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This paper discusses the war in Ukraine and its consequences, particularly the effects of the financial sanctions imposed by the United States, and its allies, on Russia. The conflict is examined in the context of a deeper structural change in the international order, with China and Russia as key players. We deploy a dialectical perspective, using Gramsci as a starting point to posit that simple quantitative changes can cause long-term qualitative differences in power relations. While the United States' economic hegemony is unlikely to cease soon, the war in Ukraine and it's economic repercussions could lead to unexpected results and transformations in the United States' geopolitical position. We discuss how sanctions can be a double-edged sword, affecting all actors involved, and how actions that seek to restore order may accelerate processes of structural change in international power dynamics. The paper provides examples of how the responses to the conflict are affecting various other dynamics of world order by rearranging national interests, national security, and the political economies in Europe, China, and the Global South. We conclude that the "ruses of nature" manifest as contradictions in human actions and that the relationships between significant human actions and social forces can show how social impulses may accomplish the opposite of their original intent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the gender agenda has permeated all policy areas and has gained relevance through the constant work of organisations that have succeeded in making issues and challenges visible. This paper examines the interaction between international politics and the gender agenda in Argentina during the presidency of Alberto Fernández (2019-2023). Based on a triangulation of information gathered from interviews, official documents, and news reports, the paper aims to analyse, in the context of recent foreign policy, what kind of decisions are linked to the gender agenda, and at the same time, what international projection the gender policies implemented at the local level have. We propose that the gender agenda has opened up a space in Argentine foreign policy in a short period and that it has done so mainly based on the country’s trajectory in the international sphere linked to human rights and the discussion of inequalities in the world. The creation of the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity has been crucial, projecting the country into global gender debates in an institutionalised way. Although concrete policies are developing in some cases, the agendas in this dual track demonstrate that these profound social demands have come to the state to stay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article carries out a systemic analysis of the World Trade Organization (wto), in the midst of its current crisis. The main argument is that, although the wto is going through a deep crisis in real and symbolic terms, it keeps playing an important role in the increasingly complex multilateral trade governance. The paper analyzes the three main functions that the wto fulfills in the multilateral governance of trade are: Being a forum for trade negotiations, providing an efficient system for settling trade disputes, and being an arena for discussion and review of minimum trade policy standards. The article is divided into three parts, each one dealing with one of the functions. In the first, the proposals for reform of the wto are analyzed and the main issues that have advanced in recent years are exposed; in the second section, the performance of its dispute resolution system is analyzed as well as the debate on its reform. The third section analyzes the activities of the Trade Policy Review Mechanism. To conclude, we outline some final reflections. The research is based on a review of specialized literature on the subject, the analysis of primary sources (official documents of the wto), including communications from member countries, joint declarations, reports of bodies and commissions, in addition to data available on the organization's website. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a decolonial feminist geopolitics of Venezuelan migration to Colombia, with Venezuelans fleeing the socialist Bolivarian Revolution and then facing discrimination and violence upon settling in capitalist Colombia amid its failing peace process context. Conflicts over migration and nationality permeate our global order of sovereign nation-states, both in north-south migrations and across the global south, while the feminisation and racialisation of migrants divides the subaltern class and facilitates capitalist exploitation. However, this paper elucidates migrants’ inter-national solidarities and grassroots peace struggles. Community organisers along the Colombia-Venezuela border – the women’s empowerment organisation Tejedores de Paz and youth leadership foundation Horizonte de Juventud – unite impoverished internally-displaced Colombians and Venezuelan immigrants to create resistance territories against xenophobia, patriarchy, and poverty. Illustrating the utility of the methodology of decolonial feminist geopolitics, I trace the reconfiguration of the spirit of sociopolitical revolution in South America through migrants’ emergent form of feminist non-state socialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political and institutional legacies of rebel governance in a context in which, after the demobilization of the FARC-EP, there was no reconfiguration of the dynamics of presence and violence developed by legal and illegal armed actors. I argue that from the rebel governance built by the insurgency and the local community boards (JALS) there emerged social processes that held, even after the signing of the Peace Agreement, and influenced the way in which local orders were reconstructed following the farc’s exit from the area. The paper presents a case study of San Andrés de Tello—a rural locality in the north of Huila, Colombia, with historic FARC presence--based on ethnographic fieldwork that privileged contact with key informants and concrete observations. This work contributes to the understanding of the legacies of rebel governance and how it is possible to use them to generate participatory processes of state formation that incorporate communal institutions as protagonists in the configuration of community governance in regions with a differentiated presence of the