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Languages are at the centre of nationalistic discourses across South Asia since they have played a historically and politically significant role in defining nationhood and both uniting and dividing countries throughout the British Empire. Despite multilingualism and multiculturalism, and vast differences in individual access to, and command of, mother tongue, national and official languages, paradoxically a collective language is always considered as an important imagined marker of 'national' identity. It is this latter point I explore by drawing on ethnographic fieldwork amongst Bangladeshi youths from indigenous ethnic communities who are designated as ethnic minority groups in Bangladesh. Positioning the paper at the nexus of multilingual ecology, I thereby investigate how youths from the indigenous ethnic communities perceive themselves with reference to their mother tongue, national language, and foreign language, and what impact their relationships, their preferences, and use have on the maintenance and sustainability of their mother tongue in the multilingual ecology. A qualitative content analysis of the data demonstrates that it is only by taking the varying potential scopes of language into account that we can fully appreciate these complex Asian multilingual ecologies, where the mother tongues, indigenous ethnic languages, national languages, and English have specific historical, political, and sociocultural significances. The discursive claims of Bangladeshi ethnic youth participants indicate that the presence of the 'mother-tongue' and 'national language' in these contexts is ideologically infused, layered, value-laden, relational, and paradoxical at the microlevel – as these languages are practiced and nurtured by the linguistically minoritized subjects themselves. They negotiate their relationship with these languages, strictly keeping in consideration the existence of other languages and their social, cultural, economic significance in the multilingual ecology. It is via the paradoxical role of these languages in contexts that the paper aims to identify the socio-psychological reasons behind language loss in Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue showcases research exploring the work of settler individuals and groups in support of projects of decolonisation in Aotearoa New Zealand, Australia, Canada and Israel. The papers gathered here were developed from presentations at an international symposium held in Auckland, New Zealand and online in February 2021. As symposium organisers and editors of this collection, we speak and write as settler subjects ourselves, and this collection is situated within the field of Settler Colonial Studies (SCS). This editorial provides an opening framing of the field into which these papers speak, and a survey of some of the key themes within the wider literature. We aim firstly to locate this work within the wider field of scholarship and activism on decolonisation and decoloniality, delimiting the particular focus of decolonisation within settler-dominated contexts. We then discuss the critiques that have been mounted against SCS and some important defences of the field. We argue that while settler colonialism persists, work in SCS has a contribution to make – in highlighting and critiquing settler logics and in identifying changes that it is within the power of settler peoples themselves to make as a contribution towards Indigenous-led decolonisation. Further, we argue that decolonising settler societies must involve settlers learning to be 'in relation' with Indigenous worlds and people outside of deeply habituated logics and practices of domination. The papers gathered here provide examples of settler subjects at various points on the path of decolonising themselves and learning the work of 'being in relation'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Orphism, through Pythagoras to Plato, the soul survives the death of the body. But for Aristotle it is the form of the body, and this makes its immortality unlikely, since form cannot exist without an individuating matter. Exploring synthesis, the soul is for Aquinas an incarnate spirit whose union with the body creates a unique union. This paper then employing the critical-analytic model argued that these traditions were quite myopic; and this informed the interrogation of another cultural position which is, the immortality of the soul in Igbo-African ontology. The intention is to brace the classical positions towards a holistic idea of the immortality of the soul. This is because, in Igbo ontology, there is no distinction between body and soul, as the attention is on man as a complete being, who at death experiences what this paper called ontological mutation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The papers in this issue examine various aspects of ethnic differences in higher education. The first three papers, all of which focus on Britain, attempt to explain the very high motivation behind enrollment in higher and further education by ethnic minority students. These papers argue that investment in higher education is a defiance strategy that is used by ethnic minorities to counterbalance the effect of ethnic penalties. It seems that aspirations are still significant in shaping the educational attainment and are fuelled by the grim structural barriers facing ethnic minorities. The anticipation of labour market discrimination on the one hand, and the belief in the value of education as the main means for social mobility on the other hand, lead ethnic minorities in Britain to over-invest in education. The fourth paper tells a different story, in that immigrant students experience systematic disadvantages throughout their school careers including a much lower enrollment in higher education. These young immigrants hold more negative perceptions towards the value of education, not only in comparison with their Italian counterparts, but it seems also in comparisons with minority young people in Britain. However, in the last paper, the results resemble the British case, in that the second generation students hold higher academic expectations than their non-immigrant origin peers, and that these higher expectations are associated with higher levels of persistence and attainment. The authors here highlight the importance of the theory of immigrant optimism in explaining the between-groups differences. However, this theory does not seem to have strong explanatory power in the Italian case, if anything, perhaps ‘immigrant pessimism’ is a better theory to explain the low aspirations for higher education and poor educational attainment among immigrants in Italy. Of course, further evidence is required to substantiate this claim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Anthropocene denotes an era of accelerated human impact on the environment. Although discourses of the Anthropocene are often criticized for representing colonial and specifically capitalist interests of economic growth, this paper examines, in the case of Ukraine, how these discourses can be applied to uncover and address social (post)colonial impacts of non-capitalist regimes (those also not classified as "Global North"). In particular, the analysis focuses on the aftermath of the 1986 Chernobyl nuclear plant accident on local communities in Ukraine. As academics of Ukrainian background, authors share their first-hand experiences of such impact on their lives and wellbeing of their families, communities, and land. The narrative research framework is used to engage with the modern Ukrainian community and discuss the implications of geopolitical and cultural proximity of the coloniser, with a particular focus on displacement and forced migration. This is especially relevant as it is reflected in the current refugee crisis and tactics of nuclear terrorism used by the Russian government in the war against Ukraine. This paper is a valuable resource for promoting and giving a voice to the Ukrainian people and potentially other peoples in post-Soviet space to unveil their colonial legacy and utilise the discourses of the