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Abstract: Asian balance of power is changing rapidly due to rapid and simultaneous rise of the two Asian powers, China and India. Both countries have great power ambition and potentiality. They have more than one billion people, huge and rising economy, and growing military, industrial, and scientific capabilities. Their large geographical size and geo-strategic location also make them key actors in Asian politics. Future Asian security, stability and peace will absolutely depend on the relationship between these two countries. The question is: how these two countries have been engaging with one another since the end of the Cold War? What factors influencing their relations? This paper discusses these two questions. The paper is divided into the following sections: section one looks at the brief history of the relationship; section two discusses positive aspects of their relationship; section three examines negative aspects of their future relationship; and last section synthesizes the paper and makes a conclusion.Key Words: China, India, Sino-Indian relations, Asian balance of power, peace, and stability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Soviet Central Asian states have increased in visibility recently, in particular regarding the evolving relationship of the external great powers - the United States, Russia, China, and to a lesser extent India. Varying forms and degrees of multilateral security regimes are under experimentation, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the Collective Security Treaty Organization. The United States, meanwhile, has chosen to maintain a bilateral approach to its relations in the region. In this paper, I explore the current status of security relations in the Central Asian region, seeking to determine those conditions and patterns of behavior consistent with the construction of a security community, and those consistent with an emerging security dilemma, adopting in particular the notion of "cooperative security dilemmas" as put forth by Holger Moelder in his study of the Baltic States. The paper also considers potential costs and benefits of the United States taking a more multilateral approach in the region, particularly in inter-institutional relations between NATO and the SCO. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our paper will compare the emerging powers of China and India. It will be divided into five principal sections. Section I will present a comparative history of China and India, focusing on China's emergence as a post-communist world power versus India's development into a post-colonial world power. Section II will rigorously compare and contrast broader aspects of the political, economic, and sociocultural climates within the two countries, but will also analyze the intricacies of the two political systems. Regarding economics, our paper will explore the significant modernization that has taken place in the two countries, as well as the impact these changes have had on China's and India's respective positions in the larger global economy. In the sociocultural realm, our paper will discuss the political culture in terms of liberty, equality, education, healthcare, housing, transportation, and entertainment. Our assessment will include comparative studies of Confucian culture's impact on China versus the caste system's impact on India, as well as investigations of gender, race, religion, and the manner in which each country acknowledges and adjudicates such issues. In Section III, we will highlight the current domestic and foreign policies of China and India. Section IV will synthesize the central themes discussed in the narrative part of our paper into an original table, allowing the reader to compare China and India at a glance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the possessor of the "Islamic Bomb" and a front line in the war on terror, Pakistan presents special challenges for U.S. policy. This paper seeks to understand the development of Pakistan's nuclear program, the current status, and likely direction in the future. The paper will also examine the interaction among nuclear armed Pakistan, India, China, and the United States. The paper will examine Pakistani force structure as well as command and control. Finally, the paper will note implications for U.S. policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States emerged as a 'factor' in India-Iran relations with Bush Administration's efforts to change the global nuclear order to accommodate India's interests. In turn, India supported the US-led drive to impose sanctions on Tehran. This led to chilling of India's once warm relations with Iran. Since then, however, India has begun to chart a course more independent of Washington by showing renewed interest in Iran's energy sector and by opposing unilateral sanctions on that country. Two factors have contributed to this shift. First, the Obama administration has ignored India in a bid to woo Pakistan, seen as crucial to brokering a political settlement in Afghanistan. Secondly, the US has also failed to persuade Pakistan to take Indian concerns about terrorism emanating from its territory, more seriously. Iran and Iran's interests converge on the issue of stability in Afghanistan, which involves facilitating trade and preventing pro-Pakistan Taliban factions from becoming a part of Kabul's power structure. This also entails reining in transnational terrorism emanating from Pakistani soil, which has long affected both the countries. This paper argues that areas of convergence between Indian and Iranian interests far outweigh differences and therefore the two countries will not abandon their mutually beneficial relationship. Issues - such as energy, terrorism, and Afghanistan - crucial to both will continuously draw them together in the foreseeable future. However, the dilemma posed by continuous pulls and pressures of ties with United States will certainly overstretch India's capacity to balance its relations with Washington and Tehran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In addition to being the worlds most populous democracy India has recently found itself well on the path to economic development and modernization via the tools of globalization. Call centers, outsourcing of all sorts and Bangalore's tech valley present an image of a wonderfully democratic India poised on the brink of modernity with the contingent civic nationalism well evident. In reality, India is a nation filled with cross-cutting identities and numerous identifying variables which hinder the development of the ideal civic nation. This paper examines the role of religious nationalism and India's Hindutva organizations, which is an umbrella term for political organizations promoting "Hinduness" in Indian politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With India slated to become a major economic power in the Asian region and according to RAND Corporation, could position itself in a strategic political actor in the affairs of the region, if its economy continues to sustain growth levels of 6-7 %. The economy is at around 8.5% at the moment. In this context it is imperative for India's policy makers to have a credible energy security strategy. India has been active in negotiations to build natural gas pipeline from Iran thru Pakistan to India to boost its growing energy hungry economy. Iran's geopolitics is a major concern and it is crucial for Indian policy makers to understand and analyze the political risks while dealing with Iran, which has been termed as a rogue state by the United States. This paper makes an attempt to achieve two goals:1.A study of the hardliner and reformist elements in the making of Iranian foreign policy and the central difficulty in its analysis.2.An attempt to understand the political risk analysis of Iran in the context India's vigorous pursuit of building a pipeline from that nation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, U.S.-India relationship has been mired in the cold-war politics. However, in recent years relations between the two countries have improved significantly, facilitated partly by India's agreement to work jointly on counter-terrorism operations after 9/11. Building on this, U.S. and India signed a landmark civilian nuclear agreement in July 2005. The civilian nuclear agreement gave India access to U.S. nuclear fuel and technology despite India's refusal to sign the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). This agreement nearly brought down the coalition government in India and evoked strong reactions in some U.S. government officials who believed this agreement undermined the sanctity of the NPT. Most of the literature on relations between domestic policy and International relations suggest they are linked. However, Putnam (1988) argues that it is more important to determine "how" and "when" domestic polices influence international relations. In this context, this study will examine how government policy makers and presidential support for U.S.-India civilian nuclear agreement influence U.S.-India relations through framing analysis. Government officials and other key political actors advance their position on important policy issues through media. Researchers will use textual analysis to examine the frames advanced by Indian and U.S. government officials in two national Indian newspapers, The Times of India and Nava Bharat Times, and two U.S. newspapers, The New York Times and Washington Post from January 2008 - July 2008, when the issue gained momentum in news media. Findings from this study will advance our understanding on how domestic policies influence international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]