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Cilj je članka predstaviti motive geopolitičkog uređenja Jugoistočne Europe s naglaskom na analizi odnosa između Jugoslavije i Bugarske potkraj Drugoga svjetskog rata. U tom su kontekstu najprije identificirani međuratni interesi četiriju uključenih strana: jugoslavensko i bugarsko komunističko vodstvo te politički predstavnici Sovjetskog Saveza i Ujedinjenoga Kraljevstva. U drugom dijelu autor opisuje razvoj ideje jugoslavensko-bugarskoga povezivanja nakon rata, najprije u razdoblju zbližavanja jugoslavenske i bugarske Komunističke partije, a zatim i u vrijeme raskola u Informbirou te dramatičnoga zaokreta u njihovim odnosima. Autor osim raznih makrogeopolitičkih vizija uočava i značajne razlike u motivima na mikrogeopolitičkoj razini. Suprotno od proklamirane ideje "južnoslavenskoga bratstva", Komunistička partija Jugoslavije ideju povezivanja s Bugarskom percipirala je prije svega kao sredstvo za manevriranje u odnosima s Britanijom i Sovjetskim Savezom, dok je Bugarska komunistička partija koncept (kon)federativnoga saveza s Jugoslavijom rabila višeslojno. U prvom je redu ta ideja predstavljala dio strategije rješavanja makedonskoga pitanja, no savez s Jugoslavijom bio je i sredstvo zaštite bugarskih teritorija u odnosima s Grčkom, pa onda i sredstvo jačanja unutarnjega položaja bugarskih komunista u procesu učvršćivanja poslijeratne vlasti., This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro- -geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.

V prispevku analiziramo, kako študenti ekonomskih in poslovnih študijskih programov zaznavajo potencialno korist učenja tujih jezikov, kakšna je njihova nagnjenost k učenju tujih jezikov in kakšne so njihove izkušnje, dobre in slabe, pri učenju jezikov. Rezultati, pridobljeni med januarjem in aprilom 2021 v spletni anketi na vzorcu 272 študentov ekonomskih in poslovnih ved Ekonomske fakultete v Ljubljani, kažejo, da ta populacija pogosto zaznava potrebo po znanju tujega jezika. Delovno aktivni, med njimi še posebej zaposleni na delovnih mestih, kjer je potrebna vsaj visokošolska izobrazba, to potrebo zaznavajo bolj od delovno neaktivnih ali zaposlenih na delovnih mestih, kjer ni zahtevana visokošolska izobrazba. Prav tako zaznavanje potrebe po znanju tujega jezika narašča s stopnjo študija. Proučevana populacija učenje jezika v največjem delu vidi kot sredstvo, ki enakomerno prispeva k razvoju osebnosti in večji zaposljivosti, obenem tudi v največjem delu meni, da je študijski program treba sestaviti tako, da bo enakomerno vključeval tako individualne kot skupinske oblike dela. The paper analyses how students in the fields of business and economics perceive the potential benefits of learning foreign languages, their attitudes towards learning foreign languages, and the nature of their experiences with foreign language learning. The results obtained between January and April 2021 using an online survey with a sample of 272 students from the School of Economics and Business Ljubljana show that the surveyed population often needs to know how to communicate in a foreign language. Employees, especially those in positions where higher education is required, are more aware of this need than those who are either unemployed or those in jobs that do not require a higher level of education. Likewise, the perception of the need for foreign language skills increases with the level of study. The participants perceive language learning as a means that equally contributes to personality development and greater employability, but also believe that the curriculum should be designed in a way that will evenly include both individual and group forms of learning.

Članek obravnava stanje na področju znanja in percepcije koristnosti tujih jezikov pri diplomantih in študentih poslovnih in ekonomskih ved. Rezultati kažejo, da je med opazovano populacijo najbolj prisotna angleščina, pri kateri se povprečni anketiranec nahaja med B2 in C1 ravnjo. Angleščini sledi hrvaščina, pri kateri se povprečni anketiranec opredeli malo nad ravnjo A2. Na tretjem mestu je nemščina s povprečnim znanjem pod ravnjo A2. Podiplomski študentje so se v povprečju pri večini jezikov ocenili boljše od dodiplomskih študentov, redno zaposleni pa od zaposlenih prek študentskih servisov in neaktivnih na trgu dela. Pri oceni koristnosti znanja tujih jezikov je prva angleščina, nemščina zaseda drugo, hrvaščina pa tretje mesto. Poleg teh so le še španski, francoski in srbski jezik v povprečju zaznani kot relativno bolj koristni jeziki. The article explores the situation in the field of knowledge and perception of usefulness of foreign language knowledge among business and economics graduates and students. The results show that among the observed population English is the most popular, since the average respondent is between B2 and C1 level of knowledge. It is followed by Croatian language with slightly above the A2 level of knowledge on average. In third place is German with an average knowledge below the A2 level. On average, postgraduate students rated themselves better in most languages than undergraduate students, while full-time employees rated themselves better than student workers and non-employed. In assessing the usefulness of foreign language knowledge, English is in the first place, German second and Croatian in the third. In addition to these, only Spanish, French, and Serbian are, on average, perceived as mostly useful languages.