Anthropocene to aid more effective decolonisation processes in the future of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Singapore presents a unique case study for multiculturalists in that the state leans heavily in its promotion of racial demarcations whilst simultaneously propagating a narrative of the state "regardless of race, language or religion". This paper argues that this apparent contradiction is a deliberate calculation to use multiculturalism to desecuritise an otherwise disparate multiracial society. Extending He's (2018) sequencing of multicultural progress as an a priori development to desecuritisation, this paper moves past traditionally democratic assumptions to demonstrate how the Singaporean state has in effect desecuritised national minorities through semi-to-autocratic management of multiculturalism. Referring to 'securitised multiculturalism' that has become increasingly evident since the 2000s, the paper progresses to consider how terrorism has affected Singapore's multicultural formulation and examines the state's top-down responses to desecuritise the security element in 'securitised multiculturalism' to the extent that such is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although membership is regarded as an important condition of immigrants' capacities to influence the political system, the literature on immigrant political incorporation has tended to focus on formal citizenship status, giving the impression that other forms of membership matter less for immigrants' political capacity. Arguing for the need to account for ethnic groups' perceived racial position within local contexts, this paper explores how media outlets, as public institutions, construct the identity of Hmong Americans in ways that affect their political standing. Using a textual analysis approach, we examine how two newspapers within two US communities frame Hmong's group identity. Our findings show that the papers situate Hmong within a field of racial positions, albeit, not in the same ways that past research predicts would apply to Asian Americans. While differing in the particulars, the two newspapers are quite similar in the frames they use to depict Hmong Americans: civic ostracism, racial ambiguity, and threat. The media neither refer to Hmong as Asians nor valorize them vis-a-vis another racial category. Nevertheless, media representations frequently sully Hmong as a threat to the community. We discuss the implications of our findings for immigrant political incorporation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Polish experiences of lived diversities in the UK through the lens of their precarious socio-economic status and ambivalent racial identity. Using the concept of conditional citizenship, the article explores how being only tentatively accepted in British society affects Polish migrants' understandings of British diversity. Drawing on qualitative data from a study of Polish migrants' lived diversities, this paper exposes the repertoires of actions that individuals apply in different social contexts in the process of learning to live with diversity. It advances the academic debate on everyday multiculturalism through an exploration of the relationship between conditional citizenship and lived diversities and contributes to an understanding of migrants' racism by contextualising it within national hierarchies of belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At times when migration and diversity are politically salient and controversially discussed, the rhetoric of staying 'as we are' is widespread. But how do 'we' actually change and how would 'we' know when it happens? Based on the premise that political communities are the products of narratives of peoplehood, this paper explores how such narratives evolve over time. It conceptualizes different modes of balancing narrative continuity and change. These modes – repetition, adaptation, and institutionalization – are illustrated with reference to evolving German narratives of peoplehood centring around (not) being a country of immigration. The paper argues that all modes lead to some degree of change in narratives of peoplehood. Against the backdrop of different understandings of the core of a narrative, it further discusses when such changes fundamentally affect who 'we' are. Overall, the paper invites scholars, policymakers, and citizens to think critically about the essential aspects of their political communities' narratives and to be aware of the stories that 'we' are told and that 'we' tell ourselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics behind the rise of religious nationalism in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe with distinct populist, nativist, and authoritarian overtones. The paper explores the relationship between nationalism and religion today and the broader transformation challenges both within the region and more globally that can shape this relationship. It then looks closer into the historical experiences in the region with regard to the relationship between state and church as well as nationalism and religion, critically analysing how these relations have evolved during nation-state formation in the 19th and early 20th century, under Communism, and in the last three decades. Analysing critically the relevant literature, the paper discusses the entanglements between state and religious institutions as well as between national identity and faith, and how these are mobilised today. The paper argues for the need to consider both internal and external factors in the evolution of the relationship between nationalism and religion in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe and more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article assesses Will Kymlicka's targeted approach to cultural rights by focusing on the case of the Roma minority in Europe. In Multicultural Odysseys, Kymlicka praises the European management of Roma issues as a promising way to overcome the flaws of the generic approach to cultural rights that dominates European minority rights otherwise. The article intends to evaluate Kymlicka's statement in two ways : it combines an empirical study of the arguments that justify the institutional targeting of the Roma in the Council of Europe and a normative analysis about the specific type of transnational minority that these populations seem to form. The empirical part of the paper casts doubts on the assumption that cultural recognition matters primarily in the case of the Roma. The normative part of the paper argues that the concept of transnational minority gains more normative consistency when it is understood in terms of political mobilization against racial oppression than when it is justified in terms of cultural recognition. It concludes that Iris M. Young's "politics of difference" provides a fruitful normative approach to make sense of the Roma's claims of justice in Europe and that it is as such likely to refine and possibly complete the targeted to approach to multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Memory and trauma are often considered to be interconnected social phenomena. Collective memory exists in every society, but when a particularly catastrophic event occurs, it leaves an impact on behavior, and enduring memories of a cultural trauma. This paper considers the changing social meanings of the Anfal, an act of genocide which occurred in Iraqi Kurdistan in 1988, and inquires whether the legacy of the Anfal can be most accurately characterized as a social memory or a cultural trauma. The paper uses a mixed methodology of historical research and a recent survey carried out among young people in Iraqi Kurdistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a historical study of the linguistic landscape (LL) of Pristina's city center as an important site of contestation and competing symbolic identity constructions throughout Kosovo's turbulent interethnic past. By means of historical linguistic evidence of the LL configuration of landmark establishments in the central promenade of the city, the paper illustrates the role of language in the construction of national identity and in