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This paper examines how two state-level Latino constituencies -- their percent of the population and their percent of voters -- influence the propensity of states to pass restrictive immigration policy, testing two competing theories. The racial influence hypothesis suggests that larger Latino constituencies will lead to fewer restrictive immigration policies, while the racial threat hypothesis suggests the opposite relationship. Using state-level data from 2009 through 2012, we find support for both theories depending on the constituency examined. States with larger Latino populations tend to pass more restrictive immigration policies, but when Latinos have greater electoral strength states tend to pass fewer restrictive policies. This relationship is interactive such that increases in Latino electoral strength act to mitigate the positive effect of Latino population size on restrictive immigration laws. Finally, we also show that the influence of Latino electoral strength on state immigration policy is indirect, meditated by their electoral influence on the partisan and ethnic composition of state legislatures. Our findings emphasize the importance of voting for minority substantive representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have long found that public support for social welfare is influenced by the prevalence of racial minority groups, especially African Americans. Our recent study, however, shows that today's American welfare state is becoming "immigrationalized": immigration has had an important impact on public welfare support (Garand et al., 2015). In this paper, the mechanisms through which immigration has influenced public welfare support in the US are examined. Whether or not Americans' support for welfare spending is influenced by racial and ethnic heterogeneity induced by immigrants or immigrants' heavy reliance on welfare is examined. Furthermore, the possibility that immigration attitudes could condition both processes is assessed. In order to test these mechanisms, macro-level contextual data on the actual population size and welfare consumption rates of immigrants are merged with micro-level public opinion data from the Cumulative American National Election Survey (CANES) for an extended time period from 1996 to 2012. Multilevel models suggest that immigration attitudes and the degree of immigrant welfare participation in one's home state combine to influence one's welfare attitudes. Individuals who reside in states with greater immigrant welfare participation rates and at the same time hold negative attitudes toward immigrants will decrease their welfare support the most. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State-building scholarship understands the development of state administrative capacities as a reaction to political and social upheaval (Skowronek 1982: 4). I argue in previous work that the development of state capacity in immigration policy follows a similar pattern. As integration problems increase in salience and complexity, public officials start a policy making cycle that can grow in terms of geographic inclusion, the range of substantive policy fields affected, and the participatory functions open to immigrants and their organizations. The initial roles available to immigrants in this process are often passive, but public officials trying to address complex problems may encourage immigrant organizations to take on problem-solving roles that grant them greater de facto influence. Thus, integration policy is a process of mutual adjustment that changes the capacity of the state and the nature of citizenship. The paper proposed here applies this framework to compare successful immigrant organizations in the United States and Germany -- two countries with widely differing experiences in integration policy. I expect to argue that the cycle of mutual adaptation tends to expand state administrative capacity AND immigrant political empowerment in the United States, while in Germany it has served only to expand state capacity. An explanation for this discrepancy is sought in differences in political leadership recruitment, the organizational capacities of immigrant organizations, and the structure of interest groups in policy areas related to integration efforts. These findings have important implications for models of integration and assimilation in all democratic political systems. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the effect of immigrant discourse on attitudes toward immigration reform, policy issues with substantial implications for Latinos (education), and Latinos themselves. Using an experimental design with approximately six hundred subjects (200 Latinos, 200 African Americans, and 200 Anglos), we will expose the subjects to varying stories about the presence of immigrants in America. One story will use the term "illegal immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more conservative views of immigration and immigrants. The second story will use the term "undocumented immigrants," which is commonly used by those with more liberal views. The third story will use the term "unauthorized immigrants," which is the term used in publications of the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and evinces an in-between perspective. The policy questions will involve a variety of immigration reform proposals that range from libertarian to comprehensive to enforcement oriented. In addition, we will then ask all respondents a number of questions about education policies that relate to Latinos. For example, we will ask about the Dream Act, bilingual education, Plyler v. Doe, and equitable school funding. Some of these policies relate specifically to unauthorized immigrants, while others do not. Lastly, we will ask respondents various questions aimed at ascertaining attitudes toward Latinos as a community. The paper will thereby investigate whether the experimental treatment not only affects views about immigration reform but also Latino education policies and the Latino community itself. