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Having said its piece on China, the Department of State ought now to pass to the delicate problem of inter-American relations. There is great need for a White Paper on the good-neighbor countries, one that will, reject sentimentality, face facts and speak out in an unembarrassed voice. It would be desirable, too, to hasten the release of such a policy pronouncement. Washington D.C. is unfortunately ill prepared to undertake a realistic appraisal of the present state of affairs in South America. The purgative of the China White Paper has not yet taken effect and nervous officials are reminding themselves that the full story of Marshall Plan aid will soon have to be told.

This article focuses on foreign policy of the Unites State on China. According to the author, when Secretary of State of the United States stated in the recently issued White Paper on China that it was American policy to wait for the dust to settle before making any major new decisions about China, he laid himself and the Administration open to a sustained and savage attack. Criticism concentrated on the suggestion that the Department of State, having failed in a weak policy of insufficient action, was trying to retreat to a still weaker policy of total inaction.

As a discussion historic events and a compilation of pertinent documents the U.S. State Department's monumental White Paper on China will be an invaluable source book for years to come. As an apologia for American policy in China it is unconvincing. Apparently, the attack of a cardinal on former U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, has not only succeeded in causing embarrassment to many Catholics, but has ruined the chance for any federal aid to schools by the current session of the U.S. Congress.

By definition all alliances entangle. To have value to its signatories, to survive stresses and strains, an alliance must be based on mutual interests. Paper bonds alone do not tie effectively. An alliance will prove reliable only as long as all the signatories continue to fear the contingency, or party, against which it was originally directed. There must be, moreover, reasonable assurance that, acting together, the signatories are capable of meeting the contingency. Above all, an alliance should serve the interests of all parties, and not merely the interests of one to the detriment of the others.

The outbreak of widespread fighting in China, approximating civil-war conditions, has weakened but not destroyed the remarkable myth that has grown up around the U.S. Ambassador Patrick J. Hurley. Only a few weeks ago the newspapers were hailing General Hurley, back-slapping oil man turned diplomat, for having at last achieved a settlement between the Chungking government and the Communist regime at Yenan. Some papers even hinted that he had arranged the recent pact between China and Soviet Union. Although it is now apparent that Hurleys diplomacy failed to bring unity, few Americans realize the extent of his responsibility for the present civil strife.

The author says that separate but related scraps of information, and the sotto voce complaints of middle-echelon State Department officials, suggest that the greatest barrier to substantial progress in the Warsaw talks with China is the intransigence of the U.S. military. Yet U.S. President Richard Nixon must implement this policy in the face of military obstructionism, aided by persons within the intelligence community, that comes uncomfortably close to insubordination. Preparing for resumed talks, the U.S. government drew up background papers that proposed an exchange of journalists, scholars, scientists and scientific information, and the "regularization" of postal service and telecommunications.

At Shanghai, the British, supported by Italians are defending a line, which reaches far beyond the boundaries of the International Settlement into purely Chinese territory. They have not bothered to give any excuse, not even to explain that their promises to observe China's national integrity are mere "scraps of paper"; like the Germans in Belgium thirteen years ago, they have simply taken the most convenient course. Meanwhile Sun Chuang-fong, recently lord of five provinces, is fading out of the picture.

The article presents some papers on political issues. One of the papers highlights the problem of Albania placed before the world's tribunal. Albania has become an object of intense covetousness on the part of its neighbors. The various Balkan states, Serbia, Greece, Montenegro, and, to a lesser extent, Bulgaria, have been eyeing the Albanian territories ever since they resolved upon a policy of expansion. Another paper discusses the future of Kiaochow, the territory which Germany leased from China in 1897 for ninety-nine years and which was captured by the Anglo-Japanese forces at the outbreak of the World War I.

The article presents information about the U.S. government's policy of proposed loan to China. The present policy of approval of a proposed loan of possibly $50,000,000 to China by an American banking group is under question. The Democratic Administration, early in 1913, declined to support the U.S. participation in the projected "Six-Power Loan" to the Chinese Republic. U.S. President Woodrow Wilson's statement on that occasion, setting forth his belief that terms of the loan "touch very nearly the administrative independence of China," was one of the first state papers from which one could judge the President's attitude towards foreign nations.