this way, argues for the reconciliation of the study of symbolic nation building in Kosovo with language as an equally deserving dimension of investigation alongside other socio-political and social facets It is also argued that apart from its symbolic role to convey the specific ideological concepts of the dominant ethnic elites, the LL has been crucial in the construction of ethnocentric spaces, and has therefore been participatory in the creation of ethnic segregation which is the defining characteristic of Kosovo's post-war ethnic configuration today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 18th century, scholars have been claiming that Romani people originated from India. Folkloristists, ethnographers, linguists and demographers alike have sought to identify, classify and characterize the 'Roma traits' and map them onto an imagined notion of Indian-hood. Meanwhile, India has reappropriated the originary claim and started to embrace the Roma community as one of their 'own'. This paper focuses on the epistemic and political implications of ascribing an 'Indian origin' to the Roma. How do scholars and savants seek to understand Roma populations with reference to their purported Indian origin and what does it entail epistemologically? To what extent is the 'scientific' legibility of the Roma's origin structured around ideologies of the prevailing episteme? Here, I situate the theory of the Indian origin as a 'field' and argue that its foundation has revolved less around the question of 'scientific' methods and their validity than around reinforcing the episteme in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of Indian intervention on the Madheshi parties' claim to self-determination in Nepal. In 2007, the Madheshi parties launched mass protests, demanding the recognition of their self-determination through an autonomous Madheshi province. Mainstream political parties became hesitant to incorporate this demand. The Nepalese government signed agreements with the agitating Madheshis but did not intend to implement its commitments. The Indian government was monitoring these developments; it stood on the Madheshi side and urged the Nepalese government to recognize self-determination and autonomy in the new Constitution. It increased pressure through press releases, parliamentary statements, bilateral visits, and an undeclared economic sanction. Against this background, this paper examines the following question: What is the impact of the Indian intervention on the Madheshi claims for self-determination in Nepal? It identifies that the Indian intervention obstructed the recognition of Madheshi self-determination as a constitutional right and the agenda of the nationalist movement. The mainstream political parties perceived the Indian intervention as unwanted interference in a sovereign state's internal affairs and responded to this pressure by adopting the Constitution without including self-determination. The Indian government continued to pressure through economic sanctions, but the latter just increased anti-Indian sentiments in Nepal. As a result, the Nepalese government re-strengthened its ties with the Chinese government and concluded trade and transit agreements. The Indian government perceived that Nepal-China ties would affect its national interests in Nepal and stayed silent about the Madheshi parties. This silence constructed a permissive environment for the Nepalese government to ignore the nationalist demands and forced the Madheshi parties to concede their self-determination as the ethnonational agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Compared to the United States, the relationship between ethnicity and gentrification is still understudied in the Western European context. However, while Western Europe does not have the same racial history as the United States, ethnic and racial divisions are still expressed through urban inequality. This paper, a study of small-business owners in an ethnically stigmatized Berlin neighborhood, shows how the gentrification process leads to the revelation and reification of ethnic boundaries between Turkish immigrants and their descendants and the so-called German majority society. It firstly finds that gentrification by Turkish-origin business owners is frequently understood as an ethnic remake that leads to the displacement of Turkish immigrants and their families in favor of non-immigrant Germans. The gentrification process is accordingly perceived, not only as a form of material dispossession, but also as a form of cultural dispossession in which the multicultural character of the quarter is erased. Second, the paper postulates that, in cases in which Turkish immigrant entrepreneurs adapt their businesses to the demands of new middle-class consumers, they tend to exclude the lower-income population in the quarter whom they mainly define as Turkish or Arabic. All in all, the debate presented in this paper shows how, in the German context, gentrification relates to prior forms of ethnic prejudice, discrimination and racism. It thereby also complicates the prominent discussion on the nexus between gentrification and displacement by showing that, even if long-time residents are not immediately threatened with having to leave, they still experience forms of exclusion that are entrenched with already existing structural inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The determinants of whether or not an immigrant seeks to become a citizen are still largely invisible to scholars; as are the decisions made during the naturalization process by street-level bureaucrats. Research on the acquisition of citizenship has incorporated a number of determinants of naturalization outcomes over the past decades, but lacks the contextualization of immigration law in its relation to criminal law. This systematic literature review of the 140 most-cited papers across the naturalization and crimmigration literatures seeks to construct a theoretical bridge between the disciplines in an effort to illuminate the blind spots challenging naturalization scholarship. I argue that the inclusion of crimmigration as a factor impacting naturalization is essential for scholarship in order to accurately use citizenship policies as an indicator of a state's overall approach to immigration - particularly regarding residence requirements. The conceptual utilization of crimmigration in the context of citizenship acquisition offers new insights into the underexplored relationship between citizenship policy and the individual migrant, potentially uncovering some of the factors hindering immigrants' ability to seek formal membership. Evidence within recent crimmigration scholarship points towards the role played by racialization within the functioning of a crimmigration system. This paper reviews the prominent streams of both strands of literature first utilizing a bibliometric analysis of the respective citation networks and second, diving into the substantial developments and parallels in naturalization and crimmigration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Structural race-based inequalities in Mexico cannot be denied. Anthropologists and social scientists have thoroughly documented racism at both personal and systemic levels. Following I.M. Young's framework, this paper identifies two possible pathways for the anti-racist movement in Mexico: the liability and the social connection models. The former uses guilt to assign responsibility —it requires an agent to be voluntarily and causally connected to injustice; the latter does not isolate perpetrators but assigns responsibility to all agents who contribute (voluntarily or not) by their actions to the structural processes that produce injustice. After examining the trajectory of the Mexican anti-racist movement, this paper demonstrates that activists are relying too heavily on the liability model. Furthermore, drawing from ethnographic material from Brazil and the United States, the paper suggests that this model is not only unnecessarily confrontational and ineffectual, but potentially counterproductive for the anti-racist movement, as it is prone to provoke a defensive