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Public demand for environmental policies can only influence policies when political parties incorporate environmentalism into their platforms. The economic downturn that began in 2009 may have caused European parties to abandon their commitment to environmentalism as they focused on solutions to the economic crisis. Particularly in Central and Eastern Europe, where commitment to the environment is not as central to party competition, public environmental concerns may have been placed on the periphery of the policy agenda. Examining this issue, this study finds that political parties, especially mainstream parties, in Western Europe represented economic and environmental preferences of voters about equally as well in 2013 as they did prior to the economic crisis. However, in Central and Eastern Europe, parties tended to be less responsive to environmental preferences, presumably because economic differences dominate political divisions in newer democracies. It is concluded that environmental interests are well protected by mainstream actors in the West, though less so in Europe’s newer democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The causal processes that shape the emergence of environmental attitudes in post-Communist Europe are examined. We describe the widening gap in environmental policy orientations between West and East, and then cite two factors to explain the lower support for environmentalism in this region: first, citizens still evaluate environmental issues through a distinctive ideological lens carried over from the Communist era; and, second, they do not connect environmental issues to other (more salient) economic and political questions in a consistent way. Using the three waves of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP) environmental module, these questions are explored with individual-level and multilevel models. It is concluded that the post-Communist effect is unlikely to disappear until environmental issues comprise a component of citizens’ ideological orientations and the programmes of political parties. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Discusses the impact of European Community accession on the environmental non-governmental organisations (NGO) and environmental advocacy groups in Central European countries. Efforts of environmental NGO in Central and Eastern Europe to promote environmental protection; Information on environmental laws and institutions created in Central Europe before and after 1989; Directives concerning the environment imposed by the European Union in order to be a member of the union.

Discusses the participation of the European Union (EU) elites and non-governmental organizations (NGO) on environmental policy process in Central and Eastern Europe. Importance of informal political processes in the EU; Roles that national and sectoral interests can play in Europe; Perception of EU elites on environmental NGO.

This essay analyses the history of the development of municipal recycling in the United States between 1970 and 1996 as a case of Ecological Modernisation. Using the framework of Ecological Modernisation Theory (EMT), the essay examines the predecessor institutions to modem recycling, showing how environmental policy and politics in the US in the 1970s stimulated a process that altered the technologies, institutions, and environmental impacts of waste management; affected the industrial use of resources; and created many policy and socio-technical innovations. The resulting discipline, integrated waste management, shows a modernised structure, new technology, and an almost completely new discourse, representing a clear break with pre-modernised systems. The essay begins by contesting conclusions from the work of Allen Schnaiberg, David Pellow and Adam Weinberg, and concludes with proposed feedback to EMT on the nature and locus of environmental change outside of EMT's core geographic areas of North-western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argues that serious weakness within ecological modernization (EM) theory emerge when it becomes the basis of a policy agenda in Europe. Problems of EM theorization of sustainable development (SD) in Europe; Focus on Ireland's mainstream environmental policies and practices; Core features of EM discourse; Sustainability principle of social cohesion; EM theory and its flaws; Discussion on the ideal model of SD and its key concepts.

Provides a case study of European efforts to create flexible policy instruments known as environmental management systems. Information on the systems; Role of policy networks in developing the British environmental management standard and the European Union eco-management audit; Definitions and characteristics of policy networks.

Explores the issues of ecological modernization and governmentality in relation to attempts by the European Commission to foster environmental self-regulation in the manufacturing industry. Theoretical issues; Fifth Environmental Action Program; Organizing clean technology; From `command and control' to self-regulation; Organizing environmental debate.

Looks into the need for research on linkages between risk perception and conflict in environmental policy. Actions done by Sweden and Finland to reduce emissions of toxic organochlorines from the pulp industry to the Baltic Sea; Risk perception of the organochlorines' emitters; Cause of the reduction of chlorinated waste discharges.