The article focuses international relation. Confidential dispatches were received at the U.S. State Department, which are said to confirm the general tone of the forecasts of the German reply to the American note cabled by correspondents from Berlin, Germany. Whether the relaxation of activity by German submarines during the past two weeks represents the normal period of respite, respite from Nepenthe, which succeeds strenuous days. It indicates an intention on the part of Germany to moderate her submarine warfare. Dispatches from China on Monday revealed the fact that in the middle of May, during the crisis between China and Japan, an identical warning had been conveyed to both countries that the United States would not recognize any agreement, which impaired American rights in China or endangered the policy of the open door.

The article presents recent developments in world politics. There has been no further development during the past week in the situation in Romania or other Balkan states. It seems significant, however, that a loan of $25,000,000 has been arranged for Romania in England, and if dispatches from Rome and Athens published in recent papers are to be accepted. Whatever Italy's ultimate decision on the question of peace or war may be, it becomes increasingly evident that decision will be taken by Italy alone, uninfluenced by threats or persuasions of other Germany and Austria. Somewhat sensational dispatches from Chinese government were published on January 27 concerning demands that Japan had made upon China following the Japanese occupation of Kiao-chau.

This article focuses on international relations. According to the author, it is estimated that Generalissimo Chiang Kaishek, a Chinese nationalist and his immediate following controlled the nomination of at least 80 percent of the congress delegates, many of whom were about as competent to speak for the districts they were supposed to represent as would be an Eskimo for Timbuktu. This was achieved by a simple declaration empowering the party headquarters at Nanking to appoint delegates for districts which were not yet fully organized according to the party rules.

This article presents information on several socio-political issues of several nations. The influence on politics of corporate money isn't confined to donations to candidates and parties. Big Business also influences the most important event in a presidential campaign: the debates. The major-party producers of this quadrennial infomercial and their corporate underwriters have cooperated to insure no alternative or dissident voices are heard. The most recent challenge to this state of affairs is a lawsuit filed by Green Party candidate Ralph Nader in late June charging that the bipartisan Commission on Presidential Debates, the private entity that decides who participates in the debates, is illegally supported by millions of dollars in corporate donations. One of the most alarming currents this election year is a national security panic serving several overlapping interests. It began more than a year ago with grossly inflated claims of Chinese spying contained in a Congressional committee report, that was pumped up by conservative Republicans allied with the Taiwan lobby and aided by the indictment of Los Alamos physicist Wen Ho Lee for downloading classified data onto an unclassified computer. In June, the campaign took another tack with the report of the National Commission on Terrorism, chartered by the U.S. Congress.

The article discusses matters related to social and political issues of the world. It discusses the perpetuation of racial and economic inequality in schools in the U.S. It states that the racial achievement gap in education is a national civil rights scandal of many dimensions. There is persistent imbalance of resources between urban and suburban schools despite a decade of slow-moving lawsuits, racism embedded in educators' diminished expectations for students of color and exploitation of parents' frustration by cynical politicians. The article also reports that the debate related to China signing an agreement with the World Trade Organization was intended to frustrate popular critics and avoid the kind of frill-throated, fundamental debate about globalization.

The article throws light on the U.S.-China relations. It criticizes the American government for ignoring the human rights violation by China against the pro-democracy supporters. The current bonhomie between the two countries is owing to the compulsions of trade lobby. The Gang of Fortune 400 doesn't care if China is a repressive mercantilist state or a global polluter or an agent of deadly technology transfers. It cautions against the meek surrender of the nation's interests for a few hundred multinational corporations.

The editorial highlights some economic and other international issues. The Dow Jones Industrial Average retreated 171. points in fright. Prosperity is tastiest when it's reserved for the few. By coincidence, Wall Street's alarm at excessive employment growth came just as "The New York Times" was bringing its long series on the downsizing of America to a close. The day China began to let loose with its latest round of missile tests, one of Taiwan's loneliest roads suddenly saw an unprecedented traffic jam. The twisty track up to San Tiao Chiao lighthouse backed up bumper to bumper with motorcycles, taxis, V.I.P motorcades and TV mobile crew vans.

