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To authenticate to the full-text of this article, please visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2009.00816.x Byline: dean j. kotlowski

Attempts have been made to determine a direct link between Dwight D. Eisenhower's New Look of 1953 and the British Global Strategy Paper of 1952. Both discussed the ability of the West to deter aggression in Western Europe through nuclear arsenals. While NATO integrated nuclear weapons into strategic planning by 1955 it was not a function of US-British relations.

Discusses the failure of negotiations between the United States and Vietnam after the collapse of South Vietnam in 1975. Normalization of relations; Issue of reconstruction assistance from the US and the return of missing bodies from Vietnam; Political pressure on the Ford administration to deny Vietnam the right to enter the international arena.

In this paper, I argue that the “Middle East” is an ideational construct maintained by geographical, intellectual, and ideological representations. I assert that the geographical boundaries of the area called the Middle East have shifted over the past century to reflect the strategic interests of the major hegemonic power in the region, initially Britain and later the United States. Drawing on published and archival sources, I trace the etymology of the “Middle East” and its accompanying geographical representations and their relationship to key American and British foreign policy decisions and declarations. I also discuss how the Arabic translation of the “Middle East,” or al-Sharq al–Awsaṭ, has been adopted and contested by scholars and journalists in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents information on the socio political history of Mexico during the 19th century. It is well known that Polk's war message provoked a fierce, albeit brief, debate in Congress and in the press. John M. Clayton (Whig-DE) spoke for many in the Senate when he said, "The whole conduct of the Executive has been utterly unjustifiable. If the acts of the Executive do not amount to acts of war, they are acts which necessarily tended to provoke war, and to bring on war, and that without consulting Congress."

Recently declassified archival materials permit the revelation of a previously unknown element of the early Cold War. Specifically, U.S. officials worried about an electro-magnetic attack by the Soviet Union, using hundreds of radio transmitters, on worldwide communications in advance of or in conjunction with the outbreak of general war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents an analysis of revelations from the archives of Israel about United States foreign policy and the US, Israel foreign relations during the Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower presidencies. Impact and effectiveness of US diplomacy in Israel; How the US influenced Israeli policy; Israeli's ability to shape US policy; Information on US and Israeli foreign relations.

The article examines the constraints and influences on the U.S. response to the Armenian question, which refers to the protection and freedoms of Armenians from the neighboring communities, during the Ottoman Empire in 1918-1920. It explores the legitimate basis for U.S. intervention in global affairs, including Armenia after the 1915 massacres, and considers both American and British responses to explain why the potential mandates are essential to their conceptions of international governance. It illustrates how the mandate antagonized relations between the two nations insted of uniting them in a common endeavor of international governance.

This article reinterprets the Jay treaty by taking seriously the Republican criticism of the treaty’s western provisions, which created a porous border between the United States and British-Canada. It argues that Laurentine merchants—entrepreneurs interested in the trade of the extended St. Lawrence River valley—used the Jay treaty as a charter, protecting their commercial and political rights as British subjects residing and trading in the United States. By exploring the conflicts between Laurentine merchants and federal officials over the terms of the Jay charter, this article opens a window on the complex process of state formation in the Anglo-American borderland between 1796 and 1819. It argues that state formation involved a wide array of activities and innovations at both the center and the periphery. More specifically, the article points to the important role that diplomacy, Republican commercial policy, and legal definitions of citizenship played in the creation of an American national state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores Hanoi's diplomatic strategy during the early stage of the so-called Vietnam War. It draws from Vietnamese, Western, and other materials to elucidate the meanings and usages Hanoi attached to diplomacy in those years, to describe the related maneuverings of North Vietnamese leaders, and to identify the forces shaping those maneuvers. Following the onset of war Hanoi rejected negotiations with Washington, but that did not mean that the so-called 'diplomatic struggle' was non-existent, or unimportant. State and party organs used diplomacy to manipulate and mobilize world opinion, to mitigate the effects of the Sino-Soviet dispute, and to secure necessary material assistance from socialist allies to sustain the war until 'final victory' over the United States. Diplomacy thus served as a veritable instrument of war for Hanoi. Admittedly, diplomatic priorities changed over time, but diplomatic struggle itself remained at the heart of its 'Anti-American Resistance.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Professor Melvyn Leffler argues that there is more continuity than change in the policies of the Bush administration as the tools of foreign policy announced in the Bush strategic paper of 2002 have always formed a part of the policy of the United States. Leffler examined the Basic National Security Strategy paper issued by the Bush administration and observed that it differed from those of its predecessors only to a small extent.