Učenje tujega jezika je koristno ne glede na starost, zato je vključevanje dodatnih izobraževalnih programov na področju tujih strokovnih jezikov tudi pri učencih v obdobju njihovega visokošolskega izobraževanja načeloma koristno. Za Slovenijo je značilna relativno večja potreba po znanju tujih jezikov zaradi relativne majhnosti slovensko govoreče skupnosti. Na področju poslovanja so poleg angleščine najbolj pogosti stiki slovensko govorečega prebivalstva ravno z jeziki, ki obkrožajo slovenski govorni prostor. Rezultati analize potreb pri slovenskih študentih in diplomantih na področju poslovnih in ekonomskih ved in mnenja strokovnjakov potrjujejo, da je vključevanje poučevanja hrvaškega jezika kot tujega v slovenski visokošolski prostor na tem strokovnem področju smiselno. Hrvaški jezik je sicer še vedno močno prisoten v slovenskem govornem prostoru, saj se pri preučevani populaciji v okviru 21 tujih jezikov uvršča na drugo mesto glede na povprečno raven znanja, a že precej zaostaja za angleškim jezikom. Povprečni anketiranec se pri znanju hrvaščine nahaja na A2 stopnji znanja. Obenem hrvaščina zaseda tretje mesto po zaznani uporabnosti njenega znanja, in sicer skoraj 70 % anketirancev zaznava hrvaški jezik kot večinoma ali zelo uporaben. Študentska populacija kaže relativno visok interes za učenje hrvaškega jezika, saj bi se 30 % zagotovo udeležilo pouka hrvaščine, v kolikor bi ta možnost obstajala, še 20 % pa je v danem trenutku neodločnih. Obenem je 80 % tistih, ki kažejo interes za učenje hrvaščine, za ta pouk pripravljeno tudi plačati. Učenju hrvaškega jezika so bolj naklonjeni tisti, ki imajo pozitiven odnos do tega jezika in so zaradi različnih okoliščin uspeli izgraditi občutek bližine s tem jezikom. Pri poučevanju hrvaškega jezika na področju poslovnih in ekonomskih ved bi bila smiselna delitev na dve težavnostni stopnji, predlagano izobraževanje pa je smotrno tudi s finančnega vidika. Learning a foreign language is useful regardless of age, so the inclusion of additional educational programs in the field of foreign professional languages should be also useful for students in the period of their higher education. Slovenia is characterized by a relatively greater need for knowledge of foreign languages due to the size of the Slovene-speaking community. In the field of business, besides English, the most frequent contacts of the Slovene-speaking population are with the languages surrounding the Slovene-speaking area. The results of the analysis of the needs among Slovenian students and graduates in the field of business and economics and the opinion of business and economics experts confirm that the introduction of the Croatian language in the higher education programs in this particular field would be reasonable. The Croatian language, however, is still strongly present in the Slovene-speaking area. It ranks second in terms of the average knowledge among the 21 foreign languages studied, but lags far behind English. The average respondent masters the Croatian language at A2 level of knowledge. At the same time, Croatian language ranks third in terms of perceived usefulness of its knowledge, with almost 70% of respondents perceiving the Croatian language as mostly or very useful. The student population shows a relatively high interest in learning the Croatian language, since 30% would certainly attend Croatian lessons, if this possibility existed, and another 20% are indecisive at the moment. At the same time, 80% of those who show an interest in learning Croatian language are willing to pay for these lessons. The positive attitude towards Croatian language and sense of closeness with it are predictors for learning the Croatian. The proposed educational program is feasible from the financial aspect. We also recommend dividing it into two levels of difficulty.