This article presents information related to political, social and economic issues. In the latest folly of China policy, the U.S. government seeks to apply a noble but narrow-and inherently hypocritical-standard of democratic behavior on Beijing before normal trade rights are renewed in June. One of the positive aspects of the Whitewater scandal is that it forces the U.S. press to talk about a subject it has failed to cover; the savings and loan scandal and the agency charged with cleaning up the mess, the Resolution Trust Co.

The Chinese have always been a curious people and they are possessed of some very queer old customs. The managers of the Greatest Show on Earth seem to have chosen the present Soviet Union government to act as their Invisible Property Man. Officially they refuse to believe that there is such a thing as a Union of Socialist Soviet Republics. As far as Washington is concerned, official Soviet Union simply does not exist. There is some trouble, so it appears, about the exact status of a certain country called Manchuria. Japan wants that country and China wants it or has it and the two nations threaten to go to war with each other on account of this distant and mysterious territory.

For months a conspiracy of silence has blanketed the strained relations between China and its Western allies. From time to time there have been hints of Chinese displeasure with the United States and Great Britain, but in the interests of United Nations unity not much has been allowed to leak out regarding the nature of U.S. and British anxiety regarding China. Owing to this official silence, little constructive thinking has been done on how to ease the strain so that China may be made a more effective force in the struggle against Japan and in the peace to follow.

In the negotiations now going on in Geneva between the U.S. and China, a bargaining point is "Porgy and Bess." This is only one of the unexpected roles the twenty-year-old folk opera has played recently. For the last four years it has been functioning as a kind of guided missile in the cold war. People are paying $150 for tickets to "My Fair Lady." President Dwight D. Eisenhower himself, wrote Blevins Davis, president of the non-profit corporation that produces "Porgy and Bess" said that the work is a serious and enduring one.

The article presents information on various socio-political developments. The U.S., with all its troops, guns, and transport, is leaving Peking and will soon leave China. The fact rounds out an episode in American diplomacy in the highest degree honorable to the country. Whatever the future of the Chinese problem may be, the U.S. contribution to its solving during the past nine months has been of a sort to quicken the pride of the patriot at the same time that it cheers the heart of the philanthropist. In another development, the exciting debate in Great Britain House of Commons on Thursday night came right on the heels of a widespread lament in England over the decay of Parliamentary oratory.

The editor, in this article highlights, some recent international issues. The discussion in the English newspapers and elsewhere about concessions in the East tends to obscure the principle of international law with which it is connected. What the English concessionaires want is that England should see to it that they have their rights not merely as against China, but as against any third Power, like the Soviet Union, which intrigues in China to their disadvantage. The great risk run in sending troops to Cuba in the hot season was, of course, perfectly well known in advance. It was nature more than man, disease more than rifle-balls, that the U.S. military authorities feared, and It was their knowledge of this danger which led them to give up all idea of moving against Havana before the autumn.

The article comments on various political developments and issues related to the U.S. Military aid for China will probably get Congressional approval despite Secretary George C. Marshall's continued personal objections. Marshall has had to fight an intra-Administration battle on the China program for many months. He has described the Chinese struggle, in policy meetings, as not so much a fight between Communists and anti-Communists as the uprooting of a feudal system which will take many years to accomplish. The Steel executives who testified before the Joint Congressional Committee on the Economic Report last week gave a singularly unconvincing explanation of the recent rise in steel prices. They professed themselves mystified by the public clamor their action had caused, but they seem to have left their interlocuters even more puzzled by their resolute refusal to take into account the broad implications of that action.

This article presents information on the socio-political conditions of the world. Nine African-Americans have been lynched in the last two months, in outbreaks of that inter-racial violence that is the most barbarous and shameful feature of American life. No one has been punished for these lynchings; it is not likely that anyone ever will be, if local authorities and local sentiment have their way. Meanwhile news from China is now being conveyed to the U.S. by military communiques, and hope of peace has virtually come to an end. Unfortunately, the communiques are fully as partisan and misleading as the political dispatches which preceded the breakdown.

Iran was pressed by the British into laying its quarrel with the Soviet Union before the United Nations, though the long-standing British-Russian rivalry in the area gives the charge credibility; but Iran was not pressed to withdraw. China seems assured of a democratic and unified government as a result of the ratification of the decisions of the Political Consultative Council by the Kuomintang standing committee. Intervention has almost as bad a name in Latin America as non-intervention in Europe. Both have come to signify, paradoxically, the same thing: big-power support of the forces of reaction. Non-intervention-or the treachery that bore that label-made possible the triumph of fascism in Spain. Intervention kept or put tyrants in power in half a dozen American republics.

