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The chapter intervenes in current public debates about German security policy. Many observers in the media have argued that the Russian invasion has triggered a revolution in German military affairs, de facto putting an end to German pacifism. The chapter takes issue with this argument. It draws on public opinion polls and prior research of parliamentary debates in the German Bundestag to show that neither German foreign policy elites nor the German public could ever aptly be described as pacifist in a strict sense; neither elites nor the general public as a whole were ever fundamentally opposed to the military. And while German society could (mostly) be adequately described as antimilitarist (reluctant to get militarily involved abroad), since the 1990s there has been a significant shift among foreign policy elites towards increased support for military operations outside the NATO area. Even public opinion, commonly seen as sceptical of military involvement, is much more differentiated than commonly assumed, in particular among the media. Thus, while the German government has only haltingly and somewhat hesitantly expanded its military support for Ukraine, this is does not appear to be primarily a result of a lack of public support.

This article analyzes the gendered representation of military service in the German YouTube series Die Rekruten (DR) (The Recruits), a popular web series produced on behalf of the German armed forces (Bundeswehr) for recruitment purposes, which accompanies 12 navy recruits during their basic training. The article is situated within research on masculinity and the military, in particular military recruitment. It supplements current scholarship by studying a previously neglected case that is of particular interest given Germany’s antimilitarist culture, which should make military recruitment and military public relations more difficult. The article asks how military service is represented in DR, what its discursive effects are, and what role (if any) masculinity plays in this process. We find support for recent feminist research on military masculinities (including in military recruitment) that emphasizes ambiguity and contradiction. What distinguishes the construction of military masculinity in DR from, for example, recruitment advertisements in the United States or the United Kingdom is its markedly civil character. This not only broadens the military’s appeal for a more diverse audience but also increases the legitimacy of the military and its activities. It does so by concealing the violence that has for the past two decades also been a very real part of what the Bundeswehr does.

Pacifism and anti-militarism in Western Europe, 1918–1939 As the consequence of the events of 1914–1918, the pacifism was on the rise in Western Europe. Societies of England, France and Germany as well as other Western European countries, set themselves the goal of preventing another war from breaking out. International congresses and conventions were organized. They were attended by peace advocates representing various social and political views, which made cooperation difficult. These meetings did not prevent the Spanish Civil War, the aggression against Abyssinia and the outbreak of World War II. In addition to moderate pacifists, Western Europe was also home to radical anti-militarists who believed that way to the world peace led through the abolition of military service. The pacifists in Britain and France were satisfied with their politicians’ submissiveness and indecision toward Hitler during the 1930s. Pacifism and radical anti-militarism also fitted perfectly into the plans of the Comintern. With its help, the USSR weakened the military potential of Western Europe.

One of the main issues related to the consideration of the history of pacifist thought is the question of identifying the main stages of its development. The research literature has not developed a unified approach to the periodization of the history of the development of the pacifist idea. The purpose of this study is to consider the main stages of the genesis of pacifist ideas in socio-philosophical thought, which covers the period from Antiquity to the end of the XIX century. The main point of disagreement is actually the question of the time of the emergence of the pacifist idea in philosophy. It seems appropriate, along with the history of pacifism as a phenomenon of the Modern era, to single out the period of the prehistory of this ideological trend, covering Antiquity and the Middle Ages, since during these periods it is still impossible to talk about the existence of pacifism as a clearly expressed, independent idea. At the stage of the prehistory of pacifism, cosmopolitan and anti-war ideas of late Stoicism played an important role, most vividly manifested in Epictetus and Seneca, as well as early Christianity, associated with the desire to follow the teachings of Jesus in practice and the refusal of the first Christians to participate in wars. The stage of early pacifism covers the Renaissance and Modern times, up to the end of the XIX century. The emergence of a new, secular, non-clerical view of man and society in the Renaissance opened the way to a secularized understanding of the nature of wars and their causes, and at the same time rationalistic criticism of war as a social phenomenon. This approach to the consideration of the problem of war and peace has been continued in numerous projects of eternal peace that have appeared in Modern times., Одним из основных вопросов, связанных с рассмотрением истории пацифистской мысли, является вопрос о выделении основных этапов ее развития. В исследовательской литературе не сложился единый подход к периодизации истории развития пацифистской идеи. Целью настоящего исследования является рассмотрение основных этапов генезиса пацифистских идей в социально‑философской мысли, который охватывает период с Античности по конец XIX в. Основной момент, вызывающий разногласия, – это собственно вопрос о времени возникновения пацифистской идеи в философии. Представляется целесообразным наряду с историей пацифизма как феномена эпохи Модерна выделять период предыстории данного идейного течения, охватывающий Античность и Средние века, поскольку в эти периоды нельзя еще говорить о существовании пацифизма как некой четко выраженной, самостоятельной идеи. На этапе предыстории пацифизма важную роль играли космополитические и антивоенные идеи позднего стоицизма, наиболее ярко проявившиеся у Эпиктета и Сенеки, а также раннее христианство, связанное со стремлением на практике следовать учению Иисуса и отказами первых христиан от участия в войнах. Этап раннего пацифизма охватывает эпоху Возрождения и Новое время, вплоть до конца XIX в. Появление нового, светского, неклерикального взгляда на человека и общество в эпоху Возрождения открыло дорогу секуляризованному пониманию природы войн и их причин, а вместе с этим и рационалистической критике войны как социального явления. Этот подход к рассмотрению проблемы войны и мира получил продолжение в многочисленных проектах вечного мира, появившихся в Новое время., Вестник Вятского государственного университета, Выпуск 1 (143) 2022, Pages 60-67

This article shows how the influence of Western European expressionism on Ukrainian art contributed to the formation of its national version in the works of Vasyl Stefanyk. The research applied comparative, biographical methods and method of close reading. The outcome of this detailed analysis demonstrates that the common features of Stefanyk’s antimilitary novels and Western European Expressionists are similar and feature such themes as the crisis of cultural values, anti-military issues, condemnation of murder, states of existential anxiety, tragedy of human existence and eschatological feeling. Furthermore, Expressionists and Stefanyk focus on the psychophysical states of characters ‒ death, madness, injury, numbness, screaming, fear, panic, despair, agony, anxiety, prayer.