response. In turn, this paper suggests focusing on the structural nature of racism in Mexico and developing ways to communicate this effectively, in order to foster the positive prospects of successful anti-racist activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the mixed race family constellation has emerged as a persistent feature of Irish societal life. An increase in interracial partnering invariably leads to the presence of white women who are parenting children who are ascribed to another race. Yet, nationalist discourses and the incorporation of jus sanguinis principles in constitutional law have constructed a version of Irishness that 'others' and excludes the mixed race person. This paper focuses on the white Irish mother and her mixed race (i.e. black African/white Irish) child (ren), as the majority of mixed race families in the State. In fact, this article sets out to provide a novel perspective vis-à-vis the location of the mixed race family in the context of the exclusionary politics of Irish citizenship and how, through their mothering practices, these white women negotiate and challenge dominant ideologies of belonging on behalf of their children. More specifically, this paper examines the mothers' attempts to establish their children as equal claimants of rights in the Irish public sphere. By drawing on in-depth interviews with twelve white Irish mothers, this paper reveals that the women's efforts to publicly articulate their mixed race children as legitimate Irish citizens have been largely denied or even, de-politicized. Rather, at the level of citizenship, the racialized insider-outsider dynamic gets reproduced as the political autonomy of such citizens is constrained by notions of phenotype (and bloodline criteria). I further draw attention to the governmental production of these mixed race subjects as 'failed' citizens, who must live out their difference silently in the interstitial spaces of the national framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores how parents in intermarriages choose between the majority language (Serbian) and the minority language (Hungarian) as their children's instruction medium in Vojvodina, the northern province of Serbia. Adopting language ideologies as a theoretical framework, the study sheds light on (systems of) cultural ideas concerning social and linguistic relations, encompassing family and societal contexts. Qualitative research involving interviews was conducted with spouses/partners of individuals from the Hungarian national minority who are in a marriage/partnership with members of the majority community in Vojvodina. The analysis reveals that the choice of education in the majority language is influenced by both objective factors (such as the absence of minority language schooling in the parents' locality) and subjective considerations, which are connected to adopting various language ideologies supported by gender differences. The study highlights the crucial societal function of intermarriage, as family decisions significantly shape the identity and ethnic affiliation of children born into these unions. The choice of the language of instruction for their education plays a significant role in this process, with opting for the majority language accelerating acculturation and assimilation compared to choosing the minority language and maintaining the minority community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How migrants negotiate and adjust to new cultural settings and how they transmit culture to their children are key questions for migration researchers. This paper explores how culture is experienced and negotiated among Russian-speaking migrants, drawing on interviews and observation data collected in Perth, Australia, and Madrid, Spain, together with online forum data and documents. Analysis reveals that long-term socio-historical processes taking place within the post-Soviet space generate certain similarities among its inhabitants. These shared features, which Norbert Elias (1996) called 'national habitus', include internalised dispositions and behavioural patterns evident and reproduced in everyday life, such as hygiene and healthcare practices, norms of conduct in public places, and practices and beliefs related to the control of children's behaviour and discipline. Many migrants come to realise that they are bearers of these similarities only in the process of the migration experience. This process of recognition of their habitus, including realising the cultural nature of certain standards of behaviour perceived as 'civilised' and 'rational' in the past, and the making of decisions about what is important to keep and what is not, we refer to as 'cultural continuity dilemmas'. Participants resolve these dilemmas in three main ways: reinforcing their cultural classification systems through condemnation or attempts to correct; adopting the new standards; or adjusting perceptions to find a compromise. In these processes, certain practices and norms may come to be recognised as Soviet in both positive and negative senses, as being acceptable, or outdated remnants of a totalitarian system. Solving such dilemmas creates a unique combination of practices, forming a common cultural hybridity and generating new awareness of cultural and national identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional nationalism in Spain – particularly those movements in Catalonia and the Basque Country – have been characterized at the parliamentary level by political parties from both the traditional left and right of the political spectrum. While calls for greater autonomy and even secession are made from both ends of that spectrum, the framings of their calls for self-government vary in content and scope. Since the turn into the 21st century, sub-state nationalist parties of the left - those more typically associated with a prioritization of environmental concerns - in both regions have taken an increased share of the seats in their respective parliaments. Over the same period, climate change has increasingly moved to the front of the list of the concerns of European citizens. This paper investigates the degree to which key regional nationalists of the left have moved to incorporate environmental and climate change concerns into their claim making, narrative, and framings, highlighting both regional, and governance level comparative dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critical scholarship has shown that neoliberalism has reinforced Islamophobia, anti-Muslim racism and projections of Muslims as undesirable in many contexts, particularly in 'the West'. Little is said about other impacts neoliberal ideology has had on the ways Muslim (immigrant) communities are viewed and (dis)integrated into Muslim-minority contexts. Against this backdrop, this paper argues that Muslims can also be desired and systematically mobilized in predominantly non-Muslim countries where neoliberalized economies capitalize on their identities. The argument is illustrated through case studies in contexts of halal food production and trade in New Zealand and Brazil. Drawing on conceptualizations of neoliberal utility/necessity perspectives on immigrants as well as on assemblage thinking, this paper shows, first, that neoliberal restructuring has played a major role in the development of trade relations with the Islamic world and thus in the emergence of demands for Muslim expertise, service providers and workers in both countries. It demonstrates, second, how Muslim identities have been systematically assembled to meet these demands, and third, that the assemblages are at the same time limited by largely (though not exclusively) neoliberal logics. Finally, the paper shows that many of the assembling practices and logics are similar in both contexts and likely to be found elsewhere. Their effects, however, diverge due to different local conditions. The findings imply that relations between neoliberal ideology and the ways Muslims are viewed and (dis)integrated in Muslim-minority contexts are complex and unfold differently across space, and that this complexity deserves greater academic scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

