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Industrial espionage has been raised to a sophisticated level today, but pirating labor is still the quickest and surest way to get at a competitor's trade secrets. The loss of trade secrets through changes in employment was a principal topic of discussion at the eighth annual conference of the Patent, Trademark, and Copyright Research Institute of George Washington University held in Washington in July 1964. Conferees agreed that losses occur because employers put a price on their ethics and employees on their loyalty. As professor Richard B. Morris has made clear, pirating of workers and interference with contract relations in American history goes back to the colonial period, when both bound servants and hired workers were enticed away from their employers for their labor and their skills. Stolen manufacturing processes were the basis for the establishment of the textile industry in this country. The seduction of workers by pirates of manufacturing processes was a real and present danger to a community of manufacturers along Brandywine Creek in northern Delaware in the early nineteenth century.

This article focuses on the production of a body of songs and poems as a result of labor movement. The movement for a shorter working day has produced a significant body of songs and poems. Witness, for instance, the ten-hour movement of the 1840's which resulted in such songs as "Song of the Ten Hour Workingmen," modeled after William Lloyd Garrison's "Song of the Abolitionist" and sung to the tune of "Auld Lang Syne." The same labor paper that published it, the Fall River Mechanic, also printed "The Ten Hour Banner," sung to the tune of "The Gospel Banner," and "The All Day System," sung to the tune of "Eden of Love." But it was the eight-hour day movement which produced the largest number of songs and poems. Although some unions had raised the demand for the eight-hour day before and during the Civil War, the campaign began in earnest when hostilities ended. The first songs and poems of the eight-hour movement of the 1860's were published in Pincher's Trades' Review, the Philadelphia labor weekly. This paper launched a contest in the summer of 1865 for songs and poems dealing with the eight-hour movement, and the first one was published in August 1865, though the editor admitted less than full satisfaction with it.

The article presents bibliography of some papers on the labor history of the U.S. for 1969 published in various periodicals. Some of these papers include "Labor History: Sources and Perspectives," by Richard C. Berner published in the Pacific Northwest Quarterly, "Annual Bibliography of Periodical Articles on American Labor History: 1967" by Michael Brook published in Labor History, "Three Problems for the Labor Historian," by Nuala McGann Drescher published in the Pacific Northwest Quarterly, "Manuscript Sources in the Library of Congress for a Study of Labor History," by Paul T. Heifron published in the Labor History, "Listening to the Inarticulate: William Dream and the Loyalties of American Revolutionary Seamen in British Prisons," by Jesse Lemisch published in the Journal of Social History, "The Educational Philosophy and Practices of Robert Owen: Educational Iconoclast of the 19th Century," by Alfred Lightfoot and "Salvation in the Slums: Evangelical Social Welfare Work, 1865-1920," by Norris Alden Magnuson.

The article presents a bibliography of periodicals and papers on the history of the American labor. According to the author the scope of this bibliography is, in fact, somewhat narrower than the title suggests, as it has been confined, with one or two exceptions, to learned periodicals. The list of papers on the period of labor development in the U. S. includes "Labor and the Federal Government: 1850-1933," by Albert A. Blum, , "Labor and the Radical Republicans: a Study of the Revival of the American Labor Movement, 1864-1868," by David Montgomery, "Cooperative Community in the North: Brigham City, Utah," by Leonard J. Arrington, "The Experimental Utopia in America," by Maren Lockwood, "The Failure of the Movement by the Unemployed for Public `Works in 1873," by Herbert G. Gutman, "Economic Growth and the Opportunities of Minorities: an Analysis of Changes in the Employment of Negroes and Women," by Dale Leroy Hiestand, and "The Poles and Anthracite Unions in Pennsylvania," by Victor R. Greene.

A revealing analysis by John L. Lewis of the great General Motors sit-down strike of 1936-1937 is included among the documents in the recently opened Heber Blankenhorn Papers in the Archives of Labor History and Urban Affairs of Wayne State University. Prepared by Blankenhorn on the basis of a conversation with Lewis on February 25, 1937, only two weeks after the conclusion of the strike, the document is the best available contemporaneous source for Lewis' views concerning the settlement of the strike and the factors that contributed to the victory of the United Automobile Workers. Although initiated by sit-downs at the Atlanta Fisher body plant on November 18, 1936, and the Kansas City Fisher Body plant on December 16, 1936, the GM strike did not take on major proportions until sit- down strikes closed the Fisher Body plant in Cleveland on December 28 and the two Fisher Body plants in Flint on December 30. Governor Frank Murphy of Michigan sent the National Guard into Flint on January 12 following the famous Battle of the Running Bulls, but he used the troops to maintain the status quo rather than to dislodge the sit-down strikers.