Este artigo trata de alguns pressupostos da educação e da cultura política antimilitarista, a partir de conceitos, significados e vivências cotidianas que residem nos movimentos sociais e nas produções científicas libertárias e anarquistas – pautados distintamente pela resistência antiautoritária e anticapitalista. Para isso, evidencio dinâmicas contrárias às guerras, ao militarismo e demais práticas de terrorismo de Estado, assinalando o significado político indissociável das lutas sociais que promovam a paz a partir da justiça social, igualdade, liberdade e outros valores que nos possibilite o reencontro com a arte de viver e o respeito radical aos seres humanos e à vida no planeta Terra. This article deals with some assumptions of antimilitarist education and political culture, based on concepts, meanings and everyday experiences that reside in social movements and in libertarian and anarchist scientific productions – distinctly guided by anti-authoritarian and anti-capitalist resistance. For this, I show dynamics contrary to wars, militarism and other practices of State terrorism, pointing out the inseparable political meaning of social struggles that promote peace based on social justice, equality, freedom and other values ​​that allow us to reunite with the art of living and radical respect for human beings and life on planet Earth. Este artículo aborda algunos presupuestos de la educación y cultura política antimilitaristas, a partir de conceptos, significados y experiencias cotidianas que residen en los movimientos sociales y en las producciones libertarias y científicas anarquistas – claramente guiadas por la resistencia antiautoritaria y anticapitalista. Para ello, muestro dinámicas contrarias a las guerras, el militarismo y otras prácticas del terrorismo de Estado, señalando el significado político inseparable de las luchas sociales que promuevan la paz basada en la justicia social, la igualdad, la libertad y otros valores que nos permitan reencontrarnos la arte de vivir y el respeto radical por el ser humano y la vida en el planeta Tierra. Cet article traite de quelques postulats d'éducation et de culture politique antimilitaristes, fondés sur des concepts, des significations et des expériences quotidiennes qui résident dans les mouvements sociaux et dans les productions libertaires et scientifiques – clairement guidé par la résistance anti-autoritaire et anticapitaliste. Pour cela, je montre des dynamiques contraires aux guerres, au militarisme et aux autres pratiques du terrorisme d'État, en soulignant le sens politique indissociable des luttes sociales qui promeuvent la paix fondée sur la justice sociale, l'égalité, la liberté et d'autres valeurs qui nous permettent de retrouver le art de vivre et respect radical de l'être humain et de la vie sur la planète Terre.

Cet article présente la manière dont le travail biographique permet de comprendre et non « desceller » les mécanismes plus globaux de la conversion politique d’un individu. Ici, il est question de desceller les raisons qui amenèrent un pasteur socialiste, dont rien ne laissait présager une forme de radicalité politique à l’éclatement de la Première Guerre, à se tourner vers le bolchévisme. Une conversion politique qui entraîna des conséquences à la fois politiques, sociales et amicales. Jules Humbert-Droz, de simple militant socialiste et antimilitariste, devint, aux yeux de l’État, des socialistes modérés et d’une partie de la population, un agent de la subversion bolchévique et un acteur de la diffusion des idées révolutionnaires en Suisse. Un choix politique qui lui permit de gravir rapidement les échelons au sein des organisations communistes internationales, et de devenir un révolutionnaire aux dimensions internationales. This article presents how biographical work helps understand the more global mechanisms of an individual’s political conversion. Here the purpose is to unravel the reasons which led a socialist pastor, who displayed no sign of any form of political radicalism at the outbreak of the First War, to turn to Bolshevism during the conflict. A political conversion that led to political, social, and friendly consequences. Jules Humbert Droz is no longer a mere socialist and anti-militarist militant, but becomes, in the eyes of the state, of moderate socialists, and of a section of the population, an agent of the Bolshevik subversion and an actor in the dissemination of revolutionary ideas in Switzerland. A political choice that allowed him to quickly climb the ranks of the international communist organizations and to become a revolutionary on an international scale. Este artículo describe cómo el trabajo biográfico ayuda a comprender los mecanismos más amplios de la conversión política de uno individuo. En este caso, se trata de desmontar las razones que llevan a un pastor socialista, del que nada presagia una forma de radicalidad política al estallar la Primera Guerra Mundial, a volverse hacia el bolchevismo durante el conflicto. Una conversión política que tuvo consecuencias políticas, sociales y amistosas. Jules Humbert-Droz ya no es un simple militante socialista y antimilitarista, sino que se convierte, a los ojos del Estado, de los socialistas moderados y de una parte de la población, en un agente de la subversión bolchevique y en un actor de la difusión de las ideas revolucionarias en Suiza. Una opción política que le permitió ascender rápidamente en las organizaciones comunistas internacionales y convertirse en un revolucionario de dimensiones internacionales.

Après un bref aperçu de la participation des femmes écrivaines à la presse anarchiste en Italie au début du XX^e^ siècle, l’article examine les grandes idées développées dans les premières revues féminines anarchistes publiés en Italie, La Donna libertaria (1912-1913) et L’Alba libertaria (1915). Outre à inciter les femmes à participer à la lutte anticapitaliste et antimilitariste, les revues féminines anarchistes montrent une certaine ouverture aux problèmes des femmes, en formulant notamment des prises de position originales sur la maternité et le contrôle des naissances par la contraception. Les revues accusent en même temps les compagnons anarchistes d’avoir négligé l’élément féminin au sein du mouvement et entendent lutter contre l’antiféminisme de tous bords., After a brief overview of the participation of female writers in the anarchist press in Italy at the beginning of the twentieth century, the article examines the main ideas developed in the first anarchist women’s periodicals published in Italy, La Donna libertaria (1912-1913) and L’Alba libertaria (1915). In addition to encouraging women to take part in the anti-capitalist and anti-militarist struggle, anarchist women’s periodicals showed some openness to women’s issues, in particular by formulating original positions on motherhood and birth control through contraception. At the same time, the periodicals accuse the anarchist companions of having neglected the female element within the movement and intend to fight against antifeminism of all kinds.