Prispevek na vzorcu 272 anketirancev analizira položaj tujih jezikov pri slovenskih diplomantih in študentih na področju poslovnih in ekonomskih ved. Splošno znanje je daleč najboljše pri angleščini, sledi povprečno znanje hrvaškega jezika, nato nemščine in srbščine. Podiplomski študentje so se v povprečju pri večini jezikov ocenili boljše od dodiplomskih študentov, redno zaposleni pa od zaposlenih prek študentskih servisov in neaktivnih na trgu dela. Pri oceni koristnosti znanja tujih jezikov je prva angleščina, nemščina druga in hrvaščina tretja. Med slovanskimi jeziki anketiranci le še znanje srbskega in mejno ruskega jezika zaznavajo kot uporabno. Vsi južnoslovanski jeziki se na lestvici zaznane uporabnosti uvrščajo nižje kot na lestvici znanja. The article analyzes the positions of foreign languages among Slovenian graduates and students in the fields of business and economics based on a sample of 272 respondents. General knowledge is by far the best in English, followed by Croatian, then German, and Serbian. On average, postgraduate students rated themselves better than undergraduate students in most languages, while full-time employees rated themselves better than student employees and survey participants who are inactive in the labor market. In assessing the usefulness of foreign language skills, English is first, German second, and Croatian third. Among Slavic languages, only knowledge of Serbian is perceived as useful, while Russian is on the border of perceived usefulness and uselessness. All South Slavic languages are ranked lower on the usefulness scale than on the knowledge scale.

The article examines the problem of ambiguities in the process of measuring the performance in non-profit sports clubs which is one of the main causes for disputes between various stakeholders in the process of determining organizational strategies and strategic objectives. The first objective is to use the non-profit basketball clubs as an example, to describe their specifics from the aspect of organizational performance and to reveal what exactly, beside the financial and sports results, is necessary to take into account for the performance evaluation in these organizations. The second objective is to disclose non-profit sport clubs’ actual strategic orientations. The explorative factor analysis performed on performance estimations of 15 organizational goals was obtained on a sample of 73 non-profit basketball clubs from four South-Eastern European countries. The results indicate two basic strategic orientations of non-profit basketball clubs, namely financial-competitive and non-financial-recreational orientation. The findings may be helpful to clubs’ managements in the process of defining missions and hierarchy of strategic goals for their organizations. Članak istražuje problem nejasnoća u procesu mjerenja uspješnosti u neprofitnim sportskim klubovima što je jedan od glavnih uzroka sporova između različitih dionika u procesu utvrđivanja organizacijskih strategija i strateških ciljeva u tim organizacijama. Prvi je cilj na primjeru neprofitnih košarkaških klubova opisati specifičnosti s aspekta organizacijske uspješnosti i otkriti što je točno, osim financijskih i sportskih rezultata, potrebno uzeti u obzir kod ocjenjivanja uspješnosti u tim organizacijama. Drugi je cilj otkriti stvarne strateške orijentacije neprofitnih sportskih klubova. Provedena je faktorska analiza ocjena uspješnosti na području 15 organizacijskih ciljeva na uzorku od 73 neprofitna košarkaška kluba iz četiri zemlje jugoistočne Europe. Rezultati ukazuju na dvije osnovne strateške orijentacije, a to su financijsko-takmičarska i nefinancijsko-rekreacijska. Rezultati mogu biti od pomoći klupskim upravama kod definiranja organizacijskih poslanstava i opredjeljivanja hijerarhije strateških ciljeva svojih klubova.

Članak prikazuje događaje s početka 20. stoljeća i otkriva kako su Slovenci okupljeni oko tršćanskog časopisa Edinost pratili razvoj politike „novog kursa“, kojom se dio hrvatskih političara novom strategijom stvaranja južnoslavenske jedinice u Habsburškoj Monarhiji naizgled približio srpskoj viziji i pridonio poboljšanju inače konfliktnih hrvatsko-srpskih odnosa. Istovremeno je ta politika imala negativan utjecaj na dotadašnji hrvatsko-slovenski savez jer se među primorskim i posebice tršćanskim Slovencima pojavio strah da će biti žrtvovani i prepušteni talijanskom utjecaju. Autor primjećuje da je pisanje Edinosti bilo podijeljeno između simpatiziranja hrvatsko-srpskog sporazuma, koji bi mogao potaknuti širu južnoslavensku uzajamnost, i frustracije onim dijelom te strategije koji je Trst ostavljao izvan zamišljenog jugoslavenskog prostora. Analiza pisanja Edinosti također pokazuje da planovi „novog kursa“ nisu predstavljali suštinsku fuziju hrvatske i srpske koncepcije jer su unutar Hrvatsko-srpske koalicije postojale dvije, prema geopolitički odrednicama bitno drugačije, vizije uređenja južnoslavenskog prostora. The article presents the events in the early 20th century and reveals how the Slovenes gathered around the political association Edinost wrote about the development of the Croatian political movement, known as the ‘New Course’. This was a new political strategy which altered relations within the Croatian-Austrian-Hungarian triangle and simultaneously affected relations between the Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The primary political objective of the Croats within the New Course was the reintegration of Dalmatia into the Croatia-Slavonia unit, which was initially supposed to remain in the Hungarian half of the Habsburg Monarchy. In return for securing Italian support, the New Course bolstered the Italian ambitions in Istria, Trieste and Gorizia. The latter seemed to improve the otherwise troubled Croatian-Serbian relations, but impaired the former Croatian-Slovenian alliance. Coastal and especially Trieste Slovenes feared that the Croats and Serbs would sacrifice them in exchange for Italian support of a South Slav politicaladministrative unit within the Habsburg Monarchy. However, the author notes that Edinost was divided between sympathy for the Croatian-Serbian agreement and broader South Slavic reciprocity on one side, and frustration with that part of the strategy that left Trieste outside of the imagined Yugoslav unit on the other. An analysis of Edinost texts also shows that the New Course did not represent a fusion of the Croatian and Serbian concepts, since the Croatian-Serbian Coalition was rent by two opposing visions on the South Slav question, particularly with regard to fundamental geopolitical parameters.