The article focuses on the impact of the local conditions and the labor consciousness on the struggles for power among leather workers in the city of Lynn, Massachusetts. Locals of national organizations had little connection with the national unions. Consequently, when they did affiliate with national organizations, local concerns and group loyalty transcended national policies. The important ties with other outside unions were of an informal nature. Ties to nonlocal workers and unions were usually confined to feelings of brotherhood and solidarity, which manifested themselves in aid for union struggles. The paper shows how the workers rallied their community of fellow workers to fight against the companies. Since Lynn's wage earners viewed their city as a community of workers, the strike provides a picture of a community in struggle. The community gave the workers strength and support to resist the employers, their friends and relatives were workers and union members, and their unions controlled most of the shops in Lynn. The same community, however, also gave them a false sense of their power to affect their demands against organized capital.

With the expulsion of the eleven unions' from the Congress of Industrial Organization (C.I.O.) in 1950, the International Union of Mine, Mill and Smelter Workers (I.U.M.M.S.W.) remained an alternative to the political neutrality of American business unionism. However, from the decade leading to the merger with the United Steelworkers of America (U.S.W.A.) in 1967, the Mine-Mill Union was drawn into mainstream unionism. The thesis of this paper is that political radicalism cannot survive removed from economic realities. A political union can survive, as in the case of the International Longshoremen's and Warehousemen's Union, if it is able to provide for its membership on the economic front. In the recent General Electric strike, the United Electrical, Radio and Machine Workers and the International Union of Electrical Workers functioned together for economic gains. These unions have had a history of rivalry similar to that of the Mine-Mill Union and the Steelworkers. The C.I.O. and the Steelworkers failed to understand the psychology of the western miners, and the inefficient propaganda they developed reflected this failure.

The article discusses manuscript sources in American radicalism. Scholars interested in American radicalism must be prepared to travel widely if they expect to inspect manuscript sources. Virtually every state, almost every university library of any stature, has some such holdings. Socialists, and other radicals, were prolific writers of letters, memoranda, speeches and pamphlets. They also tended to keep extensive minutes of meetings of branches, committees, national boards, and even of factions. Moreover, most Socialists had a sense of history and preserved their records. Unfortunately, there is no single repository for this Socialist material. At one time it was expected that the Tamiment Institute-then called the Rand School-Library in New York would house the material. But Socialists, in the course of human events, split into innumerable factions, and the leaders of different factions gave their papers to various libraries some of them thousands of miles apart. There were also geographic reasons for the dispersion: the early Socialists of the Nineteenth century lived in Indiana, New York, Massachusetts, and (after 1880) California.

The article focuses on the origin and progress of the Texas labor archives. During the Southern Historical Association's meeting in Memphis in November 1966 a group of mostly young historians organized the Association of Southern Labor Historians (SHA). Its purpose was to promote Southern labor history by encouraging the collection of labor records and the delivery of labor papers at meetings concurrent with those of SHA. Inspired by this development, professor George Green of the University of Texas Arlington history department talked with the university librarian, John Hudson, about the absence of primary resource materials for graduate and undergraduate study in history at UTA and the lack of recent research in the South and Southwest on the history of labor. Professor Howard Lackman of the history department joined in the series of conversations. Researchers learned that no university in the Southwest was actively collecting labor records and that the labor community, possessing tons of non-current records, needed and wanted a labor archives.

The article focuses on the American Federation of Labor (AFL) and the child-labor legislation in the U.S. One of the lesser-known legislative activities of AFL during the first quarter of the century was its involvement in what amounted to a nation-wide campaign for child-labor legislation. While AFL was quite active legislatively throughout the first half-century or so of its existence, child-labor legislation represents a significant episode for several reasons. First, AFL either decided or was forced to shift its tactics and thinking several times. Second, quite in contrast with most of its legislative efforts, the Federation accomplished absolutely nothing in this case. Finally, in pursuing its child-labor goals, AFL got involved in a cooperative effort with a variety of non-labor groups who were also attempting to effect legislative change in the area. The paper describes the Federation's attempts to obtain some type of federal or state statutes limiting hours of work as well as measures limiting the employment of and providing minimum wages for children.

This article informs that by 1927, when "Party Organizer" was established, the Communists had emerged had emerged from the underground where the postwar Palmer anti-red raids had sent many of the leaders. The magazine is an indispensable source for discovering the programs and policies of the Party. The usual jargon and tone typical of other Communist publications are generally avoided. Its purpose is not the conversion of unbelievers, but increased effectiveness. With an occasional exception, the unsigned articles are directed to improving the efficiency of the organization and the success of the campaigns in progress. The April 1927 issue emphasizes the need for concentrating attention upon training nuclei and fraction secretaries and active workers in the districts, sections and sub-districts. Articles on how to influence large groups in behalf of the Party, or on how to run a meeting, are printed alongside instructions to concentrate upon campaigning for a labor party. How to establish and operate a shop paper is a recurring theme.

