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North Korea's 2022 was largely a continuation of the political/economic, military, and diplomatic dynamic from 2020--21, but with different accents. Given the path dependence of military/nuclear modernization, domestic political/economic structural constraints, and the geostrategic situation in East Asia, 2023 in North Korea is likely to continue these same trends. Two big questions loom. (1) How will North Korea open up from COVID border closures, which might make better economic performance possible? (2) How will North Korea manage inter-Korean relations, and is the Korean Peninsula headed for a situation in which the security dilemma of a long-term deterrence relationship between the US--South Korea alliance and North Korea spills over into kinetic conflict? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Parliament did not have a chance to convene under the newly elected National League for Democracy administration. Before the first parliamentary session was to take place in early February, the military detained the leaders of the incoming administration and took control of the executive. It justified its actions by saying elections in November 2020 were fraudulent and the Union Election Commission had refused to investigate possible irregularities in the vote. Although the military said new elections would be held within two years, its rule might not be temporary. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The NLD was reelected in 2020 with more seats than it won in 2015. Myanmar's transition is not regressing, but many priorities remain before the state truly democratizes: conducting transparent trials of military officers who were involved in the killings of Rohingyas, solving the conflict between the Arakan Army and the Tatmadaw in Rakhine State, ensuring that enduring armed conflicts do not undermine citizens' ability to vote, making sure the National Ceasefire Agreement prevents the resurgence of old animosities, demilitarizing the constitution, and restraining the military's ability to sue opposition for defamation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2017 Mongolians elected a populist president who is more assertive than his predecessors amid initial uncertainties introduced by a $5.5 billion IMF bailout package. The country continued to be embroiled in a fight over the fate of the 49% private holdings in the Erdenet enterprise. There were signs that Mongolia was becoming less active in engaging its third neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical legacy of Japan-Myanmar relations provides an important rationale for the current economic cooperation. This underpins the perception that Japan is in a "special" position that allows it to seek its bounty-to reap the rewards from its investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the efforts of a Chinese subnational government, Guangxi Province's Shanglin County, to support local residents as they participated in galamsey, a local reference for unregistered artisanal gold mining in Ghana. This resulted in a diplomatic crisis that complicated Sino-Ghanaian relations and threatened Beijing's efforts to access Ghana's energy resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In early 2013, Timor-Leste started to walk solely on its own feet, after the departure of the United Nations Integrated Mission in Timor-Leste and the International Stabilization Force. The year has proved to be broadly peaceful, signifying that the country has learned to live within its own resources. The level of political consensus has increased, as Timor-Leste engages in a process of generational turnover. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tendency for Chinese foreign policy elites to securitize culture in international relations by portraying it as a zone of intense contestation with other states suggests that China's rise will be rocky. Some seek to defend China's cultural autonomy from American hegemony, others, to establish Chinese domination over weaker states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contrast to the claims that Japanese foreign policy increasingly shifts toward realist and pragmatic modes of engagement, this paper argues that Japanese foreign policy is largely trapped between idealist and pragmatic criteria in its Central Asian (CA) policy. Japan's policy in CA is thus a hybrid of policies that are not properly understood in CA, nor can they be explained to the public at home. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2012 began well for Bangladesh. Economic performance was impressive, and there were some notable political developments, such as the starting of the War Crimes Trial. However, corruption remained a pressing issue, the rule of law and human rights in the country became increasingly tenuous, and the political environment continued to be turbulent and uncertain. Moreover, issues regarding the country's relationship with both India and the U.S. were poorly resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses India's investment in public diplomacy since 2000, focusing on the motivations behind India's investment, the different forms of public diplomacy employed, and the effectiveness of India's investment in terms of shaping public opinion outside of India. The author notes the use of the internet and social media by India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) and argues that India's public diplomacy investment is meant to build international soft power in response to similar efforts by China and other Asian countries. Other topics include cultural and academic exchanges involving India, the foreign presence of India's media outlets, and India's efforts to use sports for diplomatic purposes.

The article discusses how Chinese President Hu Jintao's concept of "harmonious world" has affected Chinese foreign policy, specifically how it provided opportunities for public intellectuals to question authorities' foreign policy discourse. Topics include how citizens are shaping the generation of ideas about Chinese strategies and how the U.S. will likely control world affairs for several decades. Additional information is presented on discussions about post-American world orders involving a blend of socialism and Chinese characteristics.

This article discusses the political and economic landscape in Indonesia during 2011. Topics include the dichotomy between the positive political developments of the pluralist democracy with free elections and polity problems from increased sectarian tensions and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono's declining reputation, a prominent corruption scandal centering around the mid-level government tax official Gayus Tambunan and his alleged money laundering for Indonesian businesses, and the lack of state response to religiously motivated conflict against the unorthodox Ahmadiyah sect prompting criticism from non-governmental organizations.