The Shantung Question arises out of the following provision of the Peace Treaty: Germany renounces, in favor of Japan, all her rights, title and privileges, particularly those concerning the territory of Kiaochow, railways, mines, and submarine cables, which she acquired in virtue of the treaty concluded by her with China on March 6, 1898. The "rights, title and privileges" in question are exclusively those which Germany had, on China's domestic territory and within the sphere of its sovereignty, by treaty with China and by arrangements with the other states having influence in China.

The article presents news related to world politics. There is one strong resemblance between the position of the British prime minister David Lloyd George and the U.S. President Woodrow Wilson. Whenever a by-election takes place they meet with defeat. Wilson has not added much to the clarification of the Shantung situation. The President hastened to make it plain that in the view of the Big Four there is no connection between the question of the return of Shantung and the execution of the agreement of 1915 between China and Japan. But no explanations can remove permitting Japan to succeed to rights which were obtained by Germany from her by force and duress.

Presents information about the political condition and government policies of the U.S. Massive electoral victory of President Richard Nixon in 1972; Plans of President Nixon to improve foreign economic relations with China and Soviet Union; Foreign relationship between Cuba and the U.S.

Reports on U.S. political scientist, Henry A. Kissinger's strategy for shaping foreign policy under President Richard A. Kissinger. Approach of Kissinger on the use of nuclear weapons by the nation in a war; International relations between the U.S. and China; Emphasis on limited war strategy with an important role for nuclear weapons.

This article presents information related to the sequence of events in the admission of China to the United Nations. It provides a perfect example of President Richard Nixon's ineptitude at deceit. No one is more diligent in the craft of political hornswoggling, but he goes about it in a manner so blatant that the essential element concealment-eludes him. Nixon certainly knew that the admission of the People's Republic would entail, sooner or later, the ouster of Nationalist China. Over a period of years, politician Chon En-lai had made it perfectly clear that his China, the real China, would not settle for less. If Mr. Nixon wished to go down in history as the American President who had the wisdom to see that the representatives of a quarter of the world's population could not be kept out of the United Nations indefinitely, he had to pay the price.

The article presents information related to U.S. politics. The Chinese Government must have a public relations genius on its roster. The invitation to the U.S. table tennis team made front-page headlines all over the world and may mark the beginning of better relations between the American and Chinese Governments. U.S. President Richard M. Nixon's principal political instrument on his journey to the Presidency was hostility toward communism in general, and toward Chinese communism in particular. That he is not totally uneducable is indicated by the beginnings of a halfway conciliatory attitude toward the People's Republic of China.

The article authors are of the view that recognition of China would lead to unlocking the shackles that have so far confined the Chinese giant, and allowed Japan and the U.S. to operate virtually undisturbed in an area that is historically, ethnically, economically and politically akin to China. Thus the trans-Pacific agreement is important to the maintenance of these economic superpowers. It means a gamble that a Tokyo-Washington alliance, based partly on Sino-Soviet petulance, can chaperone Japanese-American capitalism, more or less intact, into the 21st century. In order to "win" this three-way international bet, the U.S. must hold Japan and China apart; and Japan must keep itself and the U.S. aloof from China.

The article focuses on the report issued by the House Committee on Internal Security. The committee would do well to give some attention to its own internal security, for a copy of the document somehow fell into the hands of Lawrence Speiser of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU)branch in Washington. In the name of Nat Hentoff, the ACLU then brought a "class action" suit, seeking to restrain the committee from publishing the list. The case came before Judge Gerhard A. Gesell, a U.S., District Judge for the District of Columbia, who has in the past shown a deep concern for the Bill of Rights. Judge Gesell issued a temporary restraining order. The article also focuses on the Canadian decision to establish diplomatic relation with Communist China.

The image of a ruthless, irrational and aggressive Chinese Communist regime had been peddled in the United States from the beginning, mostly by private and U.S. Congressional sources rather than by the Administration. But by 1965, the Administration itself deemed it necessary to fan the flames of anti-Chinese Communist hysteria. The identification of China as the main enemy of the U.S. now serves the same function in the Vietnamese War as their allegations of North Vietnamese aggression had done earlier. In each case the alleged existence of a newer, larger, more real enemy provides an excuse for their inability to crush the initial, smaller enemy.