To argue that more needs to and can be known about black artisans and laborers in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and especially in the South. The Montgomery workingmen have a full ticket in the field for the coming city election, and there is nothing under heaven to hinder them from succeeding if they but stand firm in the faith. The people of Alabama are tired of ring rule. The Democratic papers call the workingmen the riff-raff and fag ends of society. The miners have experienced poverty to such a degree, and for such a length of time, that they and their families do not shudder at it, but look it squarely in the face, like little men. The miners in Alabama have no organization to protect their interests or advocate their cause, and they are in a different position from any mining locality in the United States. All capitalists employing labor in this part of the country have two sorts of labor, and some of them three sorts of labor.

The article comments on the progressive and the working class vote in California. Progressivism was a middle class movement, and while its leaders might strive to remedy the crassest abuses of industrial society, they were as fearful of concentrated labor power as of unregulated monopoly capitalism. In their zeal for moral reform and efficiency, they were often thrown into conflict with labor and immigrant-dominated political machines in cities. The interpretation that represents Progressivism as a political move by a disaffected middle class, as reformers frightened by the power of monopolistic corporations and fearful of organized labor, rests upon inferences drawn from public statements and, in a few instances, private thoughts of a leadership elite. Few attempts have been made to examine the other side of the coin and determine the response of labor leaders and the labor press. The conclusion that Progressivism was a middle-class movement has not been adequately tested against the voting records of metropolitan areas. It is the hypothesis of this paper that leaders of organized labor in California strongly endorsed Progressivism and that, though Progressivism was originally sustained by middle- and upper-class voters.

This article presents the journal of S. C. Hewitt, appointed lecturer of the Fall River Mechanics' Association and labor organizer in Massachusetts in the early 1840s. Students U.S. labor movement know that the most important development of the 1840s was the ten-hour movement, and that the organization which spearheaded this demand was the New England Workingmen's Association which came into existence in the fall of 1844 to give support to the shorter workday crusade. The association was largely the product of the mechanics of Fall River, Massachusetts. Early in 1844 these men organized a Mechanics' Association to further the ten-hour day in their community. The association distributed pledge cards binding the signers not to work for more than ten hours and conducted a number of strikes for the shorter working day. In April 1844, the Fall River Mechanics Association set up a publishing committee, headed by Thomas Almy, to print a four-page weekly paper, "The Mechanic," to advocate the cause of the oppressed mechanic and laborer in all its bearings. The Mechanics' Association secure the services of S. C. Hewitt as a lecturer. Readers of "The Mechanic" were already familiar with Mr. Hewitt.

The article presents historical analysis of trade union press. Labor journalism has come a long way since the appearance of the Machinists and Blacksmiths International Journal in 1863. With more than 600 publications and an estimated readership exceeding 20,000,000, the union press wields a major influence on the American public. Today the union press is read by union members and the general public in steadily increasing numbers, and the frequency with which it is quoted by reporters for the daily newspapers, editorial writers, and others indicates that these publications have something of broad interest to tell the American public. Among the 600 publications there is a wide variety of organizational sponsors. Papers and/or magazines are published by the national federations such as the American Federation of Labor (A.F.L.) and Congress of Industrial Organizations (C.I.O.) and the associated railroad brotherhoods; by national unions such as the Steelworkers, Automobile Workers, and Carpenters; by districts of various unions; and by state, county, or city A.F.L.-C.I.O. federations, as well as by local unions.

In this article the author shares his experience of attending the meetings of the labor organization, Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). What first attracted the author to the IWW was its songs and the gusto with which its members sang them. Such singing, the author thought, was good propaganda, since it had originally attracted him and many others as well. Despite its size, the songbook blazed the trail for the larger songbook to come, a songbook of lasting fame, and one that would make the IWW. known in all corners of the earth. That time came nearer when J. H. Walsh blew in from Alaska. He came as a National Organizer to the Spokane Branch of the IWW, after Alaskan activities which included the founding of a paper, "The Nome Industrial Worker." By the time Walsh returned to Spokane, Washington, where he would continue his work, the worst effects of the 1907 panic were nearly over. This Panic came without advance warning. It was caused, some said, when Eastern bankers withdrew financial backing from railroad construction.

In this paper the author attempts to show how the first Smith Act case arose in the U.S., a case which because of its reasoning has had great legal and political significance not only for those convicted under the Act but for all those interested in the right of expression as well. The major anti-sedition legislation operating to limit political expression in the period included the Smith Act of 1940, the Internal Security Act of 1950, the Communist Control Act of 1954, and similar state legislation. Such legislation, aimed directly at the suppression or restriction of subversive activities or groups, must be viewed in the context of the whole body of law available to the government for protection against treason, sedition, espionage, sabotage, and similar acts. The Smith Act defined three offenses, knowingly advocating the overthrow of government by force or violence, knowingly helping to organize a society that engages in such advocacy or becoming a member of such a society, and conspiring with others to commit either of the first two offenses.