White fragility, a common response of white people to calls to engage in conversations about racism and address their complicity with it, has received considerable scholarly attention. Much less attention has been given to the antidote: white stamina. This paper explores the development of stamina in the journey of 'recovery' from racism of one white settler individual who has become a public figure in Aotearoa New Zealand, in part through his declaration that he is a 'recovering racist'. Significantly, the racism at the heart of this person's story was directed towards indigenous, Māori New Zealanders; racism and settler colonialism are intertwined in this case. Consequently, the paper also responds to Lawrence and Dua's (2005) call to 'decolonise antiracism' by foregrounding the indigenous–settler relationship in the analysis of racism within a settler society. The paper teases out overlaps and differences between white racism and settler colonialism, and between white stamina and settler stamina. Finally, I argue that there may be things for antiracists to learn from struggles to decolonise settler colonialism. Most significantly, this analysis points to the importance and power of the existence of an aspirational positive identity and position for 'recovering racists'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars studying race and racial classification in post-apartheid South Africa have paid little attention to how African refugees navigate the South African racial classification scheme and how they self-identity in the face of their everyday encounters with imposed racial classification in South Africa. This paper addresses this research gap by exploring how first-generation Eritrean refugees self-identify in the context of an imposed South African racial classification system. The result reported here forms part of a broader research study that explored how Eritrean refugees in South Africa self-defined in the face of racialization. The broader study identified various themes but this paper only reports on those who defined their race as Habesha in the face of their experiences with racial classification. I argue that by defining their race as Habesha, participants re-defined race as a pan-ethnic identity dissociating racial identity from physical appearance and skin colour. Some refugees who never self-identified in terms of phenotype-based racial categories are nuancing traditional definitions of racial identity in post-apartheid South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to relate the scholarly analysis of nationalism – and of the ways in which nation-states relate to minorities and migrants – with the actual socio-political context within which such analysis takes place. Looking back into the theories of nationalism as they have developed since World War II, the focus of nationalism theorists has shifted from the effort to explain why nations emerged and when they emerged, looking at the wider processes of industrialisation and print capitalism; to the effort to analyse nationalism from the ground up through the lived experiences of citizens; to, more recently, the effort to explain why and how nationalism persists and whether and how it evolves in more plural or more exclusionary ways. I am arguing in this paper that it is important to adopt a self-reflexive approach so as not only to link our understanding of nations and nationalism in their contemporary socio-economic and political context, but that we also need to adopt such self-reflexivity in relation to our own work and ask: why do we focus on a particular perspective or evolution? How does this relate to our wider context and positionality as scholars? In this paper, I am proposing a periodisation of nationalism studies from the post-WW II period to this day, arguing that the focus of nationalism theories was guided interactively by the wider socio-economic developments of each period. I conclude with a critical reflection on nationalism in a (post-)pandemic world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores top-down, enacted, institutional pushbacks to supermobility and superdiversity in the under-examined arena of academia using emerging frameworks in political economy and the geography of mobility. Zooming in on the discoursal framings of a recent year of job advertisements on a popular, open-source forum for linguists supplemented with qualitatively and quantitatively sourced data from international, national, and local institutional contexts, the paper examines how macrocontextual pushes toward political populism combined with a synchronous tightening of job markets in academia have enacted a plethora of labels for temporary work in lieu of permanent academic positions—now, increasingly the only option for job seekers in a hypercompetitive academic market. In this manufacturing of euphemization discourse, we witness the invention of novel, microlinguistically rendered lexicalizations of semiotic redundancy in academic capitalism's own obfuscation of profit margins, and a concomitant manufacturing of a new discourse of rationality in which floating semiotic signifiers at multiple scales deploy nationality-criteria to justify ethnic exclusion and/or entry into academic space. More crucially, in these commonsensical framings, we encounter both causation and consequence of newly enacted barriers to transnational mobility. In challenging the myth of porous borders for mobile professionals in the post-global moment, these emerging linguistic signifiers point to the ascendancy of a new public affectivity on display in intellectual spheres and a saturation of sentiment toward illiberality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has recently become increasingly popular for small entrepreneurs in Dagestan to introduce elements of Islamic economy into their everyday economic practices. In my paper, I take a closer look at everyday life and the ways of conducting business among small entrepreneurs in Makhachkala, the capital of the Republic of Dagestan in the Russian Federation. In order to scrutinize the relationship between everyday religious observance, space and economic practices within a broader socio-political context, I introduce the term 'halal landscape'. 'Halal landscapes' emerge through the gradual infusion of Islam into the sphere of economic activities, where they form 'Islam-inspired' social spaces, in which economic and moral dimensions are interwoven with formal and informal norms and regulations, and where social life – the area of interaction between human and non-human actors – has its unique materiality and temporality. In my paper, I look into the halal landscapes of Dagestani entrepreneurs in Makhachkala and demonstrate the analytical potential of the term to study the social and cultural nature of Islam-inspired economic practices. Important elements of these halal landscapes include the avoidance of deception and usury, promotion of honesty and observance in the workplace, payment of zakat, as well as thorough knowledge about these issues. My analysis is based on the results of multi-temporal fieldwork conducted in Makhachkala in 2017–2019 as well as on earlier field observations gathered during regular visits in 2004–2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of post-conflict societies have often focused on inter-ethnic group dynamics following the end of conflict, specifically the process of reconciliation between groups, or resurgence of violence across groups. This paper focuses on intra-ethnic differences with respect to defining ethnic identity. This paper will examine how the end of the Sri Lankan ethnic conflict created cleavages amongst Sri Lankan Tamils with respect to how they define their ethnic identity and their ethnic group. Drawing upon 66 semi-structured interviews conducted in three regions of Sri Lanka, this paper presents three perspectives that were held among Tamils in post-conflict Sri Lanka. The first perspective was that the end of the ethnic conflict led to a loss in the fundamental tenets of the Tamil ethnic identity. The second perspective considered the