The article presents the economic and political updates of the U.S., as of November 25, 1909. Careful perusal of the opinion in Saturday's decision against the Standard Oil Co. will convince most readers of the journal "The Nation," that it is not only sound law as the statutes stand, but is conservative interpretation of the law. The decision of the U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals is, like the Supreme Court Vs Northern Securities decision of 1904, leveled primarily against the holding-company device, when employed for monopolistic purposes. In another political update, the U.S. State Department's approval of the China-Japanese conventions concerning Manchuria, China, signed on September 4, comes somewhat belated, but welcome nevertheless.

Behind India and, Pakistan's acceptance of the "cease-fire" are a number of critically important developments. But the paradox of the cease-fire, in a sense, is the fact that China is perhaps the power primarily responsible for it. The conclusion increasingly reached is that this war cannot be just, essentially because it is immoral to fight a war in the midst of a civilian population that has never clearly expressed itself one way or the other on the so-called issues. It is basically a great-power struggle, and since it cannot be fought except with the most horrible consequences to people who are in effect bystanders, it is inherently and irremediably immoral.

The article presents information on various issue regarding the Chinese foreign policy and dominance in South-East Asia. China and the U.S. view each other as enemy, while each view contains some segments of truth, both propaganda pictures are wide of the mark to an extent that would be ludicrous. There is, in short, no evidence that China would welcome an immediate confrontation with the U.S., and much evidence that China will do everything possible to avoid such a conflict. In addition to that, the article presents various other information.

This article describes the foreign relations of France with China. France's diplomatic and economic courting of Communist China is based on a long-range analysis of the international scene in which sober realism and grandiose delusion are about equally mixed. The realism is largely economic: France needs new ex- port markets for its growing industries, and Communist China by virtue of its determination, if nothing else, looks very much like the right recipe for France's export hunger. Trade with China -- this promising market of 700 million people short on foreign exchange but long on ambition-is, therefore, for the French a matter of domestic importance and urgency.

The article focuses on issues related to international relations. It is hard to believe that so discreet an official as the foreign minister of so diplomatic a nation as the Japanese should have really made use of the uncalled for and almost brutal threats against the Chinese Government, with which a Korean dispatch credits him. In the absence, however, of testimony to the contrary, Japanese foreign minister Viscount Hayashi is on record as declaring that the fate of Korea may be regarded by China as a lesson; it should be a warning to that country to put her house in order, ere some strong nation, whichever one might be moved so to do, imitates events in Korea. From the moment when peace was signed with the Boers at Vereeniging, South Africa in 1902, the union of Africa south of the Limpopo and Orange Rivers, South Africa under one autonomous government might have been taken for granted. The British trend towards colonial federation, which had manifested itself in North America and Australia under the sole influence of internal causes, could not but run with greater force in South Africa, where was to be found the additional powerful stimulus of neighboring foreign territories and, consequently, foreign rivalry.

The United States has a long and distressing record of miscalculating its friends and enemies. Washington is currently working out where China and Russia fit into the latest hierarchy of the good and the bad. Since 1989 Russia, with a highly imperfect democratic political structure but free elections, has tried with indifferent success to be counted as one of the industrial democracies. America's North Atlantic Treaty Organization expansion policy, despite conceding an advisory role to Russia, implicitly cuts it out of that company. Meanwhile, the U.S. Administration, lobbying to give China, which is not a democracy and, its leaders vow, will never become one-most favored nation trading status, makes large political concessions in order to bring it into the international system of the U.S.

1933 has been the most critical in the short history of the League of Nations, which held its first Assembly at Geneva just thirteen years ago. On March 27, 1933 the Japanese government gave the requisite two years' notice of its intention to withdraw from the League, in consequence to the unanimous adoption by the Assembly on February 24, 1933 of a report on the conflict between China and Japan which was accepted by China and rejected by Japan. The League capitulated to Japan and the report is a dead letter.