The article explores the encounter between the Ottoman state and an influential community of U.S. Congregationalist and Presbyterian missionaries who worked in Syria from 1820 until 1919. U.S. missionaries in Syria complied with Ottoman political structures and provided services which furthered the Islamic Empire's goals while Ottoman officials provided them with both political protection and material support. The U.S. civil war shaped the missionaries' relationship with the Ottoman state by securing the missionaries' access to the capital. The empire's ambitious educational program made missionaries active participants in the Ottoman state's political projects as well as passive subjects of its religious system. The Sublime Porte treated the missionaries as friends and collaborators.

This article examines South Vietnam's global diplomacy after constitutional government was restored in 1967. Far from an American puppet, the Saigon government showed considerable initiative spanning the globe for prospective allies. But its bid for international legitimacy ended in failure, with increased global exposure only underscoring its collapsing domestic support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the private origins of the progressive labor program for Latin America that was launched by the administration of U.S. President John F. Kennedy in 1962. Topics include Kennedy's partnership with transnational labor activists, his efforts to provide aid to the American Federation of Labor and Congress of International Organizations (AFL-CIO), and the importance of nongovernmental organizations in international affairs. Also discussed are the AFL-CIO's Latin American activism, transnational labor activism, and the changes in the American labor movement.

The article explores on the military-financial agreement between the U.S. and Ecuador which allow the U.S. military to use the air and naval bases at Salinas and the Galápagos islands for the defense of the Panama Canal. It highlights the struggle of the U.S. Navy to abandon its bombing range that lead to the closure of the military facilities in the island. It also history of global campaigns against foreign military bases wherein the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) agents were engaged in counterintelligence surveillance in Ecuador.

The article discusses the implications of the Soviet Union political leader Nikita Khrushchev attack on the United Nations (UN) and on the West. Topics include the UN decisive stand against colonialism that angered several Western countries, the Belgian military intervention following the former Belgian Congo's declaration of indepedence in late June 1960, and the U.S. reaction on Congo leader Patrice Lumumba's decision to request assistance from the USSR following UN Secretary General Dag Hammarskjöld's preoccupation during the Congo Civil War.

The article discusses the history of the European Youth Campaign (EYC), an international anti-communist youth organization aimed to promote European unification, to illustrate the intersection of anti-communism during the Cold War in 1950-1959 with the concerns of the Catholic hierarchy over the vulnerability of youth in Ireland. It looks at the U.S. influence of Ireland. It examines the various ways in which Ireland's foreign policy has been circumscribed by the war. It also discusses the opportunities presented by the war to Ireland.

Between 1959 and 1962, children played a highly visible role in the dramatic realignment of revolutionary Cuba’s diplomatic relations. This article demonstrates that Fidel Castro’s government consistently deployed discourses and images of childhood as well as actual children within a broader campaign to liberate themselves from U.S. domination even as it sought to strengthen ties between Cuba, the U.S.S.R. and the socialist world. At the same time, the Castro regime also made use child-centered images, texts and speeches in order to negotiate the contradictions between the Revolution’s claims to have fulfilled the islands’ long-frustrated aspirations towards national sovereignty even as it sought to justify its reinvention as “la niña adorada del mundo socialista,” dependent for its survival on the protection and largesse of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented which discusses the relationship between U.S. evangelical groups and the Guatemalan dictator Brigadier General José Efraín Ríos Montt during the 1982 and 1983, including support for Ríos Montt from American evangelical neo-Pentecostal missions in Guatemala. An overview of U.S. military assistance, under U.S. President Ronald Reagan, to Guatemala is provided.