Bigarren Hezkuntzako DBH 4. maila eta 1. Batxilergorako Kontzientzia Eragozpen eta Intsumisio Gizarte Mugimenduaren proposamen didaktikoa da hau, 2015eko Nafarroako Curriculuma aintzat hartuta eta Gizarte Zientzien Didaktikaren gidaritzapean: ikaskuntza esanguratsua, bakearen hezkuntza, antimilitarismoa, lankidetza metodologiak eta pentsamendu historikoa uztartuz, hiritartasun demokratiko eta globala eraikitzeko bidean. Hezkuntza gizarte-aldaketa demokratikorako tresna den heinean, mundu globalizatuan, Nafarroako Intsumisio Mugimenduaren prozesu historiko lokalak, proposamen didaktiko honen bitartez, ikasleengan kontzientzia eta pentsamendu kritikoa sustatzea du helburu. XXI.mendearen arazo globalei, gerrak eta militarismoa kasu, aurre egiteko baliagarri eta eredugarriak izan daitezkeen XX. mendeko borroka ezbiolentoak azaleratuz, ulertuz eta horienganako enpatia piztuz. Ikasle eta ikastalde bezala euren ezagutza eraikiko dute; baina baita ikasleriak sujetu sozial eta politiko bezala haien burua eraikitzen joateko proposamena da. Betiere, Historiaren ikerketa eta berrikuntza historiografikoa ikustarazten ari den sujetu historiko berrien harira: pertsona intsumituen esperientziak, bizipenak eta utzitako ondare materiala eta ezmaterialaren azterketa eginez iturri historikoak kontrastatu eta interpretatzeko gaitasuna bereganatuko dute, gogoetarako tartea utziz. Proposamen didaktiko malgua eta irekia da, Bigarren Hezkuntzako edozein irakaslerentzat moldagarria izatea baita asmoa. Dokumentuen analasirako fitxak modu ezberdinetan konbinatu daitezke, hezkuntza testuinguru eta komunitate ezberdinen egoeretara moldatuz Esta es una propuesta didáctica para 4º de la ESO y 1º Bachillerato en Educación Secundaria sobre el Movimiento Social de Objeción de Conciencia e Insumisión en Navarra, teniendo en cuenta el Currículum educativo de Navarra de 2015 y bajo la guía de la Didáctica de las Ciencias Sociales: ensamblando aprendizaje significativo, educación para la paz, antimilitarismo, metodologías cooperativascolaborativas y pensamiento histórico, en el camino de construcción de una ciudadanía democrática y global. Dentro del marco sociológico en el que la Educación se concibe como instrumento democrático para el cambio social en un Mundo Globalizado, los procesos históricos locales insertados en un mundo global, pretenden despertar conciencia y pensamiento crítico y hacer frente a los problemas globales del siglo XXI en el aula, tales como las guerras y el militarismo económico, social, político y cultural. En la actualidad, la noviolencia puede ser un útil modelo de aprendizaje para el cambio social. Al visibilizar, comprender y generar empatía hacia la lucha noviolenta y la desobediencia civil, colaboramos en la construcción de sujetos-alumnado formado en pensamiento sociohistórico, pero también en su configuración y articulación como sujetos sociales y políticos. El patrimonio material e inmaterial legado por las experiencias y vivencias de las personas insumisas, es una fuente histórica que al conocer, analizar e interpretar, se transforman en evidencia histórica y las/os insumisos/as en nuevos sujetos históricos que la renovación e investigación histórica está visibilizando. Por lo tanto, en este devenir el alumado irá adquieriendo las competencias históricas necesarias para la vida. Esta propuesta didáctica pretende ser flexible y abierta, mediante la utilización de unas fichas de análisis de documentos combinables de múltiples maneras, para que el profesorado las adapte y/o modifique en comunidades de aprendizaje diversas de Educación Secundaria. This is a didactic proposal for 4th ESO and 1st Bachillerato in secondary education about the social movement of conscientious objection and insubordination in Navarra, taking into account the 2015 Navarra Educational Curriculum and under the guidance of the Didactic of Social Sciences: assembling meaningful learning, peace education, antimilitarism, cooperative-collaborative methodologies and historical thinking, to create a democratic and global citizenship. In a Globalised World, local historical processes inserted in a global world, through the didactic objective of awakening consciousness and critical thinking, aim to confront the global problems of the 21st century, such as wars and economic, social, political and cultural militarism. Today, non-violence can be an useful learning model for social change. By making visible, understanding and generating empathy towards nonviolent struggle and civil disobedience, we collaborate in the construction of studentsubjects trained in socio-historical thinking, but also in their configuration and articulation as social and political subjects. The material and intangible heritage bequeathed by the experiences of the conscientious objectors, is a historical source that upon knowing, analysing and interpreting, is transformed into historical evidence; and the conscientious objectors into new historical subjects that the renewal and historical research are making visible. Therefore, in this process, the students will acquire the necessary historical competences for life. This didactic proposal aims to be flexible and open, through the use of document analysis cards that can be combined in multiple ways, so that teachers can adapt and/or modify them in diverse learning communities of Secondary Education, within the sociological framework in which education is conceived as a democratic instrument for social change. Máster Universitario en Profesorado de Educación Secundaria por la Universidad Pública de Navarra Bigarren Hezkuntzako Irakasletzako Unibertsitate Masterra Nafarroako Unibertsitate Publikoan

L’objectif de cet article est d’examiner les origines historiques et politiques des organisations militantes qui luttent pour la démocratisation de l’armée ou pour l’abolition du service militaire en Grèce. À partir des travaux d’historiens et de sociologues, mais aussi de textes produits par les militants, nous étudierons la genèse et la fin du « Mouvement pour l’armée », un mouvement social de la jeunesse actif dans les années 1980. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens semi-directifs avec les membres des trois principales organisations contemporaines, l’Association des objecteurs de conscience, le Comité de solidarité aux enrôlés et l’association Nikiforos, nous analyserons les engagements, les pratiques et les idéologies antimilitaristes actuels. L’analyse socio-historique des luttes antimilitaristes d’hier et d’aujourd’hui permet de saisir les liens de l’armée avec la sphère politique dans la Grèce d’aujourd’hui. The objective of this article is to examine the historical and political origins of militant organizations fighting for the democratization of the army or for the abolition of military service in Greece. Based on the work of historians and sociologists, but also on the texts of activists, the genesis and end of the Army Movement, a social youth movement that took action in the 1980s, will be studied. Based on semi-directive interviews with members of three main contemporary organizations, the Association of Conscientious Objectors, the Committee of Solidarity with the Enlisted and the Nikiforos Association, the current anti-militarist commitments, practices and ideologies will be analyzed. The socio-historical analysis of the anti-militarist struggles of yesterday and today allows us to grasp the army’s links with the political sphere in today’s Greece.

This work is devoted to the insurrectional policy of the French Section of the Communist International (SFIC), from its birth in 1920 to the eve of the Second World War in 1939. The goal is to find if the SFIC gave itself the means necessary to overthrow the « Bourgeois State » and if this orientation changed during its first twenty years of existence.This study begins by analysing the origins of this policy, in the left wing of the socialist SFIO and, broadly, of the French and international workers movement. The topic of the insurrectional policy is understood as combining different sides. The theoretical and practical preparation to insurgency on one side ; the formation of an underground apparatus and of self-defence structures that can, in needed, act as an attacking force (what was known in the German KPD as the M-Apparat – for Militär[politischer]Apparat) ; and, finally, an actively antimilitarist policy, aimed at breaking the repressive forces.We will also devote ourselves to identify the causes of the evolutions of this policy, whereas these are to find in the practical results of the said policy, in French domestic politics or in the internal crisis of the French and international communist movement, Ce travail de recherche entend aborder l'histoire de la politique insurrectionnelle de la Section Française de l'Internationale Communiste de sa naissance en 1920 jusqu'à l’éclatement de la deuxième guerre mondiale en 1939. Il s'agit de savoir si la SFIC a essayé de se donner les moyens pratiques de renverser « l’État bourgeois » et si cette orientation a varié durant les 20 premières années de son existence.Cette étude commence par traiter des origines de cette politique, au sein de l'aile gauche de la SFIO ou du mouvement ouvrier français et international. La question de la politique insurrectionnelle est comprise comme intégrant plusieurs aspects, d'une part la préparation (théorique et pratique) à l'insurrection ; la création d'un appareil clandestin et de structures d'autodéfense pouvant éventuellement servir des buts offensifs (ce qui était désigné dans le PC allemand sous le nom de M-Apparat – acronyme de Militär[politischer]Apparat, c'est à dire Appareil Militaro-politique), et l'application d'une politique antimilitariste, visant à la désagrégation des forces de répression. On s'attachera aussi à identifier les causes des évolutions et des tournants de cette politique, que celles-ci soient à trouver dans les résultats pratiques obtenus, dans la politique intérieure française ou dans les crises internes du mouvement communiste français et international.