State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In dialogue with the constructivist approach to International Relations, I conduct a comparative analysis of the Uruguayan government’s proposals for the flexibilization of the Southern Common Market (Mercosur) between 2015 and 2022. This periodization, which covers two administrations —  the second government of Tabaré Vázquez (Frente Amplio, 2015-2020) and the first two years of the government of Luis Lacalle Pou (PN, 20220-2022) —, was adopted seeking to delve deeper into the rationale put forward by both administrations in favor of flexibilization. The paper aims to understand to what extent the content of each demand differs in their respective historical contexts, in order to study whether or not there was a shift in the projection of Uruguayan foreign policy towards the bloc. I show that the demand for flexibilization has been a constant in Uruguayan foreign policy for at least two decades—the only thing that has varied is the way in which these demands have been outlined in their specific context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, many states have incorporated gender perspectives into their foreign policies, and this has become a relevant topic in International Relations. This paper investigates the extent to which the Movimiento al Socialismo (mas) indigenist foreign policy has laid the groundwork for advancing towards the inclusion of a feminist approach in Bolivia’s international agenda. The case study is grounded in decolonial studies and community feminism. The main argument is that Bolivian foreign policy between 2006 and 2022 clearly influenced by Andean indigenous thought and the Buen Vivir cosmovision—provided the programmatic and discursive bases to envision the construction of an international agenda with a gender perspective that includes women and indigenous historical demands within a decolonial and communitarian vision. At the domestic level, Bolivia has promoted women’s inclusion and their claims, but at the international level, it did not generate programmes with a depatriarchalizing discourse. The article shows that a foreign policy based on Andean indigenous beliefs and demands has created an opportunity to integrate marginalised groups into the Foreign Ministry, but this integration has yet to materialise. This research is qualitative in nature, drawing on information from various sources: key informant interviews, archival work, and secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to estimate the impact of price and oil production shocks on macroeconomic variables such as public debt, real exchange rate, and Colombian economic activity. This country depends to a large extent on oil exports, which could lead to different obstacles in macroeconomic management when prices and oil production record fluctuations. The paper first describes the importance of oil in Colombia, which went from being a completely-importing country in 1976 to an oil-exporting economy in 1986. The empirical analysis uses a time-varying vector autoregressive methodology, which assumes that the relation between prices and oil production with macroeconomic variables changes dynamically. The results confirm that there are different stochastic volatility patterns of the variables included in the model. According to the impulse response functions, positive oil price shocks did not cause significant effects on the real exchange rate or on government debt. However, the negative price shock in 2015 led to a real depreciation and an increase in public debt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a consequence of the incremental complexity of international climate governance, particularly within the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, States face an increasing demand on specialized human resources to participate in different negotiation settings during the Conferences of the Parties (cops). We characterize the Argentinian delegations between 2012 - 2019, identify the negotiation team and analyze the coverage of the team's agenda. Interests regarding climate change international politics can be inferred from the participation or absence of negotiators within different discussions. This paper reviews previous empirical work on delegations in climate change negotiations and draws upon qualitative techniques in order to collect original data to perform an in-depth case analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various theoretical approaches have attempted to understand the transformations that have been taking place over the last five decades in terms of the dynamics between states, how political power is exercised and the deployment and crisis of global hegemony. Such approaches have come from different perspectives that do not always converge. This paper discusses two approaches attempting to account for these elements. On the one hand, a historical structural systemic perspective, which brings together the contributions of the critical International Political Economy and World-Systems analysis. On the other, a relational poststructural perspective that includes studies from the field of critical political geography. After exposing the tensions and complements between them, we argue in favor of the possibility and need of constructing a structural, historical and dynamic perspective that seeks to frame the challenges and opportunities for statehood in Latin America in the face of global capitalist restructuring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the formation and survival of presidential cabinets in Colombia between 1958 and 2018. We compare two periods in the country's political history: During the first period, 1958 to 1990, Colombia operated with a two-party system. The second period, 1991 to the present, is characterized by the opening of the political regime to new parties and the formation of coalition governments. For this purpose, we use semi-parametric models and Cox regressions that allow us to estimate the survival of 581 ministerial appointments and identify the predictors of survival in their positions from both individual characteristics of the ministers and the institutional characteristics of the system. The study shows that the stability in the position of ministers during the bipartisan era is lower than the duration of ministers during the period of coalition governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of women in leadership in Latin American Regionalism and, more specifically, the incorporation of gender commitments at