In the countries of Central Europe the dynamics of network change are marked than in most countries of Western Europe. The discontinuities between traditional patterns of water management and the new political economic conditions that are presently emerging are quite dramatic. examination of the way in which post-communist developments are modifying the traditional system of Hungarian water management illustrates the processes of institutional development and network change which likely to be important in other countries of Central and Eastern Europe well. Although things are in a state of flux - and even though we have relatively little empirical information on actual operations - a brief description the current arrangements for water management in Hungary provides a baseline from which to describe the institutional and societal context as the task environment out of which new patterns of water policy networks will develop. Such an analysis can suggest ways in which network relations and formal institutions interact and mutually shape one another in practices through which 'real' policy is developed and applied. Hungarian case makes clear how broader system changes modify the context of sectoral network sand how these become embedded in larger political social structures. It is this set of more extensive changes that has created need for new network relations and has, simultaneously, changed the and the conditions under which these will emerge. At the same time, a on the need actively to design and create such networks suggests the value looking more closely at the nuts and bolts questions of how such cooperation can be brought about. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of environmental policy in terms of the pattern of relationship between government and industry reveals that although there are other influential groups in environmental politics (for example ecologists, parties, citizens' associations), government and industry play the leading role in a complex process that usually unfolds in somewhat secret meetings. The type of relationship between these two actors - the institutional design - differs from country to country: in Germany, the prevailing pattern is one of formal co-operation, whereas in Spain, the government enjoys a prominent role to the detriment of industrial groups. Institutional designs are increasingly subject to dynamics of change - the EC, for instance, is facilitating the rapprochement of government and industry in Spain in view of the need to implement Community law. Despite the influence of the EC, institutional designs have proven to be quite resilient. Therefore, the relevance of the EC has to be sought somewhere else, namely, in its functioning as a negotiating framework. The EC offers a scenario for debate among member states with opposing interests, and transmits environmental demands and practices from some countries to others. Also, this scenario clearly reflects the North-South dilemma, or the conflict between countries with a selfcontained environmental policy and high ecological awareness (such as Germany), and countries with a backward policy and low ecological consciousness (such as Spain). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The credibility and acceptability of European Community environment legislation depends to a large extent on its implementation 'on the ground'. This paper considers the problems facing member states when they come to implement Community environment legislation. In recent years greater attention has focused on this aspect of the EC environmental policy process. The first and second sections of the study consider respectively the state of implementation in the member states and those characteristics of the Community legislative process which have an impact on implementation. The final two sections assess Community enforcement mechanisms and the means through which implementation may be improved. It is suggested that a centralised Community inspectorate, though probably desirable, is at present politically unrealistic if not possibly inappropriate. The development of the alternative 'inspection of inspectors' concept is outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite an increase in the influence of the European Parliament in the decision making process of the European Communities in recent years some commentators still maintain that the EP's impact on EC legislation remains marginal. Taking the Environment Committee of the European Parliament as its focus this article assesses the contribution made by the EP to EC environmental policy. While it is often asserted that the EP's legislative role in relation to environmental policy began with the Single European Act, in fact the EP performed a legislative role, including the right of initiative, before 1987; a role subsequently enhanced by the SEA. Tracing the decision making process through the various stages of initiation, consultation, cooperation and implementation, and using case studies to illustrate the Committee's contribution to this process, the variable impact of the EP upon EC environmental policy is revealed. The role of the Environment Committee as a promoter of 'environmentalism' within EC policy and institutions, and the shared consensus within the committee which assists the Committee in its efforts to influence policy is also noted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the years 1979-89, this contribution examines the Europapolitik (policies and politics towards Europe) of the German Green party. It argues that as a 'movement-party' - part social movement, part political party - the German Greens have faced peculiar challenges and opportunities in the European Community. In particular, their European policy has been defined by a conflict between the demands of their grassroots supporters and the imperatives of traditional party polities. By analysing the Greens' alternative goals and strategies in Europe, this study demonstrates the contradictions inherent in the Greens' Europapolitik. It concludes by applying the lessons from the Greens' 1979-89 experience to the current Green group in the European Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Green parties achieved a major breakthrough in the 1989 European elections. Who voted green in these elections? This first comprehensive comparative analysis of the green voter in Europe reveals, that, as expected, green voting is more common among the young, well-educated, and middle class, and green voters also tend to be left-wing, post-materialist and concerned about the environment and arms limitation. But these stereotypical attributes of greenness closely apply to the German and Dutch Greens only: green voters in other countries comply far less, if at all, with this socio-demographic