This essay explores Käthe Kollwitz’s antiwar graphic work in the context of the German, and later, international No More War movement from 1920 to 1925, where it played an important role in antimilitarist campaigns, exhibitions, and publications, both in Germany and internationally. Looking at Kollwitz’s production closely, we discover a deeply pragmatic artistic strategy, where the emotionality of Kollwitz’s famed prints was the result of tireless technical, formal, and compositional investigation, contrived to maximize emotional impact. By choosing the easily disseminated medium of printmaking as her main vehicle and using a deliberately spare but powerful graphic language in carefully chosen motifs, Kollwitz intended her art to reach as broad an audience as possible in engaging antiwar sentiment. In connection with the leading antiwar voices of the time, including French Nobel Prize-winning writer Romain Rolland and the founder of War Resisters’ International, Helene Stöcker, she deployed her work to reach beyond the confines of the art gallery, into internationally distributed posters, periodicals, and books.

During the 25 years before the First World War in 1914 two different kinds of peace movements, one bourgeois-liberal and one socialist, were organised to fight militarism and war. The two movements – represented by the International Peace Bureau and the Second International, respectively – grew in size between 1889 and 1914. At the beginning of 1914, IPB organized over 200 peace associations, representing approximately one million members. The socialist labour movement, on their part, gathered around four million members, and different social democratic parties were active in most European parliaments. The numbers of newspapers and affiliated associations, like trade unions, are difficult to count but were numerous. In view of the outbreak of the war in 1914, these popular anti-war movements and their leading organisations, which did their best to rally public opinion against war, appear to have been complete failures. However, the picture is far more complicated. The growing international peace movement actually had a significant impact on public debate at the turn of the last century – and their efforts reverberated throughout much of the 1900s. An in-depth analysis of this movement and its agency, strategy and conceptual world reveals new perspectives on the ongoing debate on how to form a persuading agenda and how to influence public opinion and the governments. This is interesting because it can teach us, today, about attempts to withstand ongoing arms race and harmful nationalism.The purpose of the present thesis is to systematically examine how and why different perspectives on the burning issue of peace versus war were discussed and practiced by the bourgeois and socialist peace movements at an international level between 1889 and 1914, and to compare the actions of the movements with each other. The comparison between the two movements is the most important methodological element of the dissertation. The thesis makes a contribution in three different research areas, shedding new light on questions of agency, strategy and on the “conceptual worlds” of the two movements. As such, the thesis presents new knowledge about the formative period of the international peace struggle. It is argued that in a time of militarism, imperialism and Western domination, various resistance movements were created to bring forth challenging ideas about peace. On a more general level, this study has also aimed to contribute to understanding how the emergence of international social movements during the decades around the turn of the century meant various new forms of political struggle and opinion formation.

This thesis investigates the resistance of actors of civil society against perceived militarism, by means of a qualitative case study. As the title suggests, the establishment of a “Cyber Valley” in Tübingen, has not only been met with approval by local citizens. This thesis examines a protest movement against the Cyber Valley – a cooperative research project for technological advancements in Artificial Intelligence and Machine Learning. The research reveals that this protest movement was not reliant on a firm organizational structure but was led by an open alliance of individuals, called the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley. The organizational approach resulted in various forms of civil resistance. The empirical research on these acts of resistance, adds a perspective for a more holistic approach. On their website (nocybervalley.de) the Bündnis gegen das Cyber Valley documented developments of the protests. These accounts constitute a large part of the written material this study is based on, complemented with semi-structured expert-interviews with four protesters. The interviews generated a conceptualization of militarism, as a driving motivation for the activists. Thereby, this study contributes to the contemporary definition of militarism in the context of civil resistance. The field of peace and conflict studies can benefit from this and similar studies in that they uncover conceptualizations of key conflicts, as perceived by actors of civil society.

The premiership of Shinzo Abe has had a significant impact on the debate surrounding Japanese foreign policy. In the autumn of 2020, Shinzo Abe resigned, ending what would become the country’s longest consecutive tenure in history, lasting from 2012 to 2020. Following the Second World War, Japan has per its 1947 constitution constrained its foreign policy unlike that of any other country of comparable size. During Shinzo Abe’s tenure, from 2012 to 2020, the academic debate surrounding the potential dismantling of said constraints has moved significantly towards finding a so-called remilitarization a likely outcome. International relations schools of realism and to some extent liberalism find that predictions of remilitarization might strike true while constructivist scholars find that this might be the case despite prior reservations. This is a significant shift in the debate consensus, especially on the part of constructivist analysis which often held that Japan’s unique character, be it norms or institutions, was inherently antimilitaristic. Through previous literature we learn that there was long a divide between authors arguing for a remilitarization being imminent while others take the opposite stance. A shift in Japanese foreign policy has a number of implications for international relations theory, previously a hallmark of constructivist argumentation surrounding identity and a thorn in the side of realist assumptions of power politics. A methodical approach of theory comparison sheds light on the empirical case of Japanese foreign policy by the means of assessing each relevant perspective’s arguments against each respective set of expectations in the event of a remilitarization. Through this study we find that contributions to the debate overwhelmingly argue for an increased possibility of a remilitarization taking place. Likewise, we find that this may come to play into the hands of both realism and liberalism as well as potentially doing so for constructivist analysis. Despite the case of an antimilitarist Japan being an example showcasing the strengths of constructivist analysis, it might instead provide an opportunity wherein it is able to showcase the flexibility and adaptability of constructivism as an analytical approach. The study also explores the possibility of whether there is room for employing a theoretically eclectic approach to the case at hand as a means to break the deadlock within the debate on the topic and offer analysis that escapes the pitfalls inherent in each theoretical perspective when employed on its own.

The socialist internationalism arises in the late nineteenth century as an innovative phenomenon for the deployment of a sustained response to the rise of militarism and the “new religion” of patriotism. This debate will have an impact on the Argentine socialism, questioned by the border conflict between Argentina and Chile. The 1890s witness a bellicose escalation and mobilization of various sectors of Argentine society and politics, surmounted by the sanction of compulsory military service in 1901. This work thus focuses on two aspects: on one hand, the reception of the debates of the Second International by the rising Argentine socialism; and on the other hand, the forms of antimilitarism intervention that will shape the profile of the Socialist Party in Argentina.

