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The article profiles civil rights advocate Benjamin Elijah Mays. Historian Lerone Bennett Jr. conferred the title of Schoolmaster of the Civil Rights Movement to Mays. A number of African American men who were shaped by Mays, including Martin Luther King Jr. and Julian Bond, played key roles in the development of the movement. Mays was born in 1894 in South Carolina from parents who were former slaves. He was considered as a pillar of African American education and constructive and active citizenship.

This article presents information on political and social issues of several nations. U.S. President Andrew Johnson, has delivered himself to a "distinguished senator" on the subject of Afro-American suffrage in the District of Columbia, as well as upon the proposed amendments to the Constitution changing the basis of representation. If his remarks upon the attempt to establish Afro-American suffrage in the District be correctly reported, he will probably veto the bill. There is rumor of an alliance between Austria and France, which it is said Austria greatly desires, that she may be the better able to carry out her plans for internal reconstruction, and at the same time oppose an added force to the pretensions of Prussia. A good illustration of the difficulty of protecting the public against corporations by any system of inspection, has just been afforded in the case of the Columbian Marine Insurance Co., of New York City. This company suspended payment about ten days ago, to the consternation of its stockholders and creditors-but without surprising many people actually engaged in the insurance business.

The article presents political updates of the U.S., as of November 23, 1865. At the meeting held at the Cooper Union, last week, to provide for the relief of Southern destitution, politician Henry Ward Beecher reiterated his demand for more faith in Southern men, while declaring that the freedmen, as the wards of the nation, must be protected by guarantees. Now, it is mainly with regard to the Negroes that the good faith. According to another update, the Mississippi Legislature has revised its refusal to allow Negro testimony to be received against Whites. It now proposes to admit it in all civil cases in which Negroes are parties, and in criminal cases only the testimony of the persons against whose persons or property the offences have been committed; but no Negro, it is provided, shall be examined in any case except upon the stand and in open court.

The article focuses on the 55th annual convention of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) held recently in Washington D.C. They presented Negro reaction to the new civil rights legislation bill that promises an earthly salvation for them. Negro lawyers sketched almost bitterly the bill's weaknesses and loopholes. The act, it was agreed on every platform, was indeed a very fine document, but fell a long way short of being effectual law. The greater part of the week's discussions, and the majority of resolutions passed, dealt with the problems and possibilities and exigencies of the bill's implementation.

The article focuses on attorney C.B. King, the legal force of the Negro movement in South West Georgia. For years he has defended almost every voter registration worker and demonstrator arrested in Georgia. He filed the desegregation suit that with effect the integration of the first and second grades in Albany public schools next fall. He has a deep, rounded voice capable of sarcastic rises and confusing changes of pace. He has a prodigious vocabulary, a weapon forged on a peculiar battlefield. On April 4, he became the first Negro since Reconstruction to seek the Democratic nomination for Representative to U.S. Congress from Georgia's Second District.

This article discusses the Section 2 of the fourteenth amendment of the U.S. constitution with respect to the right of African-Americans to vote. In the current debate over methods of assuring that the African-Americans in the South of the U.S. have the right to vote, very little attention has been paid to Section 2 of-the Fourteenth Amendment of the constitution. For many years major interest in this Amendment has focused on Section 1, which prohibits the states from denying to any person due process of law or equal protection of the laws. Not many people are aware that those who framed and adopted the Fourteenth Amendment viewed Section 2, rather than Section 1, as its most important provision.

The article features civil rights worker Bob Moses. The year was 1961. This was shortly after the Freedom Rides had shaken Mississippi and the Deep South, exposing the violence that awaited any who challenged the segregated status quo. This was also the time when African Americans were still being killed for registering to vote. He never stopped in trying to educate the U.S. Department of Justice to the necessity of breaking the link with segregation. His efforts, however, never led to a breakthrough.

Comments on the decision of a U.S. federal judge in New York to place a black defendant under a new trial who has been convicted of armed robbery by an all-white jury. Use of peremptory challenges and the exclusion of blacks from participating in the jury; Public trust in law; Problem of racial juries in states imposing the death penalty.

