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The article discusses the use of foreign mercenaries by African governments. Topics include the use of Russia's Wagner Group by Mozambique's president Filipe Nyusi to quell a jihadist insurgency; use of mercenaries in secessionist movements and mounting coups; and the activity of Wagner in Sudan to sustain the dictatorship of Omar al-Bashir.

The article talks about the third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic in Africa. It mentions that the surge as of July 2021 threatens to be Africa's worst according to Matshidiso Moeti, head of the World Health Organisation (WHO) in Africa; and mentions that the governments have been slower to impose lockdowns.

This article profiles Zimbabwe leader Robert Mugabe, who is under increasing pressure to step down. Unfortunately, Mugabe is stubbornly and violently clinging to power. His legacy will be mixed, once credited with making Zimbabwe one of Africa's leading nations he is now more closely linked to bloody reprisals against his opposition.

The article offers information on the West African elections which led to the violence. It discusses that Cellou Dalein Diallo claimed victory citing photos his party had apparently taken of results posted outside polling stations, supporters began celebrating in the streets, the authorities cracked down and the parties became protests and the government sent in the army; and mentions that the state admits that 21 people died in the days after the vote.

This article discusses women's participation in African politics. One day last January, the west African representatives of the world's press were called to a concrete house in the Liberian capital, Monrovia, by a large lady named Ayesha Conneh. The rebels who had recently seized power in Liberia were not, as advertised, commanded by her husband, she said. Rather, she was the "boss lady"--and her husband and deputy, Sekou Conneh, a former second-hand-car salesman, was facing the sack. Mrs Conneh's words caused a stir, not least at the United Nations, which was then launching the world's biggest peacekeeping mission in Liberia. In Africa, they sigh, women bring up children, draw water, turn the earth and stir the stew, while men make merry and make war. The excesses of Africa's post-colonial dictators--the "big men"--have ravaged the continent. Only the efforts of millions of small women have saved it from greater ruin.

Focuses on West African civil wars and their possible containment by internal and external sources. Possibility that the United States will intervene in Liberia; How instability in one nation affects the stability of its neighbors; Promise that was made by Liberian President Charles Taylor to resign; Details of conflicts in Burkina Faso, Côte d'Ivoire and elsewhere in the region; Conditions for African soldiers, who are encouraged to loot for their wages; Casualties in these conflicts; Reasons for these conflicts, including ethnic tensions and social instability.

Reports on the war in the African country, Congo, between six neighboring countries. History of Congo which was formerly known as Zaire; Role of the United Nations which may deploy peacekeeping troops to the area; Details of the Lusaka peace agreement in 1999 which has fallen apart; Wish of the Congolese people which is to have the Congo remain as a country.

Presents information on the kings of Africa. How monarchies are becoming popular in the late 1990s; The important role the kings play, though they do not lead; The kings of Swaziland; How King Mswati III of Swaziland chooses his government; Problems with the system; Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II, Kabaka of Buganda, known as King Ronnie; Comments from Goodwill Zwelithini, king of the Zulus; Other African kings.

The article suggests that many countries in Africa are borrowing too much. Topics discussed include sub-Saharan Africa's government debt as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP), the odious debt imposed by dictators on their people, and the revival of most sub-Saharan African economies following new loans and improved monetary policies.

The article presents an overview of the political, social and economic performance of Africa. The topics discussed include the five percent economic expansion of the region, the doubling of income among the poor Africans, and the spending power and habit of consumers. Moreover, it also mentions that quality of health care and equipment offered to the people, and the efforts of the people to capture the results of the 2015 election tally in Nigeria.

The article discusses the international response to the Ebola haemorrhagic fever disease outbreak, focusing on monetary, personnel and equipment commitments made by various countries. Topics include Ebola's communicability; possible political and economic consequences should Ebola collapse West African health care systems; and a humanitarian mission of the U.S. military to Liberia.

The article examines democracy and representative government in Africa. An overall increase in democratic governments in Africa since 1990 is discussed. It is noted that many countries with a form of democracy also have elements of authoritarian government, and that political corruption and violence remain problems in most African countries.