This work tries to analyze some aspects of the life of Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). The German feminist and socialist militant, at the beginning of World War І, took a different position from the majority of her party, the Spd, since she strongly condemned the war and the nationalist values that led the European people to fight each other in this enormous conflict. After the conflict, until her death, Clara Zetkin fought mainly against fascism and national socialism. In opposition to Nazism, she proposed the soviet system, as the one which would free masses from the danger of such violence and oppression. The last part of this work will deal with some aspects of the reception Clara Zetkin had among scholars and feminist movements in the Western culture.

Esta investigación aborda el pensamiento contra la guerra y el movimiento pacifista que se va gestando desde finales del siglo XIX, al calor del clima imperialista y prebélico que se respiraba en Europa en los prolegómenos de la Gran Guerra. Y en el contexto amplio de conflagración mundial (1914-45), se analiza cómo las mujeres españolas piensan la guerra, la viven y actúan. En estas páginas se recogen las ideas y consideraciones de algunas de esas mujeres que reflexionaron sobre la guerra y también el activismo organizado nacional e internacional de aquellas que lucharon por la paz, con una estrategia que aunó feminismo, pacifismo y antifascismo. Algunas de estas voces protagonistas son las de Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester… This research deals with anti-war thinking and the pacifist movement that has been brewing since the end of the 19th century, in the heat of the pre-war imperialist climate in Europe during the prolegomena of the Great War. And in the broad context of world conflagration (1914-45), about how Spanish women think war, live and act. These pages reflect the ideas and considerations of some of those women who reflected on the war and also the national and international organized activism of those who fought for peace, with a strategy that combined feminism, pacifism and antifascism. Some of these voices protagonistas are Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester…

Questo lavoro si propone di analizzare alcuni aspetti dell’esistenza di Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). La militante tedesca femminista e socialista, allo scoppio della prima guerra mondiale, si distinse da gran parte del suo partito, la Spd, per la condanna della guerra e dei valori nazionalisti che portavano i popoli europei a combattersi tra loro nell’immane conflitto. All’indomani del conflitto, fino alla sua morte, Clara Zetkin lottò principalmente contro il fascismo e il nazionalsocialismo: in contrapposizione al nazismo, lei proponeva il sistema sovietico, che avrebbe liberato le masse dallo spettro di simili violenze e oppressioni. L’ultima parte del lavoro presenterà invece alcuni aspetti riguardanti l’immagine da lei lasciata in Occidente. This work tries to analyze some aspects of the life of Clara Zetkin (1857-1933). The German feminist and socialist militant, at the beginning of World War І, took a different position from the majority of her party, the Spd, since she strongly condemned the war and the nationalist values that led the European people to fight each other in this enormous conflict. After the conflict, until her death, Clara Zetkin fought mainly against fascism and national socialism. In opposition to Nazism, she proposed the soviet system, as the one which would free masses from the danger of such violence and oppression. The last part of this work will deal with some aspects of the reception Clara Zetkin had among scholars and feminist movements in the Western culture.

This essay aims to analyse the main attitudes and concepts underlying the anti-militarism of the "new" Radical Party (Pr), and to outline the reasons that led the Radicals to embrace conscientious objection as a political objective. In the years 1961-1968, the Radicals elaborated their own anti-militarist position, picking up reflections and concepts from Anglo-Saxon anti-nuclearism and Italian pacifism. They aimed to overcome the positions of national neutralism in favour of a bilateral plan for conventional and atomic disarmament in Europe. At the end of the Sixties, the battle for the legal recognition of conscientious objection became a qualifying feature of the Pr. The Radicals identified the refusal to serve in the army as a fundamental right of the individual. A right that could powerfully contribute to the disruption of military structures and then to the dismantling of the "regime". The Radicals played a crucial role first in making such issue a salient one for the general public, and then in pressing the Italian Parliament to approve the conscientious objection law (Law 772) in 1972.

En 1901 se sancionó en Argentina la Ley 4031 que establecía el Servicio Militar Obligatorio. Reconstruimos en este artículo los debates y las diferentes posturas que generó esta ley dentro de la propia clase dirigente y del ejército, ya que su sanción fue parte del proyecto de modernización estatal que el gobierno argentino comenzó en el siglo anterior. Esta ley ocasionó encendidas críticas de socialistas y anarquistas que fueron volcadas en La Vanguardia y La Protesta Humana, dos de sus principales órganos de prensa. Ambos sectores condenaron la Ley y el militarismo estatal con argumentos semejantes. Defensores y detractores del Servicio Militar Obligatorio respondieron a una lógica y a un lenguaje de la modernidad que encontró todos sus matices en este debate. El artículo busca ahondar en ellos y resaltarlos especialmente., In 1901, Law 4031 established the Mandatory Military Service in Argentina. We tried to reconstruct the debates and different positions regarding this Law framed within the state’s Project of modernization that Argentine government had begun in the previous century. Socialists and anarchists critics published in two of its main press: La Vanguardia and La Protesta Humana. With similar arguments, both sectors shared the condemnation of the law and state militarism. Supporters and detractors of the Mandatory Military Service responded to a logic and language of modernity that found all its nuances in this debate. This article seeks to highlight them., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Una de las principales características del anarquismo es su internacionalismo, su oposición a las distintas formas estatales y a las acciones militaristas que los caracterizan. En este trabajo, indagaremos sobre las maneras particulares en que las anarquistas se posicionaron contra el militarismo de fines del siglo XIX y principios del siglo XX. El antimilitarismo anarquista construyó desde las mujeres y para las mujeres, a quienes buscaba interpelar, distintas posibilidades de acción. Algunas de estos llamamientos cuestionaron los roles tradicionalmente asignados a las mujeres. En otros casos, como en el antimilitarismo, los planteos fueron más conservadores. Tomaremos para ello dos recorridos, la labor de Emma Goldman en Estados Unidos y el de las anarquistas de la Voz de la Mujer en Argentina. El cruzamiento entre ambas experiencias intenta abonar el camino de pensar al anarquismo por fuera de límites nacionales. One of the main characteristics of anarchism is its internationalism, its opposition to different state forms and militaristic actions that characterize them. In this paper, we will investigate the particular ways in which anarchists positioned themselves against the militarism of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The anarchist antimilitarism constructed (from the women and for the women, whom it sought to interpellate) different possibilities of action. Some of these appeals questioned the roles traditionally assigned to women. In other cases, as in anti-militarist appeal, the proposals were more conservative. We will take two paths to study this subject: first, Emma Goldman’s work in the phase she lived in the United States; and, second, papers published in anarchists journal the Voice of Women, printed in Argentina. The crossing between both experiences tries to pay the ground where bloom the anarchist thinking outside of national limits.

