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Copyright of Canadian Foreign Policy Journal (CFPJ) is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Sociologia e Política is the property of Revista de Sociologia e Politica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines how Turkey has established and transformed particular norms as norm entrepreneur and norm transmitter toward the Middle East from constructivism perspectives. At first part, this study reviews previous studies about norm and norm spread, especially contributions of Florini, Finnemore and Sikkink, and Acharya. In second part, this paper presents framework of Turkey's norm entrepreneur and norm transmitter roles, and applies it to specific examples. As the examples of norm entrepreneur, Ankara Forum and Turkish model are taken. On the other hand, Turkey's activities in Democratic Assistance Dialogue and in OIC were examples of norm transmitter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper studies Turkey's strategic interest in the Syrian conflict in response to the 'Arab spring'. It examines the impact of the Syrian crisis on Turkish foreign policy at the regional level, including the impact of Turkey's leadership, 'Erdoganism', during the Arab spring, and the simultaneous shift from an 'idealist policy' of 'zero problems' in response to the outbreak of changes. Turkey's 'strategic depth' and its idealistic 'zero problems' policy shifted with the outbreak of the Arab spring and the Syrian crisis, in particular, which posed a number of challenges both domestically and regionally. Domestic politics, history and leadership have played a significant role in shifting the tactics and techniques of Turkey's foreign policy in terms of the Syrian crisis. I include an examination of the relationship between Turkey and non-state actors during the crisis. Despite geopolitical interaction between the two countries, Turkey's foreign policy in Syria has failed to enable the 'free Syrian army' to impose a security zone in northern Syria. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the new Turkish foreign policy, besides the great interests in the Caucasus, Central Asia, Middle East and Africa, the Western Balkans are also important. Turkey is making great efforts to play a greater role on the international scene and creates its area of interest, especially where the links of Ottoman legacy can help. Although it is defined as a peaceful power in the region, some describe it as neo-ottoman, a term rejected by the Turkish authorities because of its possible soft imperialist connotation. Indeed, European prevarications about its accession to the European Union (EU) reinforce the belief of Ankara to open up towards other parts of the world. Through the diplomatic initiative, mediation, privatization of strategic sectors and cultural exchange, Turkey has emerged as a real player, making the Western Balkans the only region where the principle of "zero problems with neighbors" gives the most tangible results. However, the new Turkish influence also found some limitations concerning the fact that people living in the Western Balkans have not erased the days of Ottoman rule from their memory. Moreover, despite cooperation between Ankara and Brussels in areas such as peacekeeping or conflict mediation, the EU, which continues to maintain its leading authority in this close area, seems challenged somewhat by the assertive presence of Turkey. This paper aims precisely to study the return of Turkey to the Western Balkans. Our central question is: is the Turkish projection in the Western Balkans a challenge or an opportunity for the EU? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hellenic Studies / Etudes Helleniques is the property of Centre for Hellenic Studies & Research Canada-KEEK and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper maps out the main patterns and trends of representation in the mainstream Turkish media of the Armenian-Turkish normalisation process from 2008 to 2010. The research seeks to show the dynamics of media representation by focusing on five mainstream media outlets and seven key developments in the Armenian-Turkish normalization process. The article draws on both quantitative and qualitative data gathering methods. This includes critically engaging with fifteen news stories, twelve opinion pieces and a survey on a total of 1607 news items published during the selected seven time spans. Incorporating the findings of the quantitative research with those of the qualitative analysis, the article identifies the general tendencies within Turkish mainstream media that accompany the improvement of the relations between Turkey and Armenia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been some controversy recently over the identity of the first mayor of Nicosia during British rule. This paper seeks to clarify the issue by putting it into context. What was Nicosia like between 1878 and 1882? What exactly do we mean by the words 'mayor' and 'municipal council'? How was the town administered then and how and to what extent did municipal procedures change in the subsequent years? The material researched suggests that the unusual circumstances of the occupation created a prolonged period of transition during which basic municipal functions were essentially directed by British officials. It was not until 1882 that a substantial shift from an Ottoman to a more British colonial form of administration took place. The resulting reforms provided the islanders with a judiciary independent of the executive, and a partially elected legislature. Nicosia was, on the whole, slower than the coastal towns to make the most of the opportunity for municipal self-government that the new legislation also offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkish foreign policy has recently undergone remarkable changes, and these changes have led to a considerable degree of foreign policy activism, most notably in the Middle East, which has never been seen throughout the history of the Turkish Republic. It is unquestionable that Turkey's activism in the Middle East increased the country's power in the Arab-Muslim political circles but also caused deterioration in Turkish-Israeli relations. Although there has been a consensus on relating the changes in Turkish foreign policy towards the Middle East with the Justice and Development Party's (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) leading echelons, to date only a few studies attempted to incorporate a particular theoretical approach to explain this agency based shift. This paper argues that role theory can be incorporated into the theory of securitization and it can be used as a conceptual tool for decoding Turkey's strained relations with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The end of the threat posed by Kurdish separationism and the US invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq in the early 2000s created an international environment perfectly conducive for Turkey to play more active and dynamic role in the Middle East. The ruling party in Turkey, Justice and Development Party (JDP) ably benefitted from this international environment and expanded Turkey?s influence in the region. Through a multi-level analysis of Turkish foreign policy under the JDP, this paper argues that the Arab revolutions/rebellions of 2011 have been undermining the very international environment the JDP found conducive for its foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role the European Union has played in the Cyprus Problem since the EU accession of the Republic of Cyprus in 2004. Its main thesis is that six years of EU membership [and the accession process) are - with respect to the Cyprus Question - littered with false hopes, miscalculations and misperceptions by all main actors. The paper focuses on two aspects that have dominated the relations between the EU and Cyprus: Firstly, it reconstructs the failed attempts of powerful actors within the European Union to overcome Greek Cypriot resistance in its efforts to implement the EU pledge from 2004 to end the isolation of the Turkish Cypriots. Secondly, it examines the repeated attempts of the Greek Cypriots to utilise their EU membership as well as the Turkish aspirations to join the Union in order to press Ankara for concession in the Cyprus Question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the relationship of Turkey with the Middle Eastern countries. The author provides an overview on the rise of the nation in the Middle Eastern region. He also looks into the economic, social and political condition of Turkey. He also tackles the insurgency and uprisings in the Arab countries.