In this article the author examines social and political conditions in Indonesia current during 2010. It is noted that Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, the president of Indonesia, began his second term in office in 2010. The central focus of the article is on the failure of political reform. A number of other topics are addressed including the fact that Indonesia had impressive economic growth during the year, political corruption continued to be a wide-spread problem, and that Indonesia's management of international relations appeared to be sound.

In this article the author examines China's involvement and ambitions in the Antarctic region. According to the author Chinese involvement in the Antarctic has evolved and entered a new phase. Scientific activities on the part of the Chinese have increased in the Antarctic region and China is seeking an increased leadership role in the area. The central focus of the article is an examination of the association of increased Chinese activities in the Antarctic and China's foreign and domestic policies.

The article examines events that took place in North Korea during 2009. The central focus of the article is North Korea's relations with South Korea which stood in a state of disarray. In addition, the North Korea nuclear weapons policy remained in effect and was exacerbated by the country's second nuclear test which alarmed and angered the entire world community. The author notes that in August 2009 the North Korea regime adopted a more accommodating foreign policy stance but remained insistent that it would not relinquish nuclear weapons.

In this article the author examines aspects of Russian foreign policy, concentrating on Russian relations with Southeast Asia. In analyzing the greater attempts to impose Russian influence on the region under the direction of Russian president Vladimir Putin, the author examines relations with countries that are members of ASEAN and those that are not. Of particular importance is an examination of the prominence of Southeast Asian countries in Russian determination to become a major actor in the region.

In this article the author comments on events that took place in Indonesia during 2008. According to the article the central issue of the year was the varying degree of popular support enjoyed by the government of president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono. It is noted that fluctuations in Yudhoyono's popularity existed despite the fact that Indonesia was enjoying a period of political stability and robust economic performance. Assessed in the article are Yudhoyono's electoral prospects in the 2009 election and the state of the political opposition.

In this article the author discusses events that took place in South Korea during 2008. According to the author the central event of the year was the election of the Grand National Party government led by Lee Myung-bak. The article states that this event marked the end of the progressive era favored by previous governments and the beginning of the age of conservatism. The author notes that as 2008 progressed, the new government encountered a series of financial crises and social difficulties and experienced unsettled relations with North Korea.

In this article the author discusses events that took place in Russian and the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) during 2008. The author notes that the transfer of presidential power from Vladimir Putin to Dmitry Medvedev caused no alteration in Russian domestic or foreign policy. The actions taken by the Russian armed forces against the Georgian republic did result in foreign policy tensions with a number of Asian countries including China and Japan. Also considered was the relative economic prosperity of the region and the impact of the 2009 global economic crisis.

The article discusses the relations between the nation of Burma with the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) from 1997 to 2008. ASEAN has been pressured by other international groups to deal forcefully with Burma for its human rights violations. When Burma joined ASEAN in 1997, ASEAN was not committed to any democratic idealogies, which made the partnership more palatable for the ruling junta of Burma. However, as other ASEAN nations have become committed to democratic ideals, they have put a strain on their relationship with Burma.

This article analyzes discussions, resources, and prospects for soft power in China, focusing on the Beijing Consensus, foreign policy, and civilization, It posits that the country's recognition of soft power and its application to national policies is an important factor in explaining China's rapidly increasing influence in Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) suffered a stunning defeat in the July 2007 upper house elections, creating an unprecedented situation in which the LDP-led coalition lost its majority in the upper house while retaining a two-thirds majority in the lower house. In this new environment of "divided government" Japanese style, the LDP and the opposition jockeyed for advantage in foreign and domestic policy debates while preparing for a critical confrontation in the next lower house election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates why the lraq issue did not become decisive enough to topple Japan's LDP-Komeitō coalition government in the November 2003 lower house election, even though the majority of the public opposed the lraq war and the dispatch of the Self-Defense Forces to Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American foreign policy in Southeast Asia from 1975 to the present can be characterized as exhibiting varying degrees of benign neglect, with episodic attention to perceived security threats. Current policies are narrowly focused on anti-terrorism; their perceived anti-Muslim overtones, while engendering instrumental cooperation, have tended to alienate Southeast Asian publics. U.S. influence in Southeast Asia appears to be waning, with China capitalizing on opportunities to expand its influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro stepped down in September 2006 after a five-year term in which he reshaped Japanese politics by undermining his own party's political machine, stretched the constraints on Japan's military role, and promoted a program of `structural" economic reform. In his final year in office, he confronted a backlash against his economic reform program and presided over a chill in relations with China and South Korea. Abe Shinzo replaced Koizumi, pledging to repair relations with Japan's neighbors and to promote a pro-growth economic strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Vietnam's strategy toward China since 1990. The study suggests that Vietnam's China policy has been informed by a changing mix of four different pathways, whose salience depends on the interplay of interest and balance of power among China, America, ASEAN, and Vietnam's two grand strategic camps and supreme leader. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the debate among relevant sections of Russia's foreign policy elite regarding the country's military-technological cooperation policy with China and changing views under Presidents Yeltsin and Putin. Russian views are ambivalent at best and significantly affected by the dynamics of U.S.-Russian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]