profile. The one pervasive predictor is environmental concern, which is dominant in Britain, France, Belgium and Ireland. It is rather less important in Germany and the Netherlands where post-materialism and a left-wing orientation are more prevalent instead. The basis of green voting is thus rather less narrow than previously thought. The sharper delineation of support for the German Greens has contributed to a relatively stable green vote in the past, but the potential for attracting other sectors of the electorate are clearly very limited. Green parties in most other countries appear to be able to attract votes from a wider spectrum of the population but the commitment of these voters is likely to be far more volatile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though the basic 'rules of the game' may be familiar to lobbyists at the national level, the EC policy process is in many ways unique. Its multi-national, neo-federal nature, the openness of decision-making to lobbying, and the considerable weight of national politico-administrative elites within the process create a rather unstable and multi-dimensional environment to which all pressure groups must adapt. Environmental groups have at least three fundamental strengths in the context of this complex policy process - a capacity to build European-level coalitions in the form of Euro-groups and umbrella organisations via the creation of cross-national Euro-level networks; an ability to contribute to European integration in the manner predicted by nee-functionalist theory; and an ability to set the political agenda in the environmental sector. In contrast, they have several fundamental weaknesses - they may be too dependent upon DG XI and on the European Parliament; they may lack the resources or the will to participate within the policy process intensively from the initiation phase right through to implementation; other competing interests are becoming more effective in their mobilisation around the environmental issue; the environmentalists may also be in a degree of competition with each other; and their lobbying styles may limit their long-term capacity to influence policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on EC environmental policy, and its legal recognition as part of European policy with the signing of the Single European Act. The environmental policy of the EC has its roots in traditional neo-classical economic approaches, and emphasises the concept of the negative external effect, which should be neutralised by government policies. However, it is extremely difficult, and in many cases impossible, to give a market price to the environment. Traditional neo-classical economics focus on topics such as per capita income, employment and the level of production. This implies that environmental aims are very often marginalised by vested economic interests, and using these traditional arguments the polluting industries are not the weakest among these interests. In the EC this divergence between the interests of production on the one hand, and the unpriced production factor 'natural resources' on the other hand, has not been solved till now. The solution of this problem is only possible if labour and capital no longer misuse the production factor 'natural resources', but understand, both of them, that a sound environment favours production possibilities in the future. The Single European Act contains the conceptual framework to realise this understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For a number of years influential voices in the international environmental policy community, including policy-makers in the European Community, have been calling for the integration of environmental considerations into the making of economic policy. Despite acknowledgements in formal statements of the importance of environmental policy integration in the Community and the attempt by policy-makers to argue that environmental protection was a precondition for sustainable economic growth, the programme to complete the single European market was developed without consideration of its environmental implications. The reasons for this involve a complex mix of intellectual, organisational and political factors. Moreover, the failure to achieve an integration of environmental considerations into the making of economic policy creates its own political dynamics, having three main features: disjointed decision-making in the formulation Of common technical standards across the EC; pressure from countries who are environmental leaders to bring laggards up to common standards; and the search by environmental policy-makers for bureaucratic alliances to reinforce their position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution reviews the environmental policy of the European Community from the Treaty of Rome to the Maastricht Treaty, tracing its evolution and outlining the determining factors. An international institutional framework is applied to the analysis in order to come to terms with the dynamic nature of the policy. Through the process of institutionalisation, the participants' behaviour has gradually converged around a set of established rules. These rules, in turn, evolve as a reflection of the participants' experiences during the process of institutionalisation. The tradition of neo-liberal institutionalism provides the conceptual tools to understand how a number of ad hoc environmental measures can, over time, evolve into an international regime or a 'negotiated order'. The European Community's environmental policy can indeed be interpreted as having reached the state of an international regime. This is no reason for complacency, however. In order to address the urgent environmental problems facing the European Community, its member states must respond to the dictates of the regime and comply with the institutional requirements. In order to build on the guideposts set up by the advocates of international institutional approaches and determine when and to what extent international environmental regimes matter, systematic compliance studies will be needed that take into account both domestic and international variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the environmental policy in the European Community (EC). According to the author, the introduction of the Single Market Act indicates that it is time to consider the political issues and processes influencing the EC environmental law. The 1957 Treaty of Rome, which is the founding treaty of the European Economic Community, made no reference to environmental policy as a significant part of a common market. The author claims that the EC developed en environmental policy because there was an increased recognition of the political salience and the international dimension of environmental problems.