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This paper examines how the state apparatus classifies who are the citizens to be symbolically included in the collective, and who are to be excluded by analysing interfaith marriages in the Israeli context, where ethno-national identity is society's main category organizer. I argue that the women's social-economic standing (working-class versus middle-class) and ethnic origin (Mizrahi Jews of Middle Eastern and North African ancestry versus Ashkenazi Jews of European ancestry) play an important role not only in their strategies but in the nationalist rhetoric against them. The paper also shows how interfaith marriages, although rather rare in Israel, determine that ethno-national boundaries are more permeable than they are first appear, although crossing and shifting them is never simple. Yet the importance of this phenomenon is not in its prevalence, but in its social and political impact. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A rejoinder to the critical reviews of The Integration Nation: Immigration and Colonial Power in Liberal Democracies by Janine Dahinden, Sara Wallace Goodman, Paul Statham, and Willem Schinkel. The Integration Nation lays out a manifesto for critical migration studies, that builds on a critique of the mainstream literature and its normative linear notions of immigration, integration and citizenship. Two readers see the argument and its conceptualization of the field as almost self evident, while two read it as a frustrating provocation that elicits a strong, critical reaction. The rejoinder responds to these reflections, and reiterates the book's goal of laying the foundations of a new political demography. Conventional thinking on international migration, minorities and diversity, it argues, sustains the colonial power of advanced liberal democracies in the North Atlantic West, built on vast global inequalities in citizenship status, and mechanisms of selection, extraction, exclusion and effacement of non-national populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past twenty years, prominent theorists of citizenship envisaged cosmopolitan openings, the re-making of national identity, and progressive multicultural change. The paper explores perspectives on civic inclusion in Kymlicka's Multicultural Odysseys, Soysal's Limits of Citizenship, and Benhabib's Another Cosmopolitanism. It explores this work in light of two recent political episodes, the formulation of an "anti-separatism" law in France and "anti-ghetto" policies in Denmark. The paper contrast tendencies that theorists of inclusive citizenship envisage with the denial of associational rights in France and the assertion of racial logics in Denmark. It illustrates blinds spots in prominent accounts of civic inclusion, in particular the reliance on a prescriptive account of minority and post-migrant agency, a disembodied logic of human rights, and limited regard for status differentials on the inside of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Introduction begins by outlining the general theme of this special issue, "Race and Crisis". It then moves to examine populist right-wing politics from 2015. Of the various ways in which the rise of such politics could be charted in this period, here the "success" of anti-immigrant and anti-E.U. parties in national-level elections is the focus. Success is understood in terms of share of the popular vote at national level, and the appeal of the right-wing parties in question gauged from their manifestos. In particular, manifesto proposals for renegotiating the principles of citizenship are considered, and their implicitly racist underpinnings noted. The final part of the Introduction presents some general observations on coded ways of evoking race and prompting racialization in contemporary political discourse. How the contributions to this special issue deal with that is briefly summarized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enjoying a surge of national pride, the German media celebrated the 2010 German World Cup team's success in South Africa. A dominant theme in this coverage was the 'immigration background' of 11 of the 23 players on the team and their claim to German identity despite their ethnic diversity. Amid debate over the changing nature of German citizenship, the national team's 'multicultural kickers' became the focal point for those who wished to reframe German identity. This article examines German newspaper and magazine coverage of the national soccer team emphasizing the role that media played in constructing competing definitions of the German citizen and nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Any notion of political belonging is highly contested. Ultimately though, the political body of a society is shaped by contestation of two modes of belonging: civic and communal. In Australia, the relationship between these two modes of belonging has been negotiated through political conflicts, not least in reference to immigration, since the early years of European settlement. This article traces the trajectory of these conflicts by analysing political memories, specifically those of Australia Day commemorations, to engage with the underlying tension that constitutes the country's political body. Engaging with the long-standing civic/ethnic debate, it is argued that the actual relationship between civic and ethnic/communal belonging, rather than any separate references to them, is crucial to the specific constitution of sovereign political bodies, their particular form of social and political conflicts, and the ensuing implementation of policies, not least regarding migration. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article builds on recent attempts to explain divergent uses of sub-state nationalism to push for policies of assimilation or multiculturalism and drive popular support for independence. It analyses the dynamics of discourses and policies in Spain before, during and after peak times of identity politics to provide a more nuanced understanding of the conditions leading to the activation of identity-driven policies. Substantive ethnographic evidence is presented to explain recent alterations to national discourses of identity, surprising reversals of immigration policies, and the modulation of Catalan and Basque independence movements. The main finding is that both identity discourses and resulting policies depend on the affinity for identity politics at the sub-state level, and this affinity is in large part primed by the popular perception of how secure sub-state national identity is against the ‘official’ state narrative. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Citizenship laws often contain provisions regarding preferential acquisition of citizenship by certain categories of foreigners, such as provisions that allow for the possibility to acquire citizenship without the obligation to reside in the country. The practice of external acquisition of citizenship poses important challenges to the modern paradigmatic view of territorially bounded citizenship. This article surveys the legal rules allowing for external acquisition of citizenship in EU countries, and examines three justifications for such rules, namely, the principles of just restitution of citizenship, democratic continuity and national solidarity. The article argues that the principle of just restitution of citizenship offers the strongest, albeit partial, contextual justification for external acquisition of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Basque nationalism is singled out in the literature as a case of minority nationalism that faces an ongoing struggle between those in support of a liberal-inclusive definition of the nation and those favouring an exclusive-racialist one. Nevertheless, Basque nationalist parties have been welcoming of immigration and have legislated to create a regional citizenship based on residence rather than ethnicity. This article argues that, at least in part, the ‘positive’ response of Basque nationalists to the immigration wave that began in the early 2000s is an attempt to strengthen national solidarity by contrasting Basque values of openness and tolerance against the restrictive nature of the reforms to the immigration law in Spain that were initiated in 2000. This argument challenges the notion that sub-state nationalists are hostile to immigration because of the threat diversity poses to the nationalist project. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

What explains the restrictive turn towards immigrants in European countries like Denmark? Are countries returning to nationalism, or are they following a general European trend towards a perfectionist, even ‘repressive’ liberalism that seeks to create ‘liberal people’ out of immigrants? Recent developments in Danish policies of integration and citizenship, education and anti-discrimination suggest a combination of these two diagnoses. The current Danish ‘integration philosophy’ leaves behind a previous concern with private choice and equal rights and opportunities to emphasize other historical elements, especially the duty to participate in upholding democracy and the egalitarian welfare community, and to promote autonomous and secular ways of life. However, the virtues of this ‘egalitarian republicanism’ are seen by right-of-centre intellectuals and politicians as rooted in a wider Christian national culture that immigrants must acquire in order to become full citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Over the last decade or so, the comparative study of nationalism has produced a large number of cogent critiques of classifying nations according to how ethnic or civic they are. In fact, these critiques have been so convincing that many scholars today seem to agree that any mention of the words ‘ethnic’ and ‘civic’ is unwarranted. This is unfortunate, because the distinction still offers a useful heuristic device to compare and classify different nation-building practices. This article analyses naturalization policies in twenty-six Western immigrant-receiving democracies in order to show that the distinction constitutes a valuable analytical tool to explore how different countries deal with newcomers. The naturalization policy index developed in this article proves to have a high degree of face validity, to be a good predictor of actual naturalization practices, and to match up well with previous classifications of ethnic and civic nation-building practices. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article critically examines the generation of discourses on Greek identity following an episode that took place in northern Greece (2000/2003) when an Albanian student was elected flag-carrier in a commemorative parade. Three versions of Greek identity emerged in this context: the first was based on civic understandings of identity, promoting the current Europeanist project of citizenship as belonging. The second version drew upon the notion of “culture” as an all-encompassing concept to promote ideas of Greek cultural “purity” that have roots in Greek ethnogenesis. The third version adopted an understanding of the “nation” in terms of racial affiliation, transforming it thus into a natural category. The argument put forward is that in the context of the 2000/2003 episode (a) Greek self-perceptions are affected by the problematic economic and cultural position of Greece within Europe and (b) Greek discourses of identity are a form of resistance to processes of Europeanization that threaten traditional “imagined communities” embedded in history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research on official statistics, and the national census, has established the role of these practices in the construction of modern political institutions, particularly the state and citizenship. Studies have described the use of statistics in transforming a territorial population into a citizenry, but have not examined the role of the census in the exclusion that is an essential element in the constitution of citizenship. Based on a case study of the Israeli national census and registration of 1948, we discuss the use of this census to legitimate an ethnic/national exclusion at the heart of Israeli citizenship. It is this task that explains the peculiar features of our case: a census carried out in wartime, under a 7-hour general curfew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines public declarations of national pride and accusations of national shame printed in English national newspapers in the four weeks following the publication of the Parekh Report, in October 2000. A key aim of this article is to consider the role of emotions in policing the terms of belonging and entitlement to citizenry. I discuss the effects of displays of emotions on the kind of national community, and national subject, that is being imagined. First, I examine the role of emotions in distinguishing between legitimate and illegitimate patriotisms. The pride/shame debate reveals how the politics of pride seek to eradicate shame via an erasure of certain histories, and to sanitize Britishness under a veneer of tolerance. At the same time, multicultural