The article aims to explore and present the personnel structures and human resource management specifics of basketball clubs from four post-transitional South-East European countries. First, the author presents the post-transitional context, by conducting analyses of variance ant t-tests highlights the differences between clubs at different quality levels regarding financing and the degree of professionalization, and describes the implications on the personnel structures. The second part analyzes the impact of various stakeholders on human resource management processes, and in that context presents the head coach’s role in observed basketball clubs. The findings show the higher quality clubs have better infrastructure, larger financial budgets and obtain higher percentage of funds from private sources. First-division clubs are more professionalized and have larger administrative organizational parts compared to their second and third division counterparts. The largest share of responsibility for organizational performance is on head coaches, athletes, and clubs' presidents. The sporting directors’ influence on human resource management related decisions and their responsibility for the performance increase, while the influence of the clubs' presidents decreases with the quality of division. Finally, sponsors' representatives and athletes’ agents are also relatively more influential in higher-ranked clubs.

Temeljna je ambicija ovog članka analizirati pitanje pravnog (dis)kontinuiteta između Kraljevine Srbije i Kraljevine SHS u kontekstu međunarodnog spora između njemačke i Kraljevine SHS te pritom otkriti uzroke različitih tumačenja presude u predmetnom sporu. Autor najprije, služeći se tehnikama povijesno-pravne i analitičke metode pri proučavanju dokumenata i sekundarnih mišljenja političara te ustavnih pravnika, daje kratak pregled međunarodnih okolnosti koje su omogućile formiranje poslijeratnih država, nakon čega sažima različite stavove o pravnom statusu Države SHS i karakteru Prvoprosinačkog akta, koristeći pritom tadašnje i današnje međunarodnopravne i ustavnopravne kriterije. nakon toga u okviru razmatranja središnjeg pitanja zaključuje kako je tadašnje tumačenje ivana Žolgera, kako je unatoč presudi u predmetnom sporu Kraljevina SHS ipak bila nova država jer ista nije stvorena u skladu s Ustavom Kraljevine Srbije, pravno najdosljednije. Pored konstatacije kako je Država SHS zadovoljavala temeljne kriterije državnosti te da je formiranje Kraljevine SHS prekinulo ustavnopravni kontinuitet Kraljevine Srbije, doprinos studije očituje se i kroz argumentaciju kako različita pravna shvaćanja u ovom predmetu ipak nisu bila toliko rezultat pravnih dvoumica, već su u prvom redu bila odraz jedne od mnogih političkih bitaka između sukobljenih državnih ideologija. The article aims mainly at analyzing the issue of legal (dis)continuity between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (hereinafter the Kingdom of SCS) within the context of an international dispute between Germany and the Kingdom of SCS, and to revealing the reasons for different court decisions interpretations in a particular case. By using the techniques of historical-legal and analytical methods in researching into documents and secondary opinions given by politicians and constitutional lawyers, the paper first gives a brief overview of international circumstances that enabled the post-war states formation. It also summarizes different opinions regarding the legal status of the State of SCS and the character of the First-December Act taking into account historical and modern international and constitutional criteria. The conclusion is made in the context of discussion regarding the central issue that Ivan Žolger’s interpretation that despite the verdict in the particular case, the Kingdom of SCS was a new state, since it was not created in accordance with the 1903 Constitution of the Kingdom of Serbia. In addition to the argument that the State of SCS met the basic criteria of statehood, and that the formation of the Kingdom of SCS interrupted the constitutional continuity of the Kingdom of Serbia, the contribution of the paper lies in the argument that different legal opinions were not so much the result of legal ambiguities, but primarily a reflection of one, out of many, political battles fought between the conflicting state ideologies.