The article discusses the progress of politics and government in sub-Saharan Africa in 2011. It examines efforts at democracy, multiparty political systems, peaceful transitions of power, and leaders in countries such as Zambia, Kenya, Tanzania, and Rwanda. It is suggested that the African people have made progress with calls for reform and protest movements inspired by the Arab Spring uprising of 2011.

The article presents information on the politics and government of Africa, as of July 24, 2010. It focuses on signs that democracy is gradually becoming more viable there. The U.S. has increasingly been making foreign aid dependent on proof of democratic practices, through efforts such as the Millennium Challenge Account, and this is thought to have had some effect. However, totalitarianism punctuated by coups was still the most common form of African government.

The author discusses democratization in Africa, arguing that increasing levels of African electoral fraud can, paradoxically, be taken as evidence of progress. The increased effort expended by corrupt African dictators and their minions to prevent free and fair elections is said to indicate that these elections pose a genuine threat to such traditional misrule.

The article discusses a visit to Africa by U.S. President Barack Obama and U.S. foreign relations with Africa. In a speech in Accra, Ghana, Obama called for the creation of stronger African political institutions and said that the U.S. would not assist dictatorial or corrupt governments. In most respects, Obama's policies regarding Africa are similar to those of his predecessor George W. Bush.

The article discusses France's foreign relations with its former colonies in Africa. France has an extensive network of military bases in the region has long supported leaders of those countries without regard for their records on human rights and corruption. President Nicolas Sarkozy promised to change that policy when he was elected in 2007. The choice of a successor to President Omar Bongo Ondimba of Gabon, who died in June, 2009, will put Sarkozy's promise to its first large test.

The article examines the international business enterprise Lonrho, which operates throughout Africa. The company is controversial because it has no qualms about making deals with corrupt and dictatorial African governments. Lonrho executives state Africa is built on personal relationships, making such agreements essential.

This article looks at banking in sub-Saharan Africa and says things are changing for the better. The gross domestic product (GNP) of Africa is expected to rise to 6.1 percent in 2007 due to better economic management and more stable politics. In this climate, banks have to work harder to make money but it forces them to grow. While African people are not big on banking, the effort has begun to encourage the practice. The improving conditions have foreign investors buying up stakes in banks.

The article offers opinions on the politics and economies of African nations in light of recent elections in Nigeria. Fraud is cited and new president Umaru Yar'Adua is declared tainted. Corruption and injustice in Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, are denounced. Signs of the emergence of democracy and economic progress elsewhere in Africa are given and compared to the continent's long list of crises and catastrophes.

The author reports on the results of a pan-African opinion poll on war, government, and economics. It has been a turbulent week in Africa. Coup plots were foiled in both Congo and Sudan, at least according to the governments who were the alleged targets. Côte d'Ivoire's security forces have been scything demonstrators. Uganda's were accused of torturing dissidents with nail-studded clubs. The most positive spin one can put on all this is that wars and coups are rarer than they once were in Africa, and that Africans are fed up with both. A new pan-African opinion poll, conducted by the Afrobarometer Network, a consortium of African and American social scientists, has found strong support for democracy as the least bad system of government, and an abhorrence of violence as a means of resolving disputes. It is probably the most comprehensive attempt yet to find out what Africans think. Three-quarters of respondents said that violence for political ends was never justified, even if those ends were just. Only in four countries--Mozambique, Uganda, Cape Verde and Namibia--did a quarter or more approve of such violence. How are African views changing? Afrobarometer carried out a similar, 12-country survey in 2000-2001. On most issues, Africans seem to have become a shade more liberal since then. In specific countries, however, moods have swung wildly.

This article focuses on efforts to establish peace in the war-torn continent of Africa. In 1999, a fifth of all Africans lived in countries battered by wars, mostly civil ones. Since then, things have improved. Hideous conflicts in Sierra Leone and Angola have stopped, as has the pointless border clash between Ethiopia and Eritrea. Liberia's warmongering ex-president, Charles Taylor, has been pushed into exile, Congo's rebels and government have signed a peace pact and Sudan's are set, with luck, to do something similar. Each conflict has its own unique and complex set of causes, but some generalisations can be made.To oversimplify: after independence in 1960, Congo was ruled so corruptly that the state atrophied. Unpaid officials stopped even pretending to carry out their duties. Soldiers took to robbing the citizens they were supposed to protect. By the 1990s, this huge country was so weak that its tiny neighbour, Rwanda, was able to walk in and topple its government. Some of the more settled African countries would like to play a greater part in stabilising their neighbours. The African Union (AU, the successor body to the Organisation of African Unity, OAU) wants to create a "rapid-reaction" force to stop wars before they blaze out of control.