tolerance necessitates the creation of intolerant culprits. Second, I uncover the formation of new economies of exclusion/inclusion and toleration through different acts of interpellating "others" to be seen to speak out as proud subjects of multicultural Britain. I show how the very recognition of "others" as legitimate speaking subjects reconstitutes them as "other" through a double process of de-racialization and re-racialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, football (soccer) has become a major institution within the popular culture of the Arab-Palestinian citizens of Israel. The centrality of football has given different identity agents opportunities to impose different meanings on the sport, depending on the agents' definitions of collective identity. This article utilizes ethnographic observation in the football stadium and coverage by Arab and Hebrew sports media to illustrate and analyse this battle over meaning. The Hebrew sports media, the Arab sports press, and the Arab audience are three different agents that attach divergent meanings to the notable presence of Arab players in the Israeli football leagues. The article argues that the overlapping interests of the Hebrew sports media on the one hand and the Arab football fans, players, and bureaucrats on the other lead to the construction of the football sphere as an integrative enclave in the general Israeli public sphere. The article considers the relevance of Gramsci's theory of hegemony to explain the production of the integrative meaning of football, and it suggests integrating this explanation with other recent theories regarding the tensions between different discourses of citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1845 and 1930 the relatively small minority groups in Norway – the Samis and Kvens – were counted in Norwegian censuses on the basis of 'objective' criteria settled by the State's Central Bureau of Statistics. The censuses data supplied a foundation for the repressive policy towards minorities. But in identifying alien nationalities within the Norwegian borders, the census classifications also contributed in shaping the boundaries between the Norwegians and 'the others'. Especially the construction of mixed categories reveals substantial changes in this period. In the last part of the nineteenth century, their categorization was based mostly on language, and the distinctions that were made between Norwegians and minorities were largely cultural. The more pronounced race rhetoric of the interwar period re-shaped the concepts of nationalities and brought about a much greater emphasis on purely genealogical factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the historical and conceptual background to the current discussion of post-national citizenship. It is argued that concepts of nation and citizenship took on new meanings and became closely connected with the rise of the modern nation-state. Nation and citizenship became key institutions determining access to resources, patterns of solidarity and the active participation that we call citizenship. As the economic and cultural structures upon which national citizenship depend are undermined, it is necessary to review the different ways in which citizenship depends upon the identity, homogeneity and culture which constructions of the nation have in the past provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Druze community occupies a distinctive niche in the broader context of Israel/Palestine, one which is located in the interstices of various socio-political cross-currents, notably Jewish/Arab and Israeli/Palestinian. Druze Israeli identity is built around a politics of difference and separation from all other population groups residing in this area, yet it is an ambivalent and contradictory designation. This article focuses on those Druze who, through their service in the army, have been used as translators in the military courts in the occupied territories. The preference of Druze for this role relates to the fact that they have both bilingual skills (Hebrew and Arabic) and a socio-political status as `non-Arab Arabs'. Following a general discussion of the politicization of Druze identity, I analyse the state's uses of Druze bilingualism for the purposes of maintaining and legitimizing the occupation, and the effects that fulfilling such a role have had on those who have functioned in this capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A theoretical framework of multiple citizenship discourses is proposed for analysing the transformation of the structure of ethnic relations in the yishuv and Israel. An historical overview indicates how Israel's `incorporation regime' for its main ethnic and religious groups - ashkenazim, mizrachim, Orthodox-Jews, citizen and non-citizen Palestinians - was constituted through a hierarchical combination of three citizenship discourses: a collectivist republican discourse, based on the civic virtue of `pioneering' colonization; an ethno-nationaiist discourse, based on Jewish descent, and an individualist liberal discourse, based on civic criteria of membership. It is suggested that Israel's historical trajectory has consisted in its gradual transformation from a colonial to a civil society, and concomitantly in the gradual replacement of its republican citizenship discourse by a liberal discourse. Finally, the dilemmas of its ethnic and religious groups in choosing between the liberal and the ethno-nationalist citizenship discourses in the current period are charted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the many challenges facing the new South Africa is the need to build a national identity and community distinct from the racial, ethnic and cultural cleavages of its apartheid past. This analysis examines the contemporary nation-building project with a specific focus on immigration. Since the first all-race elections in April 1994, South Africa has reportedly experienced a massive influx of illegal immigrants from neighbouring countries. In the absence of a racialized `other', these immigrants have become scapegoats for the country's current social, economic and political ills. At the same time, immigrants and immigration provide content for the discursive construction of the country's national identity. as politicians, the media, government officials and disgruntled citizens define who is properly `South African', by focusing on, or identifying, who is not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a comparative study of the racialization of migrant labour. Taking the USA 1990-1925 and Britain 1948-1962 as