This thesis examines American films which were made in response to US military involvement in the Middle East, since the beginning of the 2000s. It will seek to prove that these films are different than those made in the United States in response to previous conflicts. The historical study of American war cinema shows that it has undergone a process of evolution - from a cinema which views American wars as those of necessity, to a cinema which views American wars as wars of choice. Lately, it has gone even further than that – birthing films which present American wars as events caused by the American society, in order to fulfill the needs of the people who head it - fighting-addicted American men. This process can be said to have expanded the subjects dealt with by the American war cinema.Thus, the cinema about the Iraq War is much more poignant than representations of past wars, in its messages about the connection between American society and its militarism. It manages to surpass all previous war cinema, which in itself had been the most critical towards American army and society.; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux films américains réalisés en réponse à l'implication de l'armée nationale au Moyen-Orient depuis le début des années 2000. Elle cherchera à prouver que ces films sont intrinsèquement différents de ceux réalisés aux États-Unis en réponse à des conflits antérieurs.L'étude historique du cinéma de guerre américain montre qu'il a traversé un processus qui l'a conduit à partir d'un cinéma qui considère les guerres américaines comme des guerres obligatoires vers un cinéma qui considère les guerres américaines comme des guerres de choix, provoquées par une addiction : l'addiction de la société américaine et surtout des hommes américains au combat. Contrairement aux films sur la guerre du Vietnam, les nouveaux films ne pointent pas un doigt accusateur vers un élément particulier, tel qu'un mandat spécifique d'un certain président, mais vers toute la structure de la société américaine et surtout vers sa tête, le père américainAinsi, le cinéma sur la guerre en Irak est beaucoup plus percutant dans ses messages sur le lien entre la société américaine et son militarisme, davantage encore que le précédent cinéma de guerre, qui avait déjà été très critique de l'armée et la société américaines.

This thesis examines American films which were made in response to US military involvement in the Middle East, since the beginning of the 2000s. It will seek to prove that these films are different than those made in the United States in response to previous conflicts. The historical study of American war cinema shows that it has undergone a process of evolution - from a cinema which views American wars as those of necessity, to a cinema which views American wars as wars of choice. Lately, it has gone even further than that – birthing films which present American wars as events caused by the American society, in order to fulfill the needs of the people who head it - fighting-addicted American men. This process can be said to have expanded the subjects dealt with by the American war cinema.Thus, the cinema about the Iraq War is much more poignant than representations of past wars, in its messages about the connection between American society and its militarism. It manages to surpass all previous war cinema, which in itself had been the most critical towards American army and society.; Cette thèse s'intéresse aux films américains réalisés en réponse à l'implication de l'armée nationale au Moyen-Orient depuis le début des années 2000. Elle cherchera à prouver que ces films sont intrinsèquement différents de ceux réalisés aux États-Unis en réponse à des conflits antérieurs.L'étude historique du cinéma de guerre américain montre qu'il a traversé un processus qui l'a conduit à partir d'un cinéma qui considère les guerres américaines comme des guerres obligatoires vers un cinéma qui considère les guerres américaines comme des guerres de choix, provoquées par une addiction : l'addiction de la société américaine et surtout des hommes américains au combat. Contrairement aux films sur la guerre du Vietnam, les nouveaux films ne pointent pas un doigt accusateur vers un élément particulier, tel qu'un mandat spécifique d'un certain président, mais vers toute la structure de la société américaine et surtout vers sa tête, le père américainAinsi, le cinéma sur la guerre en Irak est beaucoup plus percutant dans ses messages sur le lien entre la société américaine et son militarisme, davantage encore que le précédent cinéma de guerre, qui avait déjà été très critique de l'armée et la société américaines.

El texto a continuación es una tesis de maestría cuyo objetivo general fue comprender cómo se diferencian y se asemejan -en términos organizativos, en sus discursos ideológico-políticos, en las oportunidades políticas identificadas, en su relacionamiento con los actores antagónicos y en sus acciones colectivas centradas en las acciones noviolentas y acciones directas noviolentas-ADN- cinco movimientos de noviolencia activa y antimilitarismo de Bogotá y Medellín en el periodo 2008-2015. Es una investigación-acción participativa de tipo activa desde un enfoque cualitativo, la cual tuvo un alcance principalmente comprensivo y comparativo que combinó diferentes métodos orientados al análisis del discurso y el análisis documental. Se profundiza sobre la forma en que estos movimientos asumen la acción directa noviolenta teniendo en cuenta: a) las particularidades de cada ciudad en un periodo caracterizado por diversas formas de militarización producto de una cultura política militarista, b) la periodización de agendas y formas organizativas en las cinco experiencia y c) los momentos de movilización e inmovilización de las cinco experiencias. En el transcurso de los capítulos se posicionan algunos debates críticos alrededor de los paradigmas clásicos y dominantes en las teorías sobre movimientos sociales que logran inestabilizar supuestos que en otrora eran completos y sofisticados insumos teóricos y metodológicos. Al final se exponen algunos hallazgos que permiten desmilitarizar la teoría, generan apertura a nuevos temas y promueven agendas claves en este campo de movimientos caracterizados por su corta duración, de carácter no masivos y sin estructuras formales de movilización social. Abstract: The following text is a Master’s thesis with the general goal of understanding the differences and similarities -in organizational terms, ideological/political discourses, identified political opportunities, relation to other antagonistic actors and collective actions centered in nonviolent actions and direct nonviolent actions-ADN- of five active nonviolent and antimilitarist movements in Bogotá and Medellin from 2008 to 2015. It is an active participative action research from a qualitative focus with mainly a comprehensive and comparative scope which combined different methods geared towards discourse analysis and documental analysis. Deepening into the way these movements assumed direct nonviolent action, it will take into account: a) the characteristics of each city and between both cities in a period characterized by diverse forms of militarization which was a product of a militaristic political culture, b) the periodization of agendas and organizational forms in the five experiences, and c) the mobilization and immobilization of such experiences. Throughout the chapters some critical debates will be positioned around classical and dominant paradigms in the theory of social movements that are able to unsettle assumptions which once were complete and sophisticated theoretical and methodological inputs. To finalize, some findings that allow to demilitarize the theory will generate an opening to new topics and promote key agendas in this field characterized by non-massive, short-term movements without formal structures for social mobilization Maestría

En 1901 se sancionó en Argentina la Ley 4031 que establecía el Servicio Militar Obligatorio. Reconstruimos en este artículo los debates y las diferentes posturas que generó esta ley dentro de la propia clase dirigente y del ejército, ya que su sanción fue parte del proyecto de modernización estatal que el gobierno argentino comenzó en el siglo anterior. Esta ley ocasionó encendidas críticas de socialistas y anarquistas que fueron volcadas en La Vanguardia y La Protesta Humana, dos de sus principales órganos de prensa. Ambos sectores condenaron la Ley y el militarismo estatal con argumentos semejantes. Defensores y detractores del Servicio Militar Obligatorio respondieron a una lógica y a un lenguaje de la modernidad que encontró todos sus matices en este debate. El artículo busca ahondar en ellos y resaltarlos especialmente. In 1901, Law 4031 established the Mandatory Military Service in Argentina. We tried to reconstruct the debates and different positions regarding this Law framed within the state's Project of modernization that Argentine government had begun in the previous century. Socialists and anarchists critics published in two of its main press: La Vanguardia and La Protesta Humana. With similar arguments, both sectors shared the condemnation of the law and state militarism. Supporters and detractors of the Mandatory Military Service responded to a logic and language of modernity that found all its nuances in this debate. This article seeks to highlight them. Fil: Manzoni, Gisela Paola. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales (UNLP-CONICET); Argentina.