promotion of a distinct Tamil ethnic identity to be a gateway to conflict. The third perspective articulated that the end of the ethnic conflict meant that the Tamil ethnic identity could move forward in a more cosmopolitan direction. The findings of this study demonstrate the importance of considering the social construction of ethnic identities, and their implications on post-conflict reconstruction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through an examination of the term people of color, this conceptual paper illustrates how the use of historical racial labels in the US, supposedly aimed at denouncing racism, seems to reproduce that which the labels purport to condemn. With a primary focus on Blacks or African-Americans, this paper draws purely on a review and analysis of secondary information to argue that any antiracist agenda that utilizes terms that were associated with historical racism may well be reproducing the racist ideologies that justified slavery and Jim Crow laws. This paper calls for the elimination of the term people of color and related labels from popular usage for the following reasons: (1) the racialized representation of color in historical race relations, (2) the deleterious implications of color for contemporary interracial and intraracial relations, and (3) the misleading universalism and racial divisiveness in the term people of color. These issues are discussed following an introduction and a conceptual framework. The paper concludes with a recommendation of appropriate terms for racial identification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While politicians and scholars have debated the meaning, value, and purposes of multiculturalism for decades, less attention has been paid to the views of a broader group of Britons. In this paper I analyze the meaning of multiculturalism for elite university students in Britain. Many British leaders spend their early adulthood in elite universities. Do they hold the same conceptions of multiculturalism that scholars, the media, and politicians espouse? And, do they express strong support for multiculturalism (as they understand it) as discussions about political division in Britain assume? This paper answers these important questions by analyzing 67 in-depth interviews with undergraduates at Oxford University. I find that students define multiculturalism as a diverse array of ethnic groups living in the same society. Most simultaneously report little impact on their lives. Still, a significant minority express concerns about a perceived lack of integration and impingement on traditional British culture. These findings demonstrate precarious support for multiculturalism even among those who express more tolerant, inclusive understandings of British society related to immigration and Brexit in opinion polls. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cross-cultural living experiences may lead to the development of cosmopolitanism among people who are on the move. This article critically explores this proposition in relation to first generation Chinese migrants in New Zealand, focusing on, not only their opportunities but, more importantly, the barriers they encounter in terms of performing cosmopolitanism through an analysis of their everyday intercultural interactions. The key premise is that being able to engage in cosmopolitanism is not a given result of increasing levels of cross-border mobilities or intercultural interactions but occurs through, and relates to, social structures and power relations that individuals negotiate in different social settings. By drawing insights from ‘everyday cosmopolitanism’ and ‘contact zones’, this paper explores three factors that articulate the possibilities of becoming cosmopolitan: (a) everyday cosmopolitanism in contact zones; (b) the emotional dimension of encountering others; and (c) migration and family life challenges. In doing so the paper examines how the process of becoming cosmopolitan is entangled with migrants’ social-demographic characteristics, along with their individual self-perceptions, biographies, and personal relations with others. It highlights that cosmopolitanism is socially situated, subject to multiple pressures, and enacted within the uneven power relations of society. Moreover, it demonstrates that diversity encounters are inherently emotional and cannot be understood outside of the emotional dynamics from which they emerge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last 25 years, Spain has experienced a significant increase of Latin American immigrants, which has raised questions about their children's adaptation process. Yet, there is little evidence on the factors that explain school success or failure among this group. This paper aims to fill this gap by using data from the Longitudinal Study of the Second Generation in Spain (ILSEG is its Spanish acronym). The findings show that the children of Latin American immigrants are more likely to attain lower educational levels than the children of Spanish natives. However, concentrating on the national origin variable risks obscuring some underlying adaptive processes—associated with generational age cohorts—involved in differential educational outcomes among immigrant children. The data analyzed show that Latin American immigrant children born in Spain are likely to attain the same educational levels as their native Spanish peers. This finding highlights the importance of being raised in the host country in easing adaptation to the new society and the school system. The paper concludes with some policy suggestions in the field of education. Instead of treating all child migrants uniformly, public policies should address the specific needs of the target groups, emphasizing later arrivals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rohingya is one of the ethnic minority groups that has faced profound ethnic violence against them in their home country, Myanmar. Almost a million Rohingya have fled to Bangladesh and are currently living in extremely precarious conditions near the Myanmar–Bangladesh border. Despite the sufferings and oppressions of all Rohingya, women, in particular, have been victims of sexual violence. Using various information sources, this paper analyzes different dimensions of the gender-based violence that has endured in Myanmar for decades. This paper also highlights the health and wellness of Rohingya women, including impacts made during the COVID-19 pandemic. Furthermore, it provides a framework for reducing gender-based violence in the Rohingya camps in Bangladesh. Even though this paper focuses on the Rohingya crisis, insights are relevant to other contexts facing similar social, political, and humanitarian crises, particularly in the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores a cohort of Burmese students' lived experiences at a border high school in China and demonstrates that their multilingual practices and identity positionings constitute exclusionary effects that limit their interactions with their local Chinese teachers and peers. The paper argues that these Burmese students' in-group interactions reproduce the process of exclusion, further complicating their identity positionings. This paper confirms the established fact that transnational students are marginalized in a variety of national contexts in complex ways, and draws attention to in-group differences among transnational students with diverse backgrounds. These findings have implications for multilingual practices and education policy makers, and for a more inclusive pedagogical approach to reducing marginalization and educating students of diverse linguistic, cultural, and racial backgrounds for global citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Can they do whatever they please... Turn settlements into barren land. Dense forests into deserts. Mornings into evenings. Turn fertile into barren. Why shall I not resist!. .... I become my whole self... Why shall I not resist"!. This is a section from a poem - 'Joli No Udhim Kittei' a Chakma poem written in Bengali script as 'Rukhe Darabo Na Keno?' ('Why shall I not resist!') by the author \Kabita