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Critical scholarship has shown that neoliberalism has reinforced Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism and projections of Muslims as undesirable in many contexts, particularly in 'the West'. Little is said about other impacts neoliberal ideology has had on the ways Muslim (immigrant) communities are viewed and (dis)integrated into Muslim-minority contexts. Against this backdrop, this paper argues that Muslims can also be desired and systematically mobilized in predominantly non-Muslim countries where neoliberalized economies capitalize on their identities. The argument is illustrated through case studies in contexts of halal food production and trade in New Zealand and Brazil. Drawing on conceptualizations of neoliberal utility/necessity perspectives on immigrants as well as on assemblage thinking, this paper shows, first, that neoliberal restructuring has played a major role in the development of trade relations with the Islamic world and thus in the emergence of demands for Muslim expertise, service providers and workers in both countries. It demonstrates, second, how Muslim identities have been systematically assembled to meet these demands, and third, that the assemblages are at the same time limited by largely (though not exclusively) neoliberal logics. Finally, the paper shows that many of the assembling practices and logics are similar in both contexts and likely to be found elsewhere. Their effects, however, diverge due to different local conditions. The findings imply that relations between neoliberal ideology and the ways Muslims are viewed and (dis)integrated in Muslim-minority contexts are complex and unfold differently across space, and that this complexity deserves greater academic scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-cultural living experiences may lead to the development of cosmopolitanism among people who are on the move. This article critically explores this proposition in relation to first generation Chinese migrants in New Zealand, focusing on, not only their opportunities but, more importantly, the barriers they encounter in terms of performing cosmopolitanism through an analysis of their everyday intercultural interactions. The key premise is that being able to engage in cosmopolitanism is not a given result of increasing levels of cross-border mobilities or intercultural interactions but occurs through, and relates to, social structures and power relations that individuals negotiate in different social settings. By drawing insights from ‘everyday cosmopolitanism’ and ‘contact zones’, this paper explores three factors that articulate the possibilities of becoming cosmopolitan: (a) everyday cosmopolitanism in contact zones; (b) the emotional dimension of encountering others; and (c) migration and family life challenges. In doing so the paper examines how the process of becoming cosmopolitan is entangled with migrants’ social-demographic characteristics, along with their individual self-perceptions, biographies, and personal relations with others. It highlights that cosmopolitanism is socially situated, subject to multiple pressures, and enacted within the uneven power relations of society. Moreover, it demonstrates that diversity encounters are inherently emotional and cannot be understood outside of the emotional dynamics from which they emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Te Tiriti o Waitangi was negotiated between the British Crown and Indigenous Māori leaders of Aotearoa New Zealand in 1840. Māori understood the agreement as an affirmation of political authority and a guarantee of British protection of their lands and resources. The Crown understood it as a cession of sovereignty. The tension remains, though legal and political developments in the last 35 years, have established that the agreement places a mandatory obligation on the Crown to protect and promote Māori health. It also requires that Māori may exercise rangatiratanga, or responsibility and authority, in relation to health policy development and implementation. Methods: Te Tiriti is, then, an instrument against which health policy is justly and efficaciously evaluated. This paper introduces critical Tiriti analysis as such an evaluative method. Critical Tiriti analysis involves reviewing policy documents against the Preamble and the Articles of te Tiriti o Waitangi. The review process has five defined phases: (i) orientation; (ii) close reading; (iii) determination; (iv) strengthening practice and (v) Māori final word. Results: We present a working example of critical Tiriti analysis using the New Zealand Government's Primary Health Care Strategy published in 2001. This policy analysis found poor alignment with te Tiriti overall and the indicators of its implementation that we propose. Conclusion: This paper provides direction to policy makers wanting to improve Māori health outcomes and ensure Māori engagement, leadership and substantive authority in the policy process. It offers an approach to analysing policy that is simple to use and, inherently, a tool for advancing social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Zealand state developed from a treaty between the British Crown and hapū (sub-tribes) in 1840. The te Reo (Māori language) text and the English version of the agreement are fundamentally different. Breaches of this treaty and tension over how the political relationship between Māori and the Crown should proceed are ongoing. In 2019, the Cabinet Office issued a Circular instructing bureaucratic advisers of the questions they should address when providing advice to ministers on the agreement's contemporary application. In this article, we use Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA) – an analytical framework applied to public policies – to suggest additional and alternative questions to inform bureaucratic advice. The article defines CTA in detail and shows how using it in this way could protect Māori rights to tino rangatiratanga (a sovereignty and authority that is not subservient to others) and substantive engagement, as citizens, in the formation of public policy. This article's central argument is that the Circular reflects an important evolution in government policy thought. However, in showing how the Circular privileges the English version (the Treaty of Waitangi) over the Māori text (Te Tiriti o Waitangi), the article demonstrates how Māori political authority remains subservient to the Crown in ways that Te Tiriti did not intend. We show through the conceptual illustration of the care and protection of Māori children, despite the significant evolution in government thought that it represents, these rights are not fully protected by the Circular. This is significant because it was Te Tiriti, with its protection of extant Māori authority and sovereignty, that was signed by all but 39 of the more than 500 chiefs who agreed to the British Crown establishing government over their own people, but who did not agree to the colonial relationship which may be read into the English version. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What impact does access to the rights associated with formal permanent residency status have on immigrants’ sense of integration in their country of residence? I explore this question with a focus on ‘affective integration’, an original measure developed to refer to immigrants’ sense of belonging, recognition, equality, optimism and loyalty in, or to, their country of residence. Original data are drawn from an online survey and a series of in-depth interviews with New Zealanders resident in Australia. As some survey respondents were affected by 2001 changes that withdrew New Zealanders’ entitlements to welfare and citizenship in Australia and others were not, levels of ‘affective integration’ among the two groups were able to be compared. The data reveal that many New Zealanders without access to the welfare and citizenship entitlements associated with permanent resident status had a highly ambivalent sense of affective integration in Australia. Many reported being economically, socially and culturally well integrated in Australia but also reported strong feelings of exclusion, rejection, exploitation and discrimination. They identified these feelings as being the result of their ineligibility for welfare assistance and citizenship acquisition. For some such migrants, these feelings have led to a decision to migrate back to New Zealand in the near future. For others, however, a high degree of structural integration into Australian society has deterred return migration, creating a significant population of long-term residents whose generally favourable structural integration into Australia is undermined by their growing sense of disadvantage, marginalisation and exclusion. These findings contribute to our understanding of the relationship between access to the rights of permanent residency and affective integration. They also contribute empirical data to policy debates about the consequences of treating those who move under human mobility regimes as temporary migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]