the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (celac), focusing on the case of the overlapping mandates, during the period 2011-2014, of three women in the Presidencies of Chile, Argentina and Brazil: Michelle Bachelet, Cristina Kirchner, and Dilma Rousseff, respectively. The paper draws on feminist approaches and the literature of women and leadership, and incorporates peculiarities pointed out in the literature of Latin American regionalism, such as weak institutions, presidential diplomacy, and active transnational advocacy networks. The main argument advanced is that the effect of women in leadership cannot be taken for granted as gender was not a priority during the governments of these presidents. The more diffuse commitment to human rights, which they all shared, as well as their symbolic empowerment effect might have strengthened the gender cause advanced by civil society and transnational advocacy networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to answer the question what have been the main contributions of international political economy (ipe) to the historical evolution of the intellectual field of International Relations (ir) in Argentina. This inquiry is embedded within a broader question about the process of the constitution of the ir field as an autonomous academic discipline in Argentina. In order to do so, I analyze the contributions made by ipe, especially Latin American structuralism and developmentalism, as spaces of theoretical and conceptual production from which part of the thinking about the international reality has been built. The main objective of the paper revolves around reconstructing the ipe agenda and its contribution to the development of Argentine ir through the observation and analysis of the main authors and concepts, the institutions that have served as spaces of knowledge production, and finally the academic journals that have acted as platforms for the dissemination of themes and ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fiscal multipliers are different across countries and according to economic circumstances. Investment multipliers have recently been subjects of analysis, especially for advanced economies. For small open economies, such as Colombia, there is not much research in this regard, and there are no descriptions of the transmission mechanisms. In this paper, we present empirical evidence of the investment and output fiscal multipliers. Afterward, we present a set of models with financial frictions that describe the transmission mechanisms that explain the investment multipliers under different characteristics of the economy. The main results show that balance sheet effects with nominal contracts replicate the empirical findings of increase investment. The degree of openness of the economy and the level of country risk premium are essential mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper further studies the persistence of disagreement in a model similar to Melguizo (2019), by relaxing two essential assumptions. First, attitudes are random variables, and second, individuals may be homophilous at different extents. Regarding the first extension, the finding is that disagreement persists with the highest probability across the attribute that exhibits the highest mean of the distribution of initial differences in average attitudes. Regarding the second one, the finding is that the magnitude of disagreement and the speed of convergence to it, increase with respect to the case in which individuals are homophilous to the same extent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces a new type of expectations for agent-based modeling in macroeconomics. We convert adaptive expectations, which constitute the standard expectation mechanism in agent-based macroeconomic modeling, into semi-adaptive expectations. This new expectation mechanism takes into account the volatility in expectations in relation to the influence of feelings of optimism/pessimism on the cognition of agents. Semi-adaptive expectations are then integrated into a macroeconomic agent-based model to illustrate how they influence the financial distress of firms. Among the results, we found that firms could limit the extent of financial distress if they expect their proceeds with the highest level of volatility around an initial expectation used as a long-term quasi-reference. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent increase in concentration levels and the regulation of financial systems around the world have revived the debate on the relationship between banking concentration, market competition, and financial stability. In this paper, we study the relationship between these variables for the recent Colombian case. Our results confirm the existence of a high banking concentration process during the last decade, which has been accompanied in turn by a decrease in the level of competition among banks. However, this process has not compromised the stability of the banking system. On the contrary, it has improved. Finally, we found a non-linear relationship between these variables, suggesting it is not recommended to increase the banking concentration levels into the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has shown that people with higher cognitive skills (mental abilities) and socioemotional skills (behaviors and personality) get better labor market outcomes. It is unclear, however, if this conclusion applies to low- and middle-income countries, given that existing literature builds on studies that are dominantly about high-income countries. In this paper, we explore how cognitive and socioemotional skills of adults, ages 15-64, relate to their labor market outcomes in the context of Colombia. Controlling for a range of cofounding factors in a cross-sectional survey, we find that adults with higher skills also have better outcomes, while cognitive and socioemotional skills correlate with different ones, seemingly through different channels. Adults with higher cognitive skills have better jobs (with higher earnings, more formal, and high-skilled) and are more likely to complete tertiary education. Socioemotional skills correlate more modestly with having a better job but more strongly with labor market participation and tertiary-education completion. Results suggest that adults with both cognitive and socioemotional skills tend to do better in the labor market and that policies boosting the development of both types may be beneficial in Colombia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines organizational