Fifty years ago the labor economist and historian Louis Levine (Lorwin) explained the origins of the radical unionism and syndicalism which the Lawrence textile strike of 1912 had brought to the American nation's attention. Rather than viewing American syndicalism as the product of a few inspired individuals or as a sudden decision to imitate French ideas and methods, Levine insisted that working-class radicalism could only be understood by a proper examination of United States economic and political developments. Unfortunately, in the half century since Levine's seminal article, too few historians have chosen to investigate his hypothesis. The field has been left to labor economists more concerned with the nature of industrial relations and the internal history of individual trade unions than with the dynamics of historical change. This paper will apply the historical method and research into unused or seldom used documents to analyze the forces which impelled the working class in a part of the American West to adopt socialism and syndicalism.

By revealing a fundamental conflict between the public and the private Powderly, the two brief documents below suggest the need for a definitive study of the life and work of Terence V. Powderly, Grand Master Workman of the Knights of Labor. In the absence of such a biography, these two letters (taken from the Powderly Papers in the Archives of the Catholic University of America) are subject to conflicting interpretation. On the basis of this evidence, it is all too easy to cast the Master Workman in the role of unprincipled opportunist, willing to sacrifice principle to protect position and personal power. Yet it is equally plausible to suggest that he was a man painfully aware that a single speech or injudicious act would sully the entire labor image and destroy a vital reform movement. Powderly may well have been a very human person, caught, at least in this situation, in conflict between expediency and principle, torn by the necessity of choosing between the collective good and the individual right. The public position of Terence Powderly on anarchism is well known. He twice opposed General Assembly resolutions expressing sympathy for those condemned following the Haymarket Square riot, fearing that the Knights of Labor would suffer from "guilt by association." This fear clearly constrained the usually forceful Powderly from expressing himself with the passion and in the strong language which frequently characterized his letters to intimates.

The article presents a letter to the editor about the communications between Mr. McDowell and Professor Sofchalk in the numbers 1 and 3 of volume 6 of Labor History regarding the paper The Chicago Memorial Day Incident by Sofchalk.

The article reports the acquisition of the papers of Victor A. Olander, secretary-treasurer of the Illinois Federation of Labors, as of September 1966 by the Urban Historical Collection at the University of Illinois in Chicago. The papers covered the period 1914-1964 and include materials related to labor affairs, legislative activities, working conditions, the proceedings of the federations annual convention from 1925-1964, and its newsletter from 1916-1966.

The article presents an extract from a private diary kept by an intelligent and scholarly young carpenter living in New England and New York from September 1820 to May 1827. Carpenters having frequently discussed upon the impropriety of working so many hours during the longest days in summer, for a day's work and on the necessity and expediency of limiting the number of hours for a day's work, thereby reducing it to a regular system whereby every mechanick might be enabled to work the exact specified time for his employer and yet have some leisure time to regulate and make such arrangements in his affairs as are indispensably necessary. The first step taken to effect this was notice given in the public papers that a meeting of the journeymen carpenters would be held at Concert Hall, on April 12, 1825 and solicited punctual attendance. This notice was given about ten days previous to the proposed meeting. Five or six days before the meeting about sixty or seventy of the above named met to consult what measures to adopt at the general meeting and make such arrangements for the same as might be thought proper.

The article presents various newsletters related to the labor history. The American Historical Association Meeting will be held in the month of December, 1968. The Labor Historians will sponsor two sessions of the American Historical Association in Chicago. The Pacific Northwest Labor History Conference met last April on the campus of Gonzaga University, Spokane, Washington. 65 individuals from academic community and trade unionists attended the conference. The Association of Southern Labor Historians was formed during the 1966 meeting of the Southern Historical Association. The President of the Association of Southern Labor Historians is Professor George Green of the University of Texas, Arlington, Texas. The Chicago Historical Society has the papers of John Fitzpatrick, relating largely to his work as President of the Chicago Federation of Labor. It contains some information on the Chicago Journeymen Horse Shoers Union, the Labor Party of Cook County, and the Farmer Labor Parties of Cook County and the United States.

The article focuses on the selections made by Doctor L. Prothero of Manchester University, as of September 1966, from the Francis Place Papers. According to the author, a representative from the Society for the Study of Labour History, the selections are about the Reform Crisis of 1830-1832 and consist of fourteen manuscript volumes and six volumes of further manuscript material including newspaper cuttings. The microfilmed form of the selections will be available at £60. Place is a Champion of Radicalism and the Right of Combination and a prominent figure in the development of the Labour Movement in nineteenth-century England.