La Historia de la Paz es el estudio de las ideas y los movimientos que construyeron la paz y denunciaron la guerra. Este artículo usa fuentes bibliográficas para demostrar que entre 1889-1939 se construyeron las raíces de un pacifismo de masas. Desde el arbitraje, el desarme y la diplomacia abierta, hasta la anticonscripción, el antimilitarismo y la objeción de conciencia. Después de la guerra, el pacifismo se reforzó a través de organizaciones de masas: Liga Internacional de Mujeres por la Paz y la Libertad (WILPF), Movimiento Internacional de Reconciliación (IFOR), Internacional de Resistentes contra la Guerra (WRI), Unión del Compromiso por la Paz (PPU). Muchos defensores de la paz, antes de 1939, se dividieron entre el pacifismo y el “pacificismo”. El pacifismo confió en la resistencia no violenta mientras el “pacificismo” se inclinó por la guerra justa., The history of peace is the study of the ideas and movements that built peace and denounced war. This article uses bibliographical sources to demonstrate that between 1889 and 1939 the foundations of a mass pacifism were laid. From arbitration, disarmament, open diplomacy, to anticonscription, anti-militarism and conscientious objection. After the war, pacifism was reinforced through mass organizations: Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom (WILPF), International Fellowship of Reconciliation (IFOR), War resisters’ International (WRI), Peace Pledge Union (PPU). Many peace advocates, before 1939, were divided between pacifism and ‘pacificism’. Pacifism relied on nonviolent resistance, ‘Pacificism’ favoured just war.

This research deals with anti-war thinking and the pacifist movement that has been brewing since the end of the 19th century, in the heat of the pre-war imperialist climate in Europe during the prolegomena of the Great War. And in the broad context of world conflagration (1914-45), about how Spanish women think war, live and act. These pages reflect the ideas and considerations of some of those women who reflected on the war and also the national and international organized activism of those who fought for peace, with a strategy that combined feminism, pacifism and antifascism. Some of these voices protagonistas are Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester… Esta investigación aborda el pensamiento contra la guerra y el movimiento pacifista que se va gestando desde finales del siglo XIX, al calor del clima imperialista y prebélico que se respiraba en Europa en los prolegómenos de la Gran Guerra. Y en el contexto amplio de conflagración mundial (1914-45), se analiza cómo las mujeres españolas piensan la guerra, la viven y actúan. En estas páginas se recogen las ideas y consideraciones de algunas de esas mujeres que reflexionaron sobre la guerra y también el activismo organizado nacional e internacional de aquellas que lucharon por la paz, con una estrategia que aunó feminismo, pacifismo y antifascismo. Algunas de estas voces protagonistas son las de Concepción Arenal, Carmen de Burgos, María Lejárraga, Isabel Oyarzábal, Veneranda García Manzano, Carmen Dorronsoro, Federica Montseny, Sara Berenguer, Aurora Arnáiz, Teófila Madroñal, Manuela Ballester…

Le comportement socialement acceptable des mères endeuillées par la mort de leur enfant à la guerre est un enjeu politique de premier ordre, particulièrement dans les sociétés en guerre. Lorsque ces mères sont militarisées et qu’elles acceptent avec dignité et en silence leur deuil, elles sont un soutien à l’effort de guerre. Au contraire, si elles contestent la légitimité de la guerre et critiquent l’État pour la mort de leur enfant, elles sont une importante force antimilitariste. L’objectif de cet article est de voir dans quelle mesure la figure des mères de soldats est militarisée au Canada et au Québec. L’article repose, d’une part, sur une analyse de la place des mères endeuillées lors des cérémonies du jour du Souvenir. On s’y penche, d’autre part, sur la controverse qu’a provoquée la publication, par la Fédération des femmes du Québec, d’une capsule vidéo antimilitariste. La conclusion de cette étude est que les mères de soldats canadiennes sont militarisées. Tel est le cas au Québec également, en dépit de la tradition antimilitariste et pacifiste qui, pour certains, caractérise la société québécoise., Socially acceptable behavior of mothers bereaved by the death of their soldier-child is a key political issue, particularly in societies at war. When grieving mothers are militarized and accept their fate quietly and with dignity, they support the war effort. On the contrary, if they challenge the legitimacy of the war and criticize the government for the death of their child, they are an important support to anti-war movements. This article focuses on grieving mothers in Canada and Québec. It is first based on an analysis of the place of mourning mothers during Remembrance Day ceremonies. It then looks at the controversy that arises after the publication of an anti-war video capsule by the Fédération des femmes du Québec. The conclusion of this study is that grieving mothers in Canada are militarized. In spite of Québec’s supposed antimilitarist and pacifist tradition, such is the case even in Québec., El comportamiento socialmente aceptado de las madres en duelo por la muerte de sus hijos a causa de la guerra es una cuestión política de primer orden, sobre todo en las sociedades en guerra. Cuando las madres se militarizan y aceptan con dignidad y silencio su duelo, constituyen un apoyo a la guerra. Por el contrario, si ponen en discusión la legitimidad de la guerra y critican al Estado por la muerte de sus hijos, entonces ellas se vuelven una importante fuerza antimilitarista. El objetivo de este artículo es evaluar en qué medida la figura de las madres de los soldados esta militarizada en Canadá y en Québec. Por un lado se analiza el lugar que las madres en duelo ocupan en las ceremonias del Día del Recuerdo. Y por otro lado, se analiza la controversia que surgió luego de la publicación de un video antimilitarista hecho por la Federación de Mujeres de Québec. La conclusión de este estudio es que las madres de los soldados canadienses están militarizadas. Y ello, a pesar de la tradición antimilitarista y pacifista que para algunos caracteriza a la sociedad quebequense.

El artículo, distanciándose de las tesis que la historiografía ha postulado sobre el tema, estudia los orígenes, la trayectoria y las identidades ideológicas de la Milicia Republicana planteando que esta no constituía una organización homogénea y que, junto con perseguir objetivos compartidos entre todos sus miembros, habían otros respecto de los cuales es posible detectar diferencias, lo cual se reflejaría en los discursos de la entidad. The article -far of the thesis defended for the historiography- study the origins, trajectory and the ideological identities of the Republicans Militia, standing that this organization was not homogeny and that, persuing certain objectives shared for all its members, existed anothers in which is possible to detect differences, what is reflected in their discourses.