Before Nixon’s trip to China in 1972, China was bound by historical, nationalistic, ideological, and treaty considerations to support North Korea against South Korea and the United States militarily and politically. The U.S.–China rapprochement in the 1970s had far-reaching effects on international relations in and around the Korean peninsula. But up to now, there is no article-length study on how China adjusted its policy toward North Korea and managed to maintain a close relationship with Pyongyang during this process. Making use of documents from the Chinese, U.S., and East European archives, this article traces China’s policy toward North Korea from 1970 to 1975. It examines China’s views and positions on the Korean issue during the U.S.–China rapprochement negotiations, and China’s policy and tactics toward the Korean issue at the subsequent United Nations deliberations. It attempts to address the questions of how and why China could maintain an alliance relationship with Pyongyang while seeking détente with the United States—North Korea’s enemy No. 1. The article argues that it was in North Korea’s interest to maintain good relations with Beijing in order to achieve Korea’s unification on Pyongyang’s term. For China’s revolutionary credential, it was important to retain North Korea on its side. To achieve this purpose, China provided large economic and military aid to Pyongyang and was North Korea’s most important donor during this time. But China’s primary foreign policy goal during this period was to maintain détente with Washington in order to counter the Soviet Union, and prevent the resumption of war on the Korean peninsula. Thus, China’s policy toward North Korea was made mainly due to national security and geopolitical concerns, rather than ideological affinities. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Nixon and Ford administrations celebrated the 1973 Chilean coup and did everything they could to help the dictatorship that followed. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, in particular, supported General Augusto Pinochet’s regime and turned a blind eye to its human rights abuses. But how did the Chilean dictatorship view the United States and how did the relationship play out in practice? Drawing on Chilean and U.S. documents, this article argues that in spite of Kissinger’s efforts, bilateral relations were actually rather tense. Not only did the Chilean dictatorship continually request more than the Ford administration could offer but Santiago’s military leaders also had different conceptions of the Cold War and how to fight it. This, in turn, sheds light on the problems U.S. policy makers faced when dealing with anti-communist Third World allies. It also points to the fragmentation of the global Cold War struggle in the mid-1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses United States foreign relations with South Africa over the issue of nuclear nonproliferation from 1965 to 1967. The author states that America's advocacy of nonproliferation in the Cold War era was often difficult to negotiate with other countries amidst the threat of nuclear war. The author begins his history with the 1957 treaty the U.S. signed with South Africa concerning the sale of uranium. While concerns over South Africa's uranium sales existed, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty was of ultimately of more importance to have ratified.

The article reports on the personal reflections of a member to the Society for Historians of American Foreign Relations (SHAFR). The author, the first woman member of the society of historians of diplomatic history discusses the beginning of the organization and its developments. Their advocacy is presented.

The article elaborates the historical importance of Congress of Panama, the Monroe's Doctrine and the fundamental principles of the US policy. The formation of Democratic party as president John Quincy was against attending the Panama congress by Latin American countries and subsequent developments are discussed. President George Washington's fare well address, and Monroe's doctrine have great significance in the formation of American foreign policy in international politics and many social changes.

The article analyzes the international policies of the US as proposed by the present President George Bush and others. In the context of gulf war or terrorist attack, the presidents tried to put forward intellectual propositions under the cover of religion and God to support their intentions and policy which did not yield expected results. The conflicting differences between the sacred and the secular can be addressed by proper understanding religion and its importance in political events.

Robert McNamara's In Retrospect: The Tragedy and Lessons of Vietnam essentially tells the same sad story as the Pentagon Papers. He says that fears about nuclear warfare and revelations of US weakness prevented clear and flexible decision-making. His catalogue of the causes of failure and his contention that JFK would have found a way to end the war are implausible.

Focuses on the United States and its foreign relations, with reference to historians renewing their interest in the revolutionary and early national eras. Indepth look at the argument of the formation of the early public; Information on European entry into the Western Hemisphere; Reference to questions raised relating to the history of the United States' foreign relations.

The role of the paper, New Leader, as a center of leftist anticommunism during the late 1940s and early 1950s is discussed. This scholarly literature when compared with that on the Persian Review passed references, which were impressive accounts of the CIA's effort in the 'Cultural Cold War'.