The article presents some political updates as of March 28, 1907. One of the updates focuses on the recent remarks made by president James J. Hill of the Great Northern. He remarked in Chicago that too much has been said by railroad men already. Another update highlights the comments made in the recent issue of the periodical Richmond Times-Dispatch. The periodical reports with pride upon the acquittal at Danville, Virginia of a Negro accused of criminal assault on a white woman in the county of Amherst. The trial at Danville proceeded with regularity and without any excitement whatever and the Negro was able to prove an alibi, and was duly acquitted.

On September 15, 1941, a young Negro, L.C. Akins, left his work as porter in a garage in North Dallas, Texas to go to his home. He got his transfer and with a number of other persons walked toward the entrance of the Oak Lawn car that he wished to take. In doing so the young Negro either actually brushed ahead of and jostled a young white woman who was also entering the car, or her husband, who was at her elbow, thought he did. At any rate the young white man grabbed the Negro from behind. Words, blows and a fight followed instantly. The fight was marked by a gun that came from the white man's own gun. Akins was put to jail, denied bail, tried and given a life sentence. The verdict was reversed, he was tried again and this time given a death sentence, which has been affirmed.

Brown v. Board of Education is justly recognized as one of the U.S. Supreme Court's finest moments. In the case the Court expressed a sweeping vision of racial equality. But when people celebrates Brown, one need to remember that the Supreme Court is not always the special champion of African Americans. Indeed, if history is any guide, the Court is as likely to choke off an American Reconstruction as to precipitate one. Last year in Shaw v. Reno the High Court cast an ominous shadow over the centerpiece of the Second Reconstruction, the Voting Rights Act, which after nearly thirty years had finally begun to integrate the political process. The Voting Rights Act is unquestionably the most successful civil rights statute in American history.

What the Negro hopes for in the post-war world is simple and obvious. His hopes may be summed up in a phrase-full equality. In this, the race is united as never before. Indeed, the attainment of that goal is today more than a mere hope. It is now the grim determination of all elements within the race. Negroes must have the right to work, to be upgraded, to occupy any position for which they may be individually qualified by training, experience, and skill. In the field of politics, the Negro expects those political rights guaranteed to every American by the Constitution. Denial of political rights imposes a status of second-class citizenship, which the Negro is no longer willing to accept. Finally, and urgently, they must have equal educational opportunity. Their children must have facilities and instruction equal to those offered to other children of the U.S.

Recently the U.S. Supreme Court provided the colored people of the U.S. with a new-model moot suit, complete with legalistic real pleats, stuff cuffs, and all the rest. The court dreamed up this bit of judicial tailoring which has caused seasoned civil-liberties lawyers to gasp slightly, in order to dodge the Lynn case related to a young Negro landscape gardener, was notified by Local Board 261 of Jamaica, Long Island, that he had been classified to serve U.S. armed forces. However, the gardener said that he will not serve the unit undemocratically selected as Negro group.

Presents several letters to the editor on issues related to the United States politics. Appreciation of the article "Barbarism to Convicts," in an earlier issue of "The Nation"; Need for cooperation between all States to solve the problem of the Alabama; Law-abiding and industrious nature of African Americans who ask merely to be let alone.

In the view of many citizens, the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in the U.S. is guilty of the outrageous sin of being effective in its fight for racial equality and integration. This is why they're out to get it. Since its inception in 1909, the association has won many battles in court-the Supreme Court ruling to desegregate schools is perhaps its greatest victory to date-and steadily advanced African American rights. It functions with complete legality through due process of law, seeking to make the Constitution fully alive for the African American citizen. To persons who would like to "let race relations improve naturally" the association seems full men in a terrible hurry.

The article discusses the social condition of African Americans in the United States. It is viewed that the negroes in the U.S. are not dependent upon any political party and they are happy with the Democratic administration. Moreover, in the Democratic regime, no attempt has been made to put the negroes back into slavery, or to snatch any of the rights which they had previously enjoyed.