Chakma in 1992, translated into English. It epitomizes the ongoing violation of human rights that Chakmas (members of one of the Indigenous communities in Bangladesh) experience in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) where the highest number of Indigenous people in Bangladesh live. In this paper, the first author, a member of the Chakma community and a Lecturer at an Australian university is in conversation with the second author, a Professor at a university in a Bangladeshi university. With reference to Phillipson's linguicism, and Foucault's notion of governmentality in the era of the Anthropocene, in their conversation, they reflect on the Anthropocene – the forced migration, displacement of Indigenous communities in Bangladesh from their traditional land, extinction of Indigenous languages, disengagement with Indigenous and local languages, and consequently, and the destruction of biodiversity of Chittagong Hill Tracts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land is not a commodity, and dominant western society is unsustainable. Examples of unsustainability include severance of peoples from lands and waters; separation of peoples from centers of decision-making; and dispossession of the lands, and traditional territories of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities (IPLCs). IPLCs at the frontlines of the climate crisis are often excluded on vital decisions regarding land management and protection. Taking an emic interpretation by means of lived experiences and auto-ethnographic responses to question prompts, this paper explores the international implications of Anishinaabek Giikendaaswin and Dùthchas nan Gàidheal as concepts that can (re)center IPLC place-based knowledges, sustainable governance, and lands in times of climate crisis. Anishinaabek Giikendaaswin is about the learning from the lands, N'ibi (the waters), and the sky world. It is a lived knowledge that has guided and continues to guide Anishinaabek Peoples. G'giikendaaswinmin informs Anishinaabek interconnectedness and interrelationality to the lands, all beings, and the sky world. Dùthchas is a millenia-old kincentric concept, informing a Gàidheal (Gael) way of life and traditional land governance that predate the formation of the United Kingdom. Dùthchas transmits a sense of belonging to, not possession of the land, and stresses an interconnectedness and ecological balance among all entities. The authors (Anishinaabe and Gàidheal) respond to critical questions, such as How do Giikendaaswin and Dùthchas center knowledges that can ensure collective continuance of life? Through a common theme of interconnectedness and what this means for reconstitutive real-life practice, they demonstrate how Indigenous concepts and science based on the expertise of IPLCs can address continued colonial atrocities and current crises. Giikendaaswin and Dùthchas have international and transnational implications as discourses of resistance not only to the Anthropocene, but also to ongoing processes of dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that ethnic paintings connotate situational ethnicity, adjusted by social change and ethnic boundaries. Based on anthropological fieldwork focusing on painter and mercantile communities, social-political connotations of ethnic art are discussed by applying an analysis of social semiotics in three discourses, employing the case of post-1990 Nepal. In particular: 1) Modern visual expressions of ethnicity are adopted into anti-hierarchical representations, as people engage in ethnic politics and cultural activities. 2) The two genres of ethnic painting, paubhā, and thangka, which were developed by traditional creators and informed by ethnicity, have experienced and developed a cross-boundary mode of operating in industries in response to social change. 3) In the market and mass media, the narrative of value construction regarding the tradition of ethnic art reveals a sign arena that identifies a drift toward the nation, the state, and civilization, prepensely attempting to mobilize semiotic resources through the lens of politics, the market, and global values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary liberal states must provide an answer to the "question of cultural diversity", requiring a principled way to determine which minority cultural practices a state must accommodate and support. (Liberal egalitarian) multiculturalism answers this question neatly by creating a dichotomy between national minorities and ethnic minorities (the national/ethnic "dichotomy"). Where national minorities are entitled to extensive and far-reaching cultural rights, ethnic minorities are entitled to significantly fewer cultural rights and accommodations. This dichotomy is enacted through a distributive logic that allocates cultural rights to achieve equal individual autonomy. But the dichotomy is also influenced by the ways these groups were incorporated into the state. Their modes of incorporation are different and, thus, they have different requirements to achieve equally autonomous lives. Critics have challenged multiculturalism by questioning this dichotomy. They have suggested that the dichotomy does not adequately capture differences in kinds of minority groups and their entitlements. This paper defends the dichotomy by offering a supplementary principle to liberal egalitarian multiculturalism: the reparative multicultural principle. This principle allocates cultural rights as part of reparative entitlements for historical and ongoing injustices committed against minority groups. Supplementing multiculturalism in this way more accurately captures the idea of the historical mode of incorporation that inspires the dichotomy and can help resolve some the objections to multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper intends first to try and interpret the evolution of attitudes towards solidarity in France in the light of Kymlicka's analysis of membership-based deservingness judgment. It suggests that the shift in majoritarian attitudes towards minority groups (racism, xenophobia, social distrust) might be linked to the increase of inequalities and social precarity, and to the reinforcement of "elective solidarities." The article's second aim is to show, regarding immigrant minorities, in what sense an ethics of provenance can, as a moral resource, contribute to the reconnection of distributive units. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how the pandemic emergency as a global challenge – the first of its kind since WWII – has activated what I call a 'pandemic nationalism' that was simultaneously both inclusionary and exclusionary. On one hand, the national community was re-defined in relation to their common fate (of facing the pandemic together because residing in the same territory) extending hence the boundaries of membership to temporary residents or those with precarious status. On the other hand, it became increasingly closed towards the exterior enhancing what has been labelled 'vaccine nationalism' and a sense of being in competition with other nations on a common, global public good (notably vaccines and cures addressing the virus). Closures and exclusions arose also internally against those minorities that were associated with the 'external threat' notably people of east Asian origin. At the face of these contradictory developments, the question arises whether we could consider the Covid-19 pandemic as a turning point that signals a new phase of development of nationalism. Such nationalism is meant to respond to the increasing challenges of globalisation by incorporating those who serve the community while Othering those who are perceived to threaten its well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multicultural citizenship has provided a terrific liberal philosophical framework to justify respect for cultural minorities and their fair accommodation in contexts marked by cultural disadvantages. However, the importance it provides to societal culture in order to fulfil individual's autonomy entails a metaphysical aspect (i.e societal culture as an instrumental condition for autonomy) which calls