Palacios. Exploramos la idea de que la conceptualizacion del populismo en Colombia va de la mano, por un lado, con las disputas por la nocion de violencia en la segunda mitad del siglo XX y, por otro, con la idea de que “el populismo incompleto” fue una explicacion causal de las epocas de sangrientos enfrentamientos armados en el pais. Esto, ademas, ha tenido de cierta idea de excepcionalidad del caso politico colombiano respecto al resto de America Latina. Para tal fin recuperaremos algunos aportes teoricos de la historia conceptual de Reinhart Koselleck y de la historia de los lenguajes politicos de Elias Palti EnglishThis paper provides an analysis of the concept Populism and how it relates to the violence in Colombia during the 20th-century last three decades and the 21st-century first decade, putting special emphasis on the pioneer work by historian Marco Palacios. We explore the idea that the conceptualization of populism in Colombia develops concurrently, on one hand, with the dispute around the notion of violence in the 20th-century second half and, on the other hand, with the idea that the “incomplete populism” was a causal explanation to the times of the bloody armed fights in Colombia. In addition, these events have made the Colombian political case instilled with an idea of exceptionality as compared to the other countries of Latin America. To do this work, we gathered some theoretical contributions from the conceptual history by Reinhart Koselleck and from the history of political languages by Elias Palti

espanolMayo del 68 ha sido caracterizado e interpretado de muchas maneras. En este articulo doy cuenta de tres de las caracterizaciones mas importantes: una crisis politica, un psicodrama y un carnaval, asi como una crisis de la civilizacion. Tambien senalo las razones por las cuales creo que Raymond Aron tiene razon en la mayoria de sus planteamientos acerca de lo ocurrido hace 50 anos, y hago referencia a las razones por las cuales el legado de Mayo del 68 seria imposible de reclamar. Sin embargo, sostengo que la critica antijerarquica de los estudiantes parisinos requiere ser tomada mucho mas seriemente. Para ello, reflexiono sobre los planteamientos del neurocientifico Henri Laborit EnglishMay 68 has been characterized and interpreted in many ways. In this paper I provide an account of three characterizations among the most important: a political crisis; a psycho-drama and a carnival; and a crisis of civilization. I also provide the reasons making me thinking that Raymond Aron is right in most of his contentions about what happened 50 years ago. I also explain the reasons why the May 68 legacy would impossible to claim. However, I contend that the anti-hierarchical criticism by the Parisian students must be taken more seriously. To do so, I make some reflections on the arguments by neuroscientist Henri Laborit

Peace agreements are complex endeavours that can be carried out from different angles. The perspectives used depend not only on the conflict dynamics but also on the political ideology of each government and that of the international forces that have their own interests concerning the pursuit of peacebuilding in conflict zones. The framework used in each peace agreement has an impact on the different stages of the process, including exploration, negotiation, the final agreement and its implementation. This paper analyses three peace processes implemented by the Colombian government and armed groups from 1982 to 2016. I use three Peace and Conflict Studies (PACS) theories to analyze the structure used in each peace process that include realism, democratic-liberal peace, and conflict resolution theories. I conclude that only the most recent peace agreement which ended in 2016 between FARC-EP and the Colombian government incorporated significant elements from the conflict resolution framework, the other two processes fluctuate between realism and the democratic-liberal peace.

Fil: Salvia, Agustín. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas de Argentina; Argentina Fil: Poy Piñeiro, Santiago. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas; Argentina Fil: Vera, Julieta. Pontificia Universidad Católica Argentina; Argentina Resumen: El artículo examina el comportamiento de la desigualdad de la distribución del ingreso familiar bajo los distintos regímenes macroeconómicos vigentes en las últimas cuatro décadas en la Argentina, y evalúa los factores que explican sus cambios. Se examina la hipótesis de que en el período mencionado se habría consolidado una matriz de desigualdad asociada a la persistente heterogeneidad estructural del sistema socio-ocupacional, incluso en un contexto de activas políticas distributivas. Para abordar esta hipótesis, se lleva adelante un modelo de descomposición del coeciente de Gini, distinguiendo el aporte de los ingresos de distintos sectores económicos en la desigualdad de ingresos familiares. La información se construyó a partir de la Encuesta Permanente de Hogares del Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Censos de Argentina, correspondientes al Área Gran Buenos Aires, por ser la única para la que existe información durante el conjunto del período. Los hallazgos revelan que la mayor desigualdad distributiva se explica por la mayor inequidad de los ingresos laborales, la mayor concentración de ingresos por parte de los sectores económicos más modernos, y por un empobrecimiento del sector de baja productividad Abstract: This paper examines the behavior of inequality in the distribution of family income under the different macroeconomic regimes in force during the last four decades in Argentina. It also evaluates the factors explaining the changes thereof. This work examines the hypothesis that during the said decades an inequality matrix associated with a persistent structural heterogeneity in the social-occupational systems would have been established, even though if there was a context of active distributive policies. To prove this hypothesis, a model is developed to decompose the Gini coefficient, distinguishing the income contribution to the family-income inequality by different economic sectors. The information is gathered by using the Household Permanent Survey of the Argentinian National Institute for Statistics and Census, specifically, the one applied to the Great Buenos Aires as it was the only one having complete information for the study term. The findings reveal that the highest distributive inequality is explained with a higher inequity in labor earnings, higher concentration of income by the most upgraded economic sectors and the impoverishment of the low-productivity sector

espanolEn este articulo abordo la relacion entre el acaparamiento de tierras, el cultivo de palma de aceite y el paramilitarismo en Colombia desde la optica de la acumulacion primitiva. Para el efecto, hago un analisis de tres casos concretos: el Bajo Atrato en Choco, Mapiripan en Meta y Las Pavas en el sur de Bolivar, todos en Colombia, en los que se han presentado hechos de violencia que incluyen desplazamiento forzado y despojo de tierras, con subsecuentes proyectos de cultivo de palma de aceite a gran escala. La discusion trae a colacion el mercado internacional de agrocombustibles y la necesidad del Estado colombiano de copar territorios que antes le resultaban hostiles EnglishIn this paper I examine the connections between the hogging of lands, the oil palm tree cultivations, and the para-militarism in Colombia through the lens of the primitive accumulation. To do so, I analyze three concrete cases: the Bajo Atrato en Choco [a river basin], Mapiripan in Meta Province, and Las Pavas in the South Bolivar Province. These three Colombian locations have undergone violent events including forced displacement and land deprivation, with subsequent projects for growing oil palm trees on a broad scale. The discussion brings into contention the agricultural biofuel international market and the need by the Colombian State to take some territories that were previously hostile

This paper reports on the position of Brazil andColombia against infrastructure integrationprocesses, understood as part of the process ofregionalization in the South American territory.The study begins placing each of the countrieswithin the regional system and the relationshipof this with its deployment within the internationalsystem. After this, we analyze theway Colombia has addressed infrastructuralintegration inside its foreign policy agendas, oriented towards the relations with its neighbors,realizing the lack of a strategic perspective by theState on the potential subregional which couldassume leadership within the South Americaninfrastructure integration.