Using the data from 73 non-profit basketball clubs from four post-transitional Southeast European countries the article examines the potential causal relationship between 165 variables divided into four groups (organizational environment, strategies, human resource management (HRM), and behavior and feelings of organizational members) and two different aspects of organizational performance, namely competitive-financial and recreational-non-financial. The multiple regression analyses results disclose direct impact of the strategic focus on the organizational performance. The study provides explanation how the importance of different objectives from an aspect of club leadership affect the chances of enhancing the sport clubs performance from both perspectives. Higher performance is achieved by specialized clubs that pursue only one aspect of performance and strive for those goals that positively affect the same performance perspective. On the other hand, the HRM – performance analysis shows that many HRM factors correlate with organizational performance. However, regression analysis did not confirm any significant direct impact, which indicates that this causal relationship is indirect.

Acstract: The main thesis of the article is that the differences in the interpretations of the legal natures of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes were not the consequence of legal uncertainty, but rather reflected yet another among the many political battles in the conflict between the opposing Yugoslav ideologies. The author uses the international and constitutional criteria to analyse the dilemmas regarding the legal nature of the State of SHS and the legal (dis)continuity between the Kingdom of Serbia and the Kingdom of SHS. He argues that: 1) the State of SHS satisfied the fundamental requirements to be considered as a state; and 2) the Kingdom of SHS was a new state, as it was not created according to the standards of the Serbian Constitution. Moreover, it suspended the constitutional continuity of the Kingdom of Serbia., Izvleček: Glavna teza prispevka je, da razlike v razlagi pravne narave tako Države kot tudi Kraljevine Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev niso bile posledica pravne negotovosti, temveč so bile le odraz še ene med številnimi političnimi bitkami v vojni nasprotujočih si jugoslovanskih ideologij. Avtor uporablja mednarodna in ustavna merila ter analizira dileme glede pravne narave države SHS in pravne (dis)kontinuitete med Kraljevino Srbijo in Kraljevino SHS. Avtor na temelju analize argumentira, da: 1) je država SHS izpolnjevala temeljne kriterije državnosti in jo lahko smatramo kot državo, ter da 2) je bila Kraljevina SHS nova država, saj ni bila ustvarjena v skladu s standardi prejšnje srbske ustave; ravno nasprotno, Kraljevina SHS je prekinila ustavno kontinuiteto Kraljevine Srbije.

Rad se bavi arbitrarnošću kriterija za razlikovanje jezika. U prvom se dijelu sažima strukturalistički pogled na jezik te u kontekstu de Saussureove teorije kritički analizira dio interpretacija strukturalizma u hrvatskom jezikoslovlju, bitan za razlikovanje jezika. Na tim se primjerima argumentira postavka da je jezik uvijek društveni proizvod, a društvo bez povijesti, nacionalnosti, vjere i drugih kulturno-političkih sastavnica ne postoji. U kontekstu određivanja razlike između narječja i jezika na primjeru hrvatskoga jezika primjenjuje se više kriterija (strukturalni, kriterij razumljivosti, genetski, identifikacijski i standardizacijski) te zaključuje kako i unutar pojedinih kriterija nema jasnih granica te se stoga može arbitrirati i glede istovjetnosti/različitosti jezika. Ipak je identifikacijski kriterij najjasniji te je u skladu s temeljnom postavkom o pripadnosti jezika svim njegovim govornicima. Ističe se razlika između legitimnosti i moći u izboru jezične zbilje te naglašava važnost razumijevanja de Saussureova dogovornog pristupa razgraničenju između jezika. The aim of this paper is to discuss the issue of arbitrariness in the context of language differentiation criteria. In the first part, the author summarizes the structuralist view of language and, in the context of de Saussure's theory, critically analyzes certain interpretations in Croatian linguistics, which are essential for distinguishing languages. The author argues that language is always a product of society, and, at the same time, a society without history, nationality, religion and other cultural and political elements does not exist. In the context of determining the differences between languages and between dialect and language, the author applies several differentiation criteria on the Croatian language (structural criterion, intelligibility criterion, genetic criterion, identification criterion and standardization criterion), and concludes that within certain criteria there are no clear boundaries, which causes space for arbitration regarding the question whether two languages are identical or different. However, the identification criterion is the clearest one, and it is consistent with the principle that the language belongs to all its speakers. Finally, the paper emphasizes the difference between the legitimacy and the real power for implementing the linguistic reality and, in this context, emphasizes the importance of understanding the de Saussure's consensual approach.