The article presents news related to political issues. The American Association of China cables from Shanghai demanding that the U.S. co-operate with the other Powers in adopting "a strong attitude" toward China. Elmer Smith, who served as attorney for members of the I.W.W. in many prosecutions on the Pacific Coast, admires both the lumber-jack and the mule but, he says, he has greater admiration for the mule, who when he has worked eight hours will not lie down and starve to death if there is plenty of food in the next field. Novelist and socialist Upton Sinclair's pen is tireless in its war upon autocracy, commercialism, and humbug. Seldom judicial, Mr. Sinclair is nevertheless a gallant and useful fighter. He never wearies and never sleeps, and wherever he sees a wicked head he hits it.

The article focuses on several issues related to the First World War. Nothing more salutary has happened for a long time in high governmental circles than the sentencing of six Bulgarian war ministers to life imprisonment at hard labor, in addition to which they were assessed the tidy fine of 32,700,000,000 lira, some of the war damage done to their country when they put it into the World War on the side of Germany. There are hitches and double hitches about the liquidation of the wartime entanglements of China. The Washington agreements brought about the abandonment of the British-Japanese alliance, which was a relief to China, but the business of getting Great Britain out of Wei-hai-wei and Japan out of Kiao-ehau has moved more slowly.

This article presents information on political conditions of the U.S. Whenever delegates to the Washington Conference take occasion to counsel China to reform itself and help itself so that other nations may help it and so on, one may be sure that something unpleasant has just happened to China at the Conference. China's weakness is of prodigious usefulness to the Conference. It can be dragged out at any time and made the excuse for errors of omission. McGregor Ross, held prisoner for two years while the British and American governments debated whether he could be deported to Great Britain, has been freed by a decision of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals. The article also presents a resolution, which has been introduced in the U.S. Senate by Senator William H. King of Utah, and referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations.

The article discusses the impact of China on foreign affairs. It states that communist China was born of a struggle not only between two rival factions or two opposing political conceptions, but between the 85 per cent of Chinese who wanted to be sure of getting their daily bowl of rice and the 15 per cent who, supported by foreign capital, wanted to go on living in luxury at the expense of others. Communist China carries more weight in the world than the old China ever carried. Whether one likes it or not, there is leadership, a plan and a determination in China.

The article presents information on the foreign policy matters in the first hundred days of United States President Dwight David Eishenhower's administration. The terrific punch which the Eisenhower Administration was to inject into America's foreign policy now looks like a shadow-boxer's feint. The fiery irresponsible projects, so recently born and already laid to rest-the plan to "liberate" peoples from the Elbe to the Sea of Japan and the naval blockade on China. The new management has had to acknowledge that glib opposition is one thing and the responsibility of power another.

The article focuses on the political life of the communist countries. According to the author one basic feature of the political conditions in such countries and their satellites is the lively traffic in visiting party leaders and cultural missions. He refers to relations between China and outer Mongolia. After the Communists brought the whole of mainland China under their control in 1950, their diplomatic relations with outer Mongolia remained lethargic. Good reasons exist both for the slow development of relations between Chinese and Mongol Communists and for the present acceleration.

The article comments on a difference of opinion about future relations between Japan and China. The British thought that this question had been settled last summer when in the course of negotiations on the Japanese treaty John Foster Dulles and former Foreign Secretary Herbert Morrison reached an agreement to the effect that Japan was to be left free to decide whether it would recognize the Peking government or Chiang Kai-Shek's Nationalist regime or neither. Many Americans, will consider the British attitude selfish and immoral.

At this moment Sir Benegal Narsing Rau, permanent representative of India to the U.N., has set off a bombshell in the session of the Political Committee by announcing that he has received word from his government to the effect that Chinese communist leader Mao Tse-tung, in response to a direct appeal from Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, has agreed to negotiate a settlement of the Korean war in two steps. The first is a cease-fire for a limited period during an initial meeting of the seven-nation group, the second, a long-range settlement based on several conditions, which include the withdrawal of foreign troops, negotiation for the withdrawal of United States forces from Formosa, and the admission of Peking, China to the U.N.

Fifty years after that joint intervention in China, five years after the most frightful military catastrophe in German history, the United States, puts its trust in the Germans. For months a film called "Herrliche Zeiten" has been a smash hit in West German movie theaters. It presents a review of Germane foreign policy from 1900 to 1950 put together from contemporary newsreels. Before the Korean war the film could be considered a lesson in democracy, today it seems to be a burlesque of democracy.