Focuses on the pan-African plan proposed by Libyan dictator Muammar Qaddafi. His efforts to restore diplomatic relations to Sudan and Uganda; Topic of money which has been paid to supporters of Libya and to the enemies of those who disagree with Qaddafi; Outlook for the unification of Africa.

Discusses the regional war in West Africa, involving Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Guinea, which has developed out of civil wars. Recommendations of the United Nations (UN) to end the conflict, which includes debt relief for several countries in West Africa; How UN peacekeeping in the region has been discredited; Suggestion that brokering peace should be done by the UN Security Council with the Economic Community of West African States.

Examines prospects for peace between the African nations of Ethiopia and Eritrea, following the end of their two-year border war in December 2000. Creation of a United Nations (UN) buffer zone; War's destruction of the border town of Zalambessa; Problems which are likely to remain.

Reports on the involvement of six neighboring countries in a war over goods in Congo. Discussion of the Lusaka peace agreement signed in 1999 which is now falling apart; Fear of the United Nations that they will be forced to get involved in the conflict; Discussion of other African countries at war including the war between Eritrea and Ethiopia.

Details the role of South Africa and its leader, President Thabo Mbeki, in the political and economic development of the African continent. South Africa's status in the continent; Statements by Mbeki regarding international perception of Africa; Need for African democracies to hold other African nations accountable for human rights violations.

Presents the author's opinions on South African President Thabo Mbeki. View that the president is spending too much time on policy details and losing his sense of perspective on important issues; Example of distractions in his dealing with the threat of AIDS, including worrying about fringe theories instead of the increasing death rate due to the disease; Concern about his micro-management of economic policy.

The article offers information on the political and economic performance of the African countries. The topics discussed include the status of corruption, dictatorship and democracy of African nations, the projected economic development of the region in 2016, and the rise of terrorism across the region. Moreover, it also mentions the challenges and pressure experienced by Angolian President José Eduardo dos Santos since assuming his position as president of the country since 1979.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the article "The Twilight of the Resource Curse" in the January 10, 2015 issue which addresses topics such as commodities-led development in Africa, the extraction of resources on the continent, and governance in Africa.

Discusses the struggle democracy will have in Africa if it is to survive. A need for commitments to good government and human rights; The sweeping popular pressure for change on the continent; Multiparty elections throughout the countries; Ended wars heralding the prospect of elections in Angola, Ethiopia and Namibia; The absence of prosperity as the main threat to Africa's new freedoms; Risk of AIDS in Africa.

Discusses the policy of South Africa towards other African countries in the late 1990s. Their policy seen as ineffective; Their intervention in Lesotho and the mood of the people toward that country; The country's economic and military strength measured against its seeming inability to be a force in Africa; Its lack of a coherent foreign-policy framework.

Discusses a conference of representatives from the 18 members of Africa's Commonwealth on democracy in Africa. Brief background on the 18 countries' efforts to establish democracy; The problems faced by countries trying to create democracies; Questions about the legitimacy of elections; Details of the meetings held; Uganda President Yoweri Museveni's assertion that party politics is undesirable.

The article discusses independence movements in Africa, ranging from civil wars, such as those in Nigeria and Congo, to proposed referendums in Morocco and Somalia and focuses on the desire of the African Union (AU) to prevent such movements due to the ethnically fractured nature of Africa.

The author offers opinions on politics and government in Africa as of October 2013. An increase in peaceful and democratic changes in government in African countries since 1991 is praised, but it is also argued that countries including Zimbabwe, Uganda and Angola have authoritarian governments whose leaders have been in power for decades. It is stated that continuing economic development in Africa will result in increased pressure for democratic governments.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the special report on Africa published in the March 2, 2013 issue, which focuses on sustainable growth in Africa.