Ovaj se diplomski rad bavi raslojavanjem jezika u kontekstu hrvatske jezične zbilje, razmatra nejasnoće te pokušava demistificirati uzroke nekih sporenja koja se pojavljuju unutar hrvatske lingvistike. Ključna je teza rada arbitrarnost lingvistike i samog jezika. Dok je potonja među hrvatskim lingvistima uglavnom pripisivana jezičnom standardu, koji je nesumnjivo najvažniji za jezičnu politiku, ovaj rad prikazuje da arbitrarnost ipak ima puno širi doseg. Upravo uslijed arbitrarnosti često se u podjelama i sistematizacijama jezika pojavljuju brojne nelogičnosti. Autor arbitrarnost u lingvistici dokazuje analizom odnosa jezika kao sustava i standardnog jezika, odnosa jezika i narječja u kontekstu teritorijalnog raslojavanja i pojedinih funkcionalnih klasifikacija, dok lingvistici pokušava doprinijeti apstrahiranjem biti purizma i razmišljanju o ulozi lingvistike u društvu. Pričujoče diplomsko delo obravnava razslojevanje jezika v kontekstu hrvaške jezikovne resničnosti, preučuje nejasnosti in poskuša demistificirati nekatere spore, ki se pojavljajo v hrvaškem jezikoslovju. Ključna teza dela je arbitrarnost jezikoslovja in samega jezika. Medtem ko je slednja med hrvaškimi jezikoslovci večinoma pripisana jezikovnemu standardu, ki je nedvomno najpomembnejši za jezikovno politiko, to delo dokazuje, da ima arbitrarnost veliko širši doseg. Prav zaradi arbitrarnosti se v delitvah in sistematizaciji jezikov pojavljajo številne nelogičnosti. Avtor arbitrarnost v jezikoslovju dokazuje z analizo odnosa med jezikom kot sistemom in standardnim jezikom, odnosom med jezikom in narečji v okviru teritorialnega razslojevanja in analizo določenih funkcionalnih klasifikacij, medtem ko jezikoslovju poskuša prispevati z abstrahiranjem bistva purizma in razmišljanjem o vlogi jezikoslovja v družbi.

Prispevek v kontekstu kosarkarskih ekip analizira vlogo zavzetosti pri delu med spremenljivkama zaznave delovne kohezivnosti pri soigralcih in zaznave kakovosti HRM na eni strani ter lastnim prispevkom k uspesnosti ekipe na drugi strani. Rezultati, ki temeljijo na strukturnem modelu enacb in Sobelovem testu posredovanja ucinka, potrjujejo, da zaznava kakovosti HRM in zaznavanje delovne kohezivnosti napovedujeta visjo stopnje kosarkarjeve zavzetosti pri delu, zavzetost pa pozitivno deluje na samo-evalvacijo kosarkarja o njegovem lastnem prispevku k uspehu ekipe in pri tem posreduje pozitiven ucinek zaznave kakovosti HRM ter zaznavanja kohezivnosti ekipe. Obenem rezultati kažejo, da ima zaznava sodelavcev v kontekstu sportnih ekip pri delovni zavzetosti posameznikov vsaj toliksen pomen kot zaznava odnosa nadrejenega do opazovanega posameznika. DOI: 10.15458/85451.73