studies, we can-studies, we examine the role of the state in constructing migration in 'race' terms and shaping the conditions under which certain categories of migrant workers participate in the Labour market. We focus on debates over immigration and citizenship policy because these are key moments in the 'race making' process and the construction of national identities. Through an investigation of government discourses surrounding restrictive legislation in both countries, we argue firstly, that notions of `race' nation and national identity are political constructs that require constant policing and refurbishment. Secondly, we contend that the state plays a key role in the racialization of population through immigration and nationality controls. Thirdly, the racialized nature of immigrants in regulation both structures the way in which migrants are situated within the labour market and valorizes notions of `race' difference. Despite significant differences in the way in which these processes developed in the USA and Britain, comparative analysts points to important similarities in both social formations the reconstitution of national identities was articulated through concepts of `race', in which colour remained a key signifiers of difference. Through immigration and nationality laws, governments ranked human populations into hierarchies of assimilability, in which some groups were regarded more likely to `fit in' than others. Once racialized in this way, migrant workers found themselves allocated to particular areas of the labour market and confined to particular positions within the labour process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article outlines, some of the main dimensions in which gender relations are crucial in understanding lid analysing the phenomena of nations and nationalism, and the specific boundaries of inclusions and exclusions that they construct. Three major dimensions of nationalist projects that relate to citizenship, culture and origin are differentiated. In each of them gender relations play specific roles and have mobilized specific struggles. The article looks at the dualistic nature of women's citizenship, as both, included and excluded from the general body of citizens. Even when there is a formal equality of women in their political rights as citizens, other modes of exclusion in the political, social and civil spheres continue to operate. The particular ways in which the entry of women into the military has been linked to struggles for women's equality as citizens are examined in this context. In relation to national cultures, both secular and religious, the article examines the ways in which women play the roles of cultural transmitters as well as cultural signifiers of the national collectivity. The last part of the article examines the role of women as biological reproducers of 'the nation' and how a variety of means are taken in order to ensure that the biological reproduction will fall within the legitimate boundaries of the collectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on citizenship and the nation-state in France. Today's debate about citizenship in France has emerged from the discussion on immigration in the 1980s. Citizenship has traditionally been linked to nationality in France, recent moves to forge a new citizenship, including not only French nationals but all those established in France have therefore demanded a dissociation of citizenship rights from nationality. This demand is part of a wider reappraisal of the entitlement to rights in France. The institutional structures distinguishing nationals from foreigners established largely in the second half of the nineteenth century during intense industrialization, colonial expansion and the construction of French national identity are still important determinants of inequalities in France today. New social movements that ignore these structural/ideological practices, traversing the state and civil society, tend to idealize the space of resistance to inequality and exclusion. It is only by reappraising historical construction of exclusions in the national state that a new concept of citizenship will be able to emerge.

The article documents the evolution of the debate in French politics during the 1980s about the issue of immigration. Increasing centrality of immigration as an issue in French political life led decision-makers to insist on the symbolic dimension of legislation and on the enunciative effect of measures adopted. It identifies a number of distinct periods, and describes for each of them the influential events, the parameters of the political debate and the content of the main legislation enacted. Additionally, it is demonstrated how the debate over immigration has evolved into a debate about the nature and obligations of French citizenship in a context where young Franco-Maghrebis have become autonomous and influential political actors. The presence of long-term residents of immigrant origin has provoked new political claims, as a result, the debate within French society has focused on questions such as the definition of the social contract and plural citizenship, following from the political demands of a second generation of bi-national Franco-Maghrebis. The second generation has rooted its activities in local associations and has raised problems such as the negotiation of collective identities and the dissociation of nationality, citizenship and local voting rights. Thus, two centuries after the French Revolution, there is a new debate in France about different definitions of citizenship.

Nationalism has continued to play a major political role in modern European politics, despite its frequent dismissal by both liberal and Marxist ideologies, as of January 1, 1991. The explanation for this is not self-evident, but lies in the affective dimension of politics at the group level, which seems best satisfied by nationalism. In the communist-ruled countries of Central and Eastern Europe and in the Soviet Union, the decay and collapse of Marxism-Leninism revealed that nationalism has survived as a dominant political ideology, primarily because communism failed as an integrative cement. Particular patterns of nationhood and the interaction between nationalism and politics can be observed in case history of the Soviet Union and of Hungary, each of which has found the perception of its identity modified by this interaction. The Central European idea may further modify these ideologies in the case of the latter. Hence it makes a great deal more sense to try and understand the nature of nationalism in a broader context.