A letter to the editor is presented in response to the special report on Africa published in the March 2, 2013 issue, which focuses on sustainable growth in Africa.

The author offers opinions about the production of natural resources in Africa. Topics include the increase in mining in countries such as Zambia, nationalism in African countries regarding the foreign profits of resources, and the role of African governments in managing the benefits of mining. The author suggests that governments should use the benefits of mining to increase investments in African countries.

The author offers opinions on Africa in 2011. Economic indicators are cited in support of the contention that despite widespread poverty and environmental degradation, Africa is enjoying a strong rate of economic development. This is attributed to improvement in governance in many countries, particularly the end of civil wars and political violence. Western countries are urged to increase trade with Africa and businesses to be more transparent in their dealings with African governments.

The article focuses on a rating of the countries of Africa in terms of their public administration and quality of life compiled by philanthropist and financier Mo Ibrahim.

The article presents information on the politics and government of Africa, as of August 7, 2010. It focuses on Rwanda, where President Paul Kagame is both praised for making good use of Western aid money to promote development, and criticized for his increasingly repressive and authoritarian tendencies. Comparisons are drawn between Kagame and other African leaders such as Meles Zenawi of Ethiopia and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda.

The article discusses attempts by the International Criminal Court (ICC) to improve relations with governments in Africa. The author comments on the lack of support for the ICC in Africa and opposition to the ICC by Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir, whom the ICC indicted for crimes against humanity. Perceptions of the ICC as ineffective and neocolonialist are noted. Attorney Oby Nwankwo suggests that ICC judges should visit African countries and cooperate with national courts.

The author offers opinions on the regional international organization the African Union (AU). The AU is praised for refusing to allow Muammar Qaddafi, Libya's dictator, from being its chairman in 2010. The organization is urged to do more to promote democracy in Africa and to be more critical of leaders of its member countries who violate human rights.

The article presents an economic forecast as of November 2009, focusing on the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. It is noted that the global financial crisis which began in 2008 has caused a significant reduction in the flow of foreign aid to African countries. Opportunities in the bond markets are discussed as a means for some of these countries to tap the international-debt capital markets.

The article examines a treaty signed by the countries of the African Union on treatment of and policies regarding internally displaced persons (IDPS). There are an estimated 12 million such persons in Africa. The treaty requires that governments provide assistance and protection for IDPS. Climate change has become an increased cause of internal migration in Africa.

The article discusses results of an index released by the Mo Ibrahim Foundation that evaluates African nations in terms of economic, political, and social progress. Nations in North Africa generally scored high on economic measures, while sub-Saharan nations showed strength in human rights and governance.

The article reports on the 2007 elections in Kenya. The author alleges that Kenya's president Mwai Kibaki stole the election by means of fraud, and notes that by doing so he has exposed his Kikuyu tribe to danger. Outbreaks of violence during the elections are reported on and pleas from the international community encouraging Kibaki to meet with opposition party leader Raila Odinga to negotiate for peace are relayed. Election-related violence in Nigeria and the Congo in 2007 is also referenced.

The article focuses on efforts to expand Internet access in Africa. Only 4 percent of Africans have Internet access, paying the world's highest rates for poor service, and electronic commerce is virtually non-existent. Cellular telephone systems companies have invested millions of dollars in Africa, and it is hoped Internet firms will follow suit. An October, 2007 conference hopes to get African governments to cut red tape for Internet-related investment.

The article reports on the efforts of Sudanese-born British entrepreneur Mo Ibrahim to encourage political and economic development in Africa. The author states that Ibrahim has established a series of metrics for assessing the overall performance of sub-Saharan African countries. He has also established a large cash prize for African leaders who develop their countries according to a series of criteria.

The article focuses on the Pan-African Parliament, which is facing financial difficulty just two years after its inauguration. Member countries as well as the parent African Union have not adequately funded the organization, which hopes to move from an advisory role into a fully legislative one as it grows. Libyan and Nigerian participation is discussed, as well as South Africa, the only country to pay its share.