V obdobju 1. svetovne vojne stališča glede državne prihodnosti med južnimi Slovani niso bila poenotena. Medtem ko je del Slovencev in Hrvatov kljub smrti Franca Ferdinanda polagal velike upe v ohranitev habsburške monarhije in ustanovitev tretje (južnoslovanske) enote, ki bo enakopravna avstrijskemu in ogrskemu delu, so predvsem v Srbiji glavno oviro na poti do skupne južnoslovanske države videli ravno v državni tvorbi habsburške dinastije. Odraz razhajanj so predstavljali akti, ki so jih različne strani objavljale v obdobju 1. svetovne vojne. Po eni strani sta glavna elementa Majniške deklaracije bila habsburški okvir in hrvaško državno pravo, na drugi strani pa se je kot predpogoj južnoslovanske skupnosti izpostavljala dinastija Karađorđević. Konec 1. svetovne vojne je prinesel povsem nova razmerja moči v mednarodnih odnosih. V tem obdobju ne moremo več govoriti o ravnotežju velikih sil, kar se je na političnem zemljevidu Evrope formaliziralo z Versajskim sporazumom. V tem obdobju so se oblikovala nekatera nova načela, med katerimi je na mednarodnopravnem področju zagotovo najbolj pomembna pravica do samoodločbe, ki je bila opredeljena v znamenitih Wilsonovih štirinajstih točkah. Predstavniki habsburških južnih Slovanov so oktobra 1918 prekinili vse vezi s prejšnjo državno skupnostjo, na celotnem južnoslovanskem področju sedaj že bivše Avstro-Ogrske pa je oblast prevelo narodno vijeće, s čimer je nastala Država Slovencev, Hrvatov in Srbov. Slednja je začela postopek za mednarodno priznanje, vendar je že po nekaj dnevih prišlo do pogovorov med predstavniki Države SHS, jugoslovanskim odborom in Nikolo Pašićem, ki je zastopal Kraljevino Srbijo. V obdobju ustvarjanja nove podobe Evrope Država SHS ni uspela izkoristiti za trajno osamosvojitev, temveč je s sporazumom s Kraljevino Srbijo vključena v Kraljevino Srbov, Hrvatov in Slovencev. Država SHS je kljub svoji kratkotrajnosti zadovoljevala bistvene kriterije, ki jih mednarodno pravo postavlja kot pogoj subjektivitete. Ozemlje resda ni bilo eksplicitno opredeljeno, pa vendar je bilo to mogoče razbrati iz navedbe vseh področij Avstro-Ogrske, na katerih je bilo prebivalstvo južnoslovansko. Jasno je bila opredeljena tudi neodvisna oblast, ki je kljub določenim omejitvam pri izvajanju dejanske oblasti na celotnem teritoriju, vršila najpomembnejše dolžnosti, med drugim se je tudi vključevala v mednarodne odnose. Izostanek formalnega mednarodnega priznanja te državne tvorbe, ki ga je izpostavljala doktrina, katera je zavračala mednarodnopravno subjektiviteto Države SHS namreč ni konstitutivni element državnosti, temveč predstavlja le znak, da ena država želi z drugo vzpostaviti določeno vrsto diplomatskih razmerij. V procesu ustvarjanja Kraljevine SHS se je ignoriralo nekaj načel, ki sicer veljajo za pogajanja in sporazume v mednarodnem pravu. V prvi vrsti je šlo za prekoračitev pooblastil s strani narodnega sveta, ki ni zahteval mnenj lastnega plenuma ali skupščine, temveč je večino odločitev sprejemalo tričlansko predsedstvo osrednjega odbora. Za samo združitev je narodni svet pooblastil 28 članov, ki niso bili izbrani na plenarnem zasedanju. Delegacija je od osrednjega odbora narodnega sveta dobila smernice v obliki dokumenta z navodili, ki pa so bila prezrta. Podpisani prvo-decembrski akt je ob nepooblaščenem nastopu delegatov potreboval po tedaj veljavnih ureditvah ratifikacijo skupščin na obeh straneh sporazuma, do česar ni prišlo. Začasna skupščina je sprejela zakon, na temelju katerega so se izvedle volitve v ustavodajno skupščino. Čeprav se je v formalnem smislu zdelo, da je šlo za neko vrsto tripartitne delitve oblasti, so v praksi pristojnosti kralja v zakonodajni in izvršni veji oblasti omogočale vladanje kot v državah z enotno oblastjo. Osnova organizacije oblasti sta bili načeli centralizma in nacionalnega unitarizma, ki sta izhajali iz teze o enem narodu in njegovih treh plemenih Srbih Hrvatih in Slovencih. Istočasno posamezne skupine niso prenehale z iskanjem dr During the World War I perceptions of the future state of southern Slavs were not uniform. While the part of the Slovenes and Croats, despite the death of Franz Ferdinand, laid great hopes for the preservation of the Habsburg monarchy and the establishment of a third unit, which would be equal to the Austrian and Hungarian part, in Serbia Habsburg dynasty was perceived as the main obstacle for south Slavs unity. Political parties’ acts during the World War I reflected that differences. The main elements of the May Declaration were the Habsburg framework and the Croatian state law, while Serbians exposed Karađorđević dynasty as the prerequisite for the creation of southern Slavs’ state. The outcome of World War I influenced the balance of power in international relations. Western great powers created a new political map of Europe which was formalized with the peace treaty of Versailles. During this period some new principles of international public law were developed the right to self-determination was certainly the most important among famous Wilson's fourteen points. Representatives of the Habsburg south Slavs broke all ties with the former state union in October 1918 and formed State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs. The highest executive authority (Narodno vijeće) began the process of international recognition, but after just few days conversations between representatives of the State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs, the Yugoslav Committee and Nikola Pašić that represented the Kingdom of Serbia began. During the creation of a new image of post-war Europe south-Slavic provinces of the former Habsburg monarchy failed to achieve permanent independence and formed Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes together with the Kingdom of Serbia. Despite its short duration State of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs fulfilled the essential criteria of international law for becoming a subject in international community. Although territory was not explicitly defined, it was determined as the southern Slavic provinces of ex Habsburg monarchy. It had independent authority, which, despite certain limitations, provided the most important services, fulfilled its duties and was also involved in international relations. Serbian doctrine rejected its international subjectivity, due to absence of international recognition. However, the latter is only a signal that one country wants to establish a certain type of diplomatic relations with the other and is not the constitutional element in order to one subject is considered as state. Actors in the process of creating the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes ignored some of the principles of international law that are common in international relations. Narodno vijeće did not require opinion of its plenary assembly and the majority decisions were made in a three-member presidency of the central committee. Delegation of 28 members, which was authorized to sign the contract with Kingdom of Serbia, was not selected at the plenary session of Narodno vijeće. Delegation also received guidance in the form of a document with instructions, which were ignored. Agreement, signed on the 1st of December, required the ratification of parliaments on both sides, which never happened. In early 1919 nearly came to enforcement of the Serbian Constitution on the whole area of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes, but this was prevented at the last moment. Provisional assembly adopted a law which was the basis for elections in the constitutional assembly. The latter adopted a constitution on 28.6.1921. Although it seemed that there was a kind of tripartite separation of authorities, in practice the position of king in the legislative and executive authority enabled him unitary governance. The state organization based on the principles of centralization and national unitarism, which were derived from the thesis of a nation with three tribes, the Serbs, the Croats and Slovenes. At the same time political groups did not stop to search for other solutions, whether in different state borders or at least with d