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain the determinants of Americans' attitudes towards the immigration of Asians and Latinos to the United States. It will specifically focus on examining the role that the economy, employment rate, symbolic politics, demographics, views towards border security and free trade, and affinity with and feelings towards Asians and Hispanics influence Americans' attitudes towards Latino and Asian immigration. Due to the vast number of Latinos and Asian immigrants arriving to the U.S. every day, the demographics of this country are changing. As a result, many Americans are noticing substantial changes in the demographics, language, and culture of the United States. The effect of Hispanic and Asian immigration can be viewed positively or negatively, depending on one's perspective. Examples of the conflict over increasing immigration are portrayed in the recent creation of strict immigration policies that reduce the number of services provided to undocumented immigrants (e.g., Proposition 187) and policies that limit the number of immigrants coming to this country through stronger patrols of the U.S.-Mexico border. Thus, it is no surprise that many Americans are noticing changes in the U.S. to increasing immigration and are responding to those changes. Consequently, it is significant to learn more specifically what determines Americans attitudes towards Latino and Asian immigration.Very little research has been conducted on Americans' attitudes towards Latino and Asian immigration. The research that has been conducted has focused on examining the role that education, income, age, economy, symbolic politics and levels of contact with Asians and Hispanics affect Anglos' attitudes towards immigration (Hood and Morris, 1997). Nevertheless, our research will use more current data and focus on these factors as well as more specific issues such as feelings towards Hispanics, Asians, free trade, border security, and aid to immigrants. Including these issues provides a more precise and comprehensive evaluation of the determinants of Americans' attitudes towards Latino and Asian immigration. Furthermore, we intend to merge data on the ethnic and linguistic attributes of county and state contexts to explain variance in Americans' attitudes towards Latino and Asian immigration based on the immigrant population of certain regions. In this paper, we use data provided by the 2004 American National Election Study. We hypothesize that the economy, employment rate, symbolic politics, demographics, views towards border security and free trade, affinity with and feelings towards Asians and Hispanics play a significant role in determining whether Americans think that Hispanics and Asian immigrants should increase, decrease or remain the same. We also hypothesize that Americans' attitudes towards Hispanic immigration differ from Asian immigration, especially based on the population of Latinos and Asians residing in Americans' immediate contexts. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes in the racial dynamic of the South raise many questions that need to be addressed. For example, how are native-born black and white Americans reacting to the presence of a third population, one with little or no history in the region? How do these new immigrants perceive relations with their new black and white neighbors? Research in the area of the effects of Latino immigration on intergroup relations in the South is very recent and not extensive (McClain et al. 2006, 2007; Marrow 2005). This paper will try to provide a glimpse at the context in which racial intergroup relations will be developed in three Southern locationsâ??Durham, NC; Memphis, TN; and Little Rock, AR. These locations represent different Southern environments from a majority black city (Memphis) to one where blacks and whites are basically represented in equal proportions in the population (Durham) to one where blacks are a minority of the population (Little Rock). ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although a considerable body of research has begun to explore how the behavior of international migrants is influenced by governments in their countries of origin, few comparative studies of sending-state migration policy currently exist. This paper uses time series cross-sectional data to examine the impact of sending-state policies on the patterns of economic and political transnationalism exhibited by Latin American migrants living in the United States. It provides a test of several theories about how transnationalism evolves over time and investigates how political concerns within the sending state can shape these changes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While American ambivalence about immigration is as old as the country, the issue of illegal immigration into the United States has moved up to the top of the nation's agenda since the tragic events of September 11, 2001. While most Americans believe that legal immigration has been historically good for the country, most have at the same time become increasingly concerned about illegal immigration into the country. Our goal in this project is to further illuminate public opinion about illegal immigration although we want to transcend simple survey efforts to examine the pulse of public opinion on this issue. Instead, we set out to determine whether public views on illegal immigration are monolithic or whether they in part depend on such factors as the immigrants' country of origin, their fluency in English, or their desire to settle in the U.S. permanently. Using previous research and opinion surveys as a point of departure, we anticipate that attitudes toward illegal immigrants may vary with their country of origin (or more specifically whether they hail from a predominantly White, Hispanic, or Arab country), whether or not they are fluent in English, and whether they want to settle in the U.S. permanently and become citizens or want to work here for a while and return to their homeland after improving their finances. To test these broad expectations and the more specific ones we describe in the paper, we have used experimental design as our methodological tool. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the chief article of America's civil religion, the presidential Inaugural Addresses serve as interesting four-year snapshots of America's political values. Because the substance and emphases of the addresses have changed substantially over time, they also reveal historically significant shifts in American political thought. In this paper I examine how the concept of citizenship is treated in the Inaugural Addresses, especially how the concept of citizenship has changed over time. I will examine both the emphasis of citizenship together with its attendant privileges and responsibilities as well as issues closely related to citizenship such as immigration and racial integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thanks in great part to advancements in the technology of transportation and telecommunication, today's immigrants find it much easier than did past immigrants to take part in a wide variety of transnational political activities. Recent studies, however, show that relatively a small subset of the immigrant population in the United States is involved in transnational political practices. Why are some immigrants involved in cross-border political activities, while others are not? Drawing on data from a survey of 1202 Latino immigrants, the proposed study intends to identify the characteristics of those who participate in cross-border political activities and explain why they do so. To address the questions, this study focuses on two observations. First, immigrants in general are in need of extra encouragement to help offset their lack of resources so as to participate in transnational political activities. Mobilization efforts by governments of the sending countries are expected to play an important role in increasing the level of involvement in immigrants' transnational activities. Second, research reveals that transnational political activities are gendered and primarily carried out by male immigrants, who wish to compensate for their loss of status in the host country. This suggests that transnational political activities are largely an instrumentally motivated adaptation strategy immigrants employ to promote their sense of self-worth facing the loss of status in the host society. The proposed study will build on those observations to better explain why immigrants participate in cross-border political practices. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With immigration becoming at extremely salient issue in the United States, I look to shed some light on how opinion with regard to immigration is formed in America. Using relational social identity theory; I find that increased levels of social dominance in survey respondents result in a decreased support for any increase in immigration rates. Furthermore, an interactive measure of education levels and trade opinion (used as a proxy for SDO) is used to hypothesize a more economic interest-based group identity that creates synthesis between this analysis and previous analyses which have a more economic focus. Group membership identities emerge as an important determinant of immigration opinion, with the relational component of the theory providing a more in depth understanding of opinion formation than previous, non-relational applications of social identity theory have been able to provide. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research uses an empirical case study approach to test alternative explanations for the tenor of major immigration legislation in the United States from 1940 -2002. Specifically, the research tests whether the political party in control of the government, macro-unemployment levels, or major domestic or foreign "events" is the best predictor of the tenor of new legislation. In all, eight pieces of legislation passed are examined: Two laws were intended to liberalize immigration flows and six tendered a reduction in the entry of the foreign-born. The analysis suggests that the event environment best forecasts the tone of new legislation. However, macro-economic performance is likely a primary justification in one instance. Last, the research finds that when liberalizing legislation was passed, all three variables were pulling in the direction of a more open door policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in "illegal" immigration has predictably resulted in a backlash toward immigrants and current US immigration policy which many consider to be broken. This study seeks to examine the factors shaping American public opinion toward undocumented immigrants and US immigration policy. Current studies on attitudes toward immigration largely consider the role of economic motives, inter-group contact, affect, and symbolic orientations. Each of these studies has advanced our understanding of the factors underlying opinion formation toward immigrants and US immigration policy. However, given data limitations, most have not examined how media framing influences immigration attitudes. Furthermore, since many studies were conducted pre-9/11, we know little about how national security concerns influence attitudes toward immigration. This study overcomes these issues by proposing an experimental design to test the effects of differing frames in shaping public opinion toward undocumented immigrants and immigration policies. Subjects are assigned to one of six conditions: a control group, a national security frame, an economic benefit frame, an economic cost frame, a social instability frame, and a historical tradition frame. We hypothesize that those who receive a positive frame (economic benefits and historical tradition) will have more favorable views towards undocumented immigrants and be more supportive of progressive immigration reform relative to those who receive a negative frame (economic cost, social instability, and national security). We treat each frame separately to see whether some frames carry a stronger effect than others in influencing the ingredients of evaluations and opinions on immigration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]