processes promoted by women and victims of armed conflict in the Eastern Antioquia region of Colombia in order to analyze the relationship between these processes and the discourses and expressions of local democracy. The research focuses on the meanings that democracy takes for these organizations. The paper analyzes these relationships in two different ways. On the one hand, organizational processes have appropriated and redefined the institutional discourses of citizenship and participation as well as interacted with institutions in order for women and victims to be listened to and to make their claims visible in the public arena. On the other hand, these organizations have appropriated discourses on citizenship and participation in order to influence everyday life in a context deeply affected by political violence. The organizational processes examined here are the Asociación Provincial de Víctimas a Ciudadanas, Centro de Acercamiento para la Reconciliación y Reparación, and Asociación de Mujeres del Oriente Antioqueño. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the process to reform the General System of Colombian Royalties (sgr) that took place between 2010 and 2012. The question to be answered is why have Colombian mining departments representatives, in opposition to the decentralization of the 1991 Constitution, approved a change of public policy that recentralizes mining royalties? The starting point is the analyses of the design of public policies from the framework of multiple currents developed by Kingdon (1995). It was possible to demonstrate the customary weight of the institutional agreements for the approval of norms over the interest of the actors, as well as the understanding that sgr is a mechanism for solving the fiscal deficit created by measures aimed at increasing foreign direct investment. The information sources were mainly national newspapers and the official journal of the Congress of the Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ability to provide financial assistance along with its role as auditor and guarantor of economic programs provides the International Monetary Fund (imf) with an important power resource when intervening countries that face external imbalances. Regardless, the mere imposition of policies of the imf over the borrowing governments does not characterize their relationship, neither that the imf invariably shows dissatisfaction with the countries' non-compliance. This paper proposes a theoretical contribution for analyzing the relationship between the imf and the borrowing governments based on the International Political Economy's (ipe) contributions about the incidence of the interests of world power countries and the financial sector, bureaucracies, and domestic actors of the country. The framework of analysis also considers the contributions of the constructivist sociological theory about the characterization of the imf and the borrowing governments as social actors, the restrictive and enabling character that structures have over the agency, and their implications for autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze the relationship between emotions, collective action and art in public space after the flood of April 2, 2013 in La Plata, focusing on a neighborhood assembly. The characteristics of their organization, their mural production, their repertoires of action and identifications and the conflict evidenced by artistic production will be addressed. It is up to the conclusion that the creation of murals was relevant in two ways. At the social level, it favored that neighbors who did not attend the meetings, approached and shared the collective moment. It is evident here the conformation of a shared affective atmosphere and the generation of bonds of friendship and companionship essential for the functioning and mobilization of the assembly members. At the political level, it generated antagonist relations mainly with the municipality of La Plata. It is visualized that the artistic production was staged but, at the same time, it produced the conflict. The methodology is qualitative and is based on the construction of a case study. We used participant and non-participant observation and semi-structured interviews in a transdisciplinary methodological design, which was composed of social studies of art, social studies of emotions/affections and political theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades, the number and variety of policy instruments implemented in the field of science, technology and innovation in Latin America and particularly in Argentina has increased significantly. In this context, although new initiatives to promote the participation of women in the area have been created, they have been poorly incorporated into inventories and diagnoses in the area. This paper analyzes a specific type of policy instrument: prizes for women in science, in this case the L'Oréal-unesco prize in Argentina. The approach focuses on three main aspects from the point of view of both the research and the formulation of policies: the motivations of the winners to participate, the effects they identify after being distinguished and their opinion about the participation of women in science and its relation to the objectives of the award. The study is based on qualitative evidence through the combination of the analysis of official documents of the sponsoring agencies and the conduction of in-depth interviews with the prize winners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the way to build political subjectivity of neoliberal capitalism using tools from Lacan's theory of discourses. I concludes that neo-liberalism was constituted as a new master discourse during the 1990s. The new master was structured through an updated articulation of the capitalist discourse with a university discourse and a reformulation of the old master discourse. Through the metaphorical constructions and the superego mandate of their representatives, this discourse was invested with a corporal and linguistic enjoyment. In turn, the master demonstrated giving up part of the enjoyment to the slave-worker through a fantasy of freedom in order to choose autonomously in the market, participate horizontally with the boss in the new flexible order and access, through sacrifice, a future of wealth of the rich. This illusion of the return of enjoyment to the slave reinforced the political domination of the master- businessman. In the Argentinean case, together with the Convertibility Plan as an object a cause of