The following contribution describes the formation of the attitudes towards the idea of establishing a third unit within the Habsburg Monarchy before World War I, as the issue was seen by the Slovenian newspapers. First the author provides an overview of the circumstances leading to the emergence of the trialist concept in the Habsburg political thought, and then he analyses the responses of the political groups in the context of dynamic developments in the Balkans. Finally he underlines the key reasons for the demise of this idea. With an emphasis on the perspective of Trieste Slovenians, the author outlines the key geopolitical dilemmas influencing the changes in the understanding of the trialist concept. As it was, trialism represented, first and foremost, an attempted Austrian manoeuvre with the aim of dealing with the shortcomings of the dualist system and reducing the power of Hungary on account of the South Slavic unit. Thus the idea was initially supported by the majority of Slovenians and Croatians, while Hungarians, Italians and Serbs were not in favour of it. The trialist concept only represented one of many battles in the political struggle of the various concepts of Yugoslavism, where the Catholic (Slovenian and Croatian) and Orthodox (Serbian) vision clashed. Furthermore, the shaping of the geographical form of the third Habsburg unit also caused disagreements at the relations between Slovenians and Croats, liberals and conservatives, as well as Primorska region (Slovenian Littoral) and Carniolan Slovenians. The failure of the trialist idea was also caused by the diminishing power of its initiators and hesitant internal harmonisation. Ultimately its realisation became impossible due to the outcome of World War I., Prispevek skozi oči slovenskega časopisja prikazuje, kako so se oblikovali odnosi do ideje o ustanovitvi tretje enote v habsburški monarhiji pred 1. svetovno vojno. Avtor najprej podaja pregled okoliščin, ki so privedle do nastanka trialističnega koncepta v habsburški politični misli, nato analizira odzive političnih skupin v kontekstu dinamičnega dogajanja na Balkanu in na koncu izpostavi ključne razloge za poraz ideje. S poudarkom na perspektivi tržaških Slovencev avtor prikazuje ključne geopolitične dileme, ki so vplivale na spremembo razumevanja trialističnega koncepta. Trializem je namreč v prvi vrsti predstavljal poskus avstrijskega manevra odpravljanja pomanjkljivosti dualistične ureditve in zmanjševanja moči Ogrske na račun južnoslovanske enote. Zaradi tega je ideja v začetku požela odobravanje pri večini Slovencev in Hrvatov, medtem ko so ji bili Madžari, Italijani in Srbi nenaklonjeni. Koncept trializma je predstavljal le eno izmed mnogih bitk v politični vojni različnih konceptov jugoslovanstva, pri čemer sta se soočali katoliška (slovensko-hrvaška) in pravoslavna (srbska) vizija. Poleg tega pa je kristalizacija geografske oblike tretje habsburške enote povzročila tudi neskladja na relacijah Slovenci − Hrvati, liberalci − konservativci ter v odnosih primorskih in kranjskih Slovencev. Neuspehu trialistične ideje je botrovalo pomanjkanje moči njenih snovalcev in prepočasno notranje usklajevanje, končno pa je vsako možnost njegove uresničitve zatrl izid 1. svetovne vojne.