into question the full inclusion of all individuals in multicultural societies. This paper maintains that the conception of citizenship in Multicultural citizenship should be independent of metaphysical assumptions and strengthen in its political underpinnings. Kymlicka's view on citizenship is based on liberal rights and the constitutional recognition of minorities. It does not address the process of citizenship, and how a conception of performative citizenship can be conceived to address claims for recognition in ways that produce legitimate, inclusive and inter-subjectively shared outcomes, especially with regard to an inclusive national identity. Multicultural citizenship provides principled legal modalities to accommodate multicultural societies, but does not clearly address the political modalities supporting such accommodations. It thus entails a danger of a de-politicization of citizenship; and a de-politicized citizenship, is not citizenship anymore. The article tasks to figuring out the political and democratic conditions allowing accommodations to be endorsed by all affected individuals in the name of a common and justified conception of democratic citizenship and inclusive conception of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the cultural memory of the Armenian genocide archived, to a major extent, in non-digitized form. In the initial decades following the genocide, the memory of the crimes committed against Armenians in 1915 was almost non-existent in the public space of America. Monuments, demonstrations, state, and international resolutions, and other instruments of memorialization did not materialize until the 1960s when, as a result of worldwide Armenian mobilization ahead of the 50th anniversary, traces of genocide remembrance were gradually brought to life. Analyzing two Armenian newspapers from the United States – Hairenik Weekly (HW) and The Armenian Mirror-Spectator (AMS) – this paper reveals how Armenians recollected the genocide in the decades preceding the emergence of subsequent lieux de mémoire. What evoked their memories before 1965? And how did narratives change over time, eventually leading to the "exteriorization of Armenian memory"? The case of the Armenian genocide shows that memories of a traumatic event can quickly penetrate the cultural sphere, but remain closed for longer in the narrow framework of a specific community. This had consequences, including an almost complete lack of representation of the genocide in the public domain – one that would be designed by Armenians for non-Armenians. The process of meaning-making (traced through editorials from the two Armenian-American newspapers) influenced a gradual bridging of the representation gap in the American public space, beginning in 1965. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rather than vilifying or rejecting it, an increasing number of scholars from two seemingly anti-nationalist cohorts, namely liberal political theory and multiculturalism, have come to argue that nationalism is not intrinsically illiberal or undesirable, but some forms of it (e.g. liberal, multicultural, pluralistic) can be a positive force to meet the demands for nation-building, national identity and national culture, on the one hand, and demands for recognition, respect and accommodation of diversity, on the other. This paper critically examines recent scholarly literature on liberal nationalism and multicultural nationalism. It argues that both projects have developed necessary responses to (1) growing diversity and (2) ethnonational and populist-majoritarian forms of nationalism and hence, are welcome. However, two substantial shortcomings need to be addressed. The first is the nation-building–education nexus and the limits of multicultural education (e.g. the teaching of history), and the second is the nationalism–transnationalism nexus or the normative desirability of dual nationalities. The paper concludes that a morally acceptable form of nationalism (e.g. pluralistic, inclusive or moderate) operating within multi-national and multicultural liberal democracies is theoretically possible, yet its viability is related to the extent to which it addresses the two issues raised, amongst others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a theoretical model to analyse an example of Indigenous media through an Indigenous lens and discusses its potential to increase audiences in other alternative media. Adapted from New Zealand Māori filmmaker and philosopher Barry Barclay's idea of the 'fourth cinema' and a metaphorical 'communications marae', 1 the model has been applied to New Zealand's Indigenous broadcaster, Māori Television. This article discusses the model and suggests that the 'communications marae' has the potential to be used by non-mainstream media providers to, not only address their own audiences, but also to enrol wider communities in alternative perspectives to the 'mainstream'. Research has demonstrated how Indigenous broadcasting can serve its own audience while also attracting wider, non-Indigenous audiences. However, this paper's focus is a case study of migrants engaging with Māori Television because it is migrants who frequently operate outside of established power relationships and represent an often unrecognised niche audience segment in mainstream media. The model demonstrates the potential pedagogical role of the broadcaster and how its content can make a positive difference to migrants' lives and attitudes towards Indigenous people through its ability to counter the, often negative, representations of Indigeneity in mainstream media. Outside of Māori Television, migrants have limited access to an Indigenous perspective on the nation's issues and concerns, which calls into question both democracy and migrants' ability to engage in civic society. Migrants need information to negotiate and weigh up important tensions and polarities, to understand multiple perspectives inherent to democratic living and to evaluate issues of social justice and to solve problems based on the principles of equity. Indigenous media, as in all alternative media, has a role to play in questioning or challenging accepted thinking and to present counter hegemonic discourses to all citizens in participatory democratic societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically reviews some recent scholarly contributions on the topic of home in migration. The recent scholarship on home in migration regards it as a process rather than a status. This process is being understood as situated and intersectional. The paper theoretically draws on two complexities of home in migration literature: A: the contradictions inherent in the concepts of home and migration (one referring to settlements and the other movements); and B: to the struggles of migrants in relation to belonging and recognition (as part of the process of home-making). Three directions that home in migration literature is taking is identified: spatial home-making, temporal, and embodied practices. It is argued that whilst the first is well argued in the scholarship, the latter two need further research and reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a collaborative autoethnography (CAE) by three international PhD students from Bangladesh, Japan and Nepal who pursued (or who are currently pursuing) their studies in New Zealand. In contrast to previous research which largely advanced a simplistic, downward social mobility experience of international PhD students or highly skilled migrants in general, we argue that this experience is dynamic, complex and multidimensional in nature. In doing so, we turn to Bourdieu's theory of capital. By focusing on less-direct economic resources (e.g. ethnicity, nationality, language and social networks), we explore the multidimensionality and convolution of our social mobility which stems from migration. Setting aside a narrative of adversity and downward social mobility among international PhD students, this paper emphasizes how we actively negotiated and dealt with shifting class identity and social mobility in the host countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]