La presente tesis doctoral analiza cómo la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio acaba configurándose en todo un movimiento social de carácter antimilitarista en sentido amplio. Para ello se realiza un análisis comparado con otros movimientos y organizaciones internacionales de refractarios, así como las etapas y condicionantes para el surgimiento del movimiento antimilitarista en países como Italia y Francia. Este análisis sirve para entender las dinámicas generales que influyeron en el desarrollo de la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio y su configuración como movimiento social. Por otra parte, se hace un análisis exhaustivo de cómo el contexto propio de dictadura condiciono el desfase para la aparición de este movimiento social en el caso de Catalunya y España, en comparación con otros países europeos occidentales. Por último, la presente investigación aborda un profundo análisis de cómo se desarrolla la resistencia al servicio militar obligatorio durante la década de los setenta, vinculada a motivaciones religiosas, noviolentas y de lucha por los derechos y las libertades, para después ir transformándose durante la década siguiente en un espacio de lucha política mucho más diverso, donde las motivaciones anarquistas y socialistas fueron las que mayoritariamente acapararon los grupos antimilitaristas. Esta investigación también describe los diferentes grupos antimilitaristas que se generaron en el territorio español y catalán, sus etapas de desarrollo, debates internos y la actividad interna y externa que desarrollaron, no sólo contra el servicio militar obligatorio, también contra la OTAN, los presupuestos militares, la jurisdicción militar, etc. Por último se explica cómo estos grupos integrantes de lo que fue el movimiento antimilitarista, mantuvieron una importante relación con otros movimientos sociales afines y se convirtieron en espacios de activismo político fuera – y en muchas ocasiones en contra – de los partidos políticos., This PhD analyzes how resistance to conscription configured just a social movement around anti-militarist character broadly. This requires a comparative analysis with other international organizations and movements refractory, and the stages and conditions for the emergence of anti-militarist movement in countries like Italy and France is performed. This analysis helps to understand the general dynamics that influenced the development of resistance to conscription and its configuration as a social movement. Moreover, a thorough analysis of how the circumstances in dictatorship determined the offset for the emergence of this social movement in the case of Catalonia and Spain, compared to other Western European countries is made. Finally, this research addresses a thorough analysis of how resistance develops to compulsory military service during the seventies, linked to religious and non-violent struggle for the rights and freedoms motivation to go after becoming the decade next in a space of more diverse political struggle, where anarchists and socialists were the motivations that cornered mostly they antimilitarists groups. This research also describes the different anti-military groups that were generated in the Spanish and Catalan territory, their stages of development, internal debates and internal and external activity developed not only against conscription, also against NATO military budgets The military jurisdiction, etc. Finally it explains how these members of what was the anti-militarist movement groups maintained a strong relationship with other related social movements and became places of political activism outside - and often against - of political parties.

This article focuses on how the Spanish Civil War was experienced and understood by those who in previous years had declared themselves pacifist or antimilitarist, mainly the pacifist movement around the War Resisters’ International (WRI) and the antimilitarist and anarchist trade union Confederación Nacional del Trabajo (CNT). In the article, I deal with the different ways in which these men and women analysed the reality of war, starting with the use of violence and the attitude towards the creation of an army, followed by the questions of recruitment and finishing with the ideological repression behind Republican lines. These perspectives will help us understand the militarization process that occurred on the Republican side, the way that the culture of war was experienced and the strategies that were sometimes carried out to prevent some of its negative consequences.

Does society need armed forces? If so, what form should they take and what position should they hold in a democratic society? Critical conscripts, conscientious objectors, professional soldiers, civilians and antimilitarists posed these questions during the Cold War. This study investigates their criticism of and protest against the armed forces and national security and defense policy in the Netherlands between 1945 and 1989. It first examines how and why the critics of the armed forces questioned its form and existence. Secondly, this study looks into the Ministry of Defense's reaction to these critics. It explores how the ministry interpreted and responded to criticism and protest. The main question of this study is to what extent did the ministry believe that the criticism undermined the armed forces' legitimacy?

This bachelor thesis deals with the relation of the Czech National Social Party and its youth organization during 1900 and 1910. National Social Youth was an autonomous radical wing of the party to a large extent. It didn't hesitate to form its own political opinions and exercise an independent political activity which caused a risk of conflict between the youth and the party leadership. The work analyses the relation of both subjects to the idea of socialism and to the antimilitarist activity. It is also investigated how the different attitude of the party and youth to these two topics was reflected in their mutual relation and political profile of the entire party. A part of the work is also a brief description of the origin of National Social Party and its youth organization.

When the 1889 Military Law was passed, it established three-year universal conscription and a greater army of citizens to boost military preparedness for war in French colonies and against Germany.Far from its ramifications being of no concern to neo-impressionists, it was the subject of bightingly bitter antimilitarist cartoons by Maximilien Luce and antimilitarist paintings by the neo-impressionist outsider, 'Le douanier' Rousseau. Far from picturing the patriotic honor of becoming a soldier and the victories of war, as did Edouard Detaille, Rousseau did the opposite. In the heat of military slaughter of families at Fourmies, Rousseau revealed how conscription would transform French citizens into le corps militaire to fight not just against their arch-enemy with machine-like precision but against their very own people.

ZEP : Zeitschrift für internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik 23 (2000) 2, S. 24-27, Ernst Friedrich verkörpert wie kein anderer deutscher Antimilitarist und Pazifist aus den 20er und 30er Jahren eine radikal-demokratische und anarchistische Position. Er entwickelte eine außerschulische friedenspädagogische Kinder- und Jugendarbeit. In diesem Sinne ist Friedrich jedoch nach 1945 in der friedenspädagogischen Diskussion nahezu unbekannt und ohne Anschluss geblieben. In seinem aktionsorientierten Ansatz verbindet er Elemente einer antikapitalistisch-anarchistischen, interkulturellen und pazifistischen Jugendarbeit mit selbstgesteuerten und entinstitutionalisierten Organisationsprinzipien. (DIPF/ Orig.)

Gloria Fuertes fue una mujer inapropiable. A su éxito televisivo como "poeta de los niños" se contrapone su desconocimiento como "poeta de adultos" y su falta de reivindicación por ideologías o movimientos que naturalmente debieran haberlo hecho (feminismo, antimilitarismo, lesbianismo...). Una de las constantes que animan su obra es su pacifismo radical, innegociable, y su obra constituye uno de los ejemplos más extensos de compromiso con la consecución de la paz y la denuncia de la violencia y quienes la promueven. Su empatía con las personas que sufren y su punto de vista situado la sitúan en una posición que hemos denominado de "beguina laica", aportando un enfoque original sobre la obra de esta gran poeta madrileña del siglo XX.Gloria Fuertes was an inappropriable woman. Her TV success as "poet of children" is opposed by her ignorance as "poet of adults" and her lack of claim for ideologies or movements that naturally should have been done (feminism, antimilitarism, lesbianism...). One of the constants that cheer her work up is her radical pacifism, not negotiable, and her work constitutes one of the most extensive examples of compromise to the achievement of the peace and denunciation of the violence and those who promote it. Her empathy with those who suffer and her point of view placed place her in a position which we call "secular beguine", what contributes to an original approach about the work of this great Madrid poet of the twentieth Century.