desire, from Menem to De la Rúa it was found a change of register in the superego commands and in the sources of enjoyment, within a same neoliberal capitalist discourse of social disciplination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human Social Systems (HSS) are complex systems. One of the best ways to organize complex systems is by means of their self-organization, since the latter has proven to be an optimal producer of order in this type of systems, regardless of their nature: physical, biological or social. This concept emerged due to developments in the sciences of complexity, in which life has been understood as the most complex system that exists, and that does not require of central or external control in order to produce organized patterns. Life's order stems from the self-organization of its internal and external dynamics and interactions. This fact serves to question the use of centralized control mechanisms when organizing human social systems, and underwrites a critique of pyramidal structures and control hierarchies in classical political regimes from the standpoint of the sciences of complexity. The paper argues that human social systems are complex systems; hence, the best way of organizing them is by letting them self-organize, instead of imposing - in a top-down manner, or from the outside -- control by means of political regimes with hierarchical, pyramidal, or vertical structures. The paper explores this idea with a focus on political theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the characteristics of financial diplomacy in the global periphery during the early years of the 21st. century. Specifically, the paper focuses on the credit operations conducted Argentina with the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela and the Peoplés Republic of China (prc) in order to overcome its international financial marginalization. As a hypothesis, the article argues that the channels and mechanisms built under the financial diplomacy ties between Argentina, Venezuela and the prc were enabled both by the accumulation of international reserves and by a political-identity affinity, although conditioned by their asymmetries. The results of the empirical analysis conclude that despite its relevance for the realization of transactions, the enabling factors of financial diplomacy had an unequal importance: the political-identity affinity (ideational instance) lacked behind the availability of resources (material instance). On the other hand, the patterns assumed by the channels and devices of financial diplomacy were effectively conditioned by the degree of asymmetry between the states. In this respect, the growing structural disparities between Argentina and the prc led to financial cooperative initiatives mostly characterized by a coercive logic, in contrast to what was observed regarding the links with Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically there have been various discussions on how to achieve development from different scopes and spaces. The vision of development from a global space has undergone a significant evolution to the present day, in particular after World War II, in the context of international development cooperation. Within a regional space, economic cooperation mechanisms have shown to be dynamic and positive for development. This paper aims, firstly, to set forth a review of the evolution of the development vision from a global and regional perspective. Secondly, to analyze contributions in commerce from a regional development perspective through a comparative analysis of the Pacific Alliance and the Latin American Integration Association between 2005 and 2014, as economic cooperation mechanisms in Latin America and the Caribbean that seek development within the same region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Truth commissions are widely considered to be a key tool of transitional justice mechanisms (TJMs), whose goal is to achieve truth, justice, and reconciliation after violent conflict or dictatorship. However, policy actors promoting these mechanisms have often not adequately engaged in a critical reflection of the policy measures they are suggesting. Instead, they usually argue from normative points of view rather than relying on empirical evidence. During the last decade, there has been a continued debate as to whether or not TJMs actually work and what impact they have. Drawing on research from three case studies (Kenya, Sierra Leone, and Timor-Leste), this paper analyzes the (non)implementation of recommendations produced in the final reports of truth commissions created after armed conflict. The work focuses on the impact of truth commissions on democracy, peace, and institutional reform. The analysis roughly follows the four-step approach set out by Skaar, Maica, and Eide (2015) to measure the impact of truth commissions and illustrates both the opportunities they provide and their limitations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last two decades Mexico and Venezuela have confronted similar challenges in matters of international migration. Mexico is (a) a place where millions of people have left their country to work and live in the United States, (b) a path for transmigrants, (c) has temporary immigration from Central America in the south of its territory, and (d) faces the return of its nationals due to the restrictive immigration policies in the United States and because the US economy remains sluggish. On the Venezuelan side, emigration to foreign countries has grown in the last fifteen years due to political and economic instabilities. However, the country is also dealing with the necessity to change internal rules in order to guarantee a series of social and labor rights to South American immigrants because Venezuela is now a member of Mercosur. This paper describes the most important migratory patterns that the two countries currently face and analyzes the different responses that both Mexican and Venezuelan governments have given to similar international migration processes: emigration of its nationals and intraregional immigration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the debate on the international involvement of Non-Central Governments (NCG). We analyze the process of internationalization developed by governments of the three main cities of Colombia: Bogota, Cali and Medellin between 2001 and 2012. Methodologically we consider two variables: the political agenda and the institutionalization of internationalization. Among the major findings, we conclude that international involvement has entered the agenda of these governments through two areas: (a) the territorial economic competitiveness, and (b) decentralized international cooperation. The governments of the three cities have consolidated policies and strategies aimed at leveraging the international arena for financial resources to develop its programs and projects, i.e., foreign investment and loans for productive and infrastructure projects, and the disbursement of concessional loans and aid that are used to finance social investment projects. In terms of the institutional dimension, Cali does not have any institution responsible to coordinate the process of internationalization; Medellin is known for the important role of the Agencia de Cooperación e Inversión de Medellín y el Área Metropolitana (ACI); and Bogota has inaugurated the Dirección Distrital de Relaciones Internacionales (DDRI). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public diplomacy is defined as the conduct of international relations by governments, private individuals and groups through public media communications, trying to positively influence the perception of the country's image abroad. The technological progress and globalization have heralded the improvement of communication strategies among states. This paper discusses the following concepts: public diplomacy; media diplomacy; media-brokered diplomacy; and cyber-diplomacy as applied to the context of South America through the analysis of the case of Venezuela. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the authors analyze the Chilean transition to democracy and try to comprehend the current social movements in the country. In order to do so, they use Freud's work Totem and taboo, especially the assimilation between the father of the primitive horde and the dictator. The authors argue that the brothers of the horde are the Pact of Parties for Democracy, which unconsciously assumes a totem: the economic model and the constitution introduced during the dictatorship. The links with the subsequent social movements and the difficulties of mourning, which result from the authoritarian regime, are analyzed. A model for the transition following a dictatorship, which can be related as an internal factor with the current social movements in Chile is finally discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The internal world is closely related to how the bonds between the citizens and public power are conceived. Aspects that in modern political thought often have been attributed to an external order associated with the sovereign state can nonetheless be located in the internal world of the citizen. Problems associated with the foundations of political order, such as fear, insecurity and divergence, do not only stem from external forces located outside of the citizen, but also from her internal world, which means that political contingency comprises that world. Thomas Hobbes returns once and again to the need to control or minimize the contingency of the internal world within the sovereign state. This paper seeks to widen the perspective dominated by sovereign statehood in modern political thought, by inquiring how the internal world is conceived in relation to the tension between state (or republic) and empire as the foundation of political order. The historical and theoretical co-existence of states and empires has not necessarily been contentious or of mutual exclusion, as modern republicanism frequently claims. If the link between republic and empire is an intrinsic part of political order, questions remain to be addressed about how this link is related to the inner world of the citizen. How the citizen and herself is defined in relation to modern states and empires both feed upon and have consequences for conceptions about territoriality, government and sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to study the relationship that exists between training and the definition of identities (individual and collective) and the development of a democratic citizenship, which is taken as an example of the analysis of sexual and gender identities. The article aims to demonstrate that for a democratization of these identities one must leave behind the dichotomous conception that characterizes them and instead deploy a consideration of them as accessible, fluid realities for all democratic citizenship in which the theoretical contributions provided by transgenderism may be useful to think more inclusively about our lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the inclusion of "indigenidad" in Bolivia's foreign policy during the government of Evo Morales. It argues that indigenidad is used at least for two purposes: first, to justify a rather revisionist --even subversive- position of the country regarding issues of the international agenda in order to propose an alternative to the neoliberal model from the perspective of indigenous worldviews, such as "suma qamaña". Second, indigenidad is used as a constitutive factor for identity that, in turn, is not necessarily conceived for the international level, but for domestic audiences, too. The first part of the article contextualizes the process of change and transformation of the country since Morales became president (in what year?), in order to assess the purpose of the use of indigenidad. The second part analyzes Bolivia's "indigenous" foreign policy. The overall conclusion is that Bolivia's foreign policy is the result of a tension between revisionism and pragmatism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An analysis of Max Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism reveals that the word "culture" is explicitly mentioned at least 43 times depending on the edition and translation. Culture is relevant as the foundation of the argumentative structure since it allows for the differentiation of human groups and their peculiar characteristics. From a cosmopolitan point of view, Weber's question is still pertinent given the advances of global thinking, its recent dissemination, and its acceptance within academic circles. With cosmopolitanism as its main guide, this paper analyses the use of the word "culture: in the book in order to inspire a debate on how to define a cosmopolitan ethos. While there is a persistent inquiry onto the applicable ethical-political mechanisms, the cosmopolitan literature converges towards education as an answer to the problem of culture in a globalized world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]