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This article analyses two early English translations of Virgil’s Aeneid: William Caxton’s Eneydos, published in 1490, and Gavin Douglas’s Eneados, completed in 1513 and published in London in 1553....

The appearances of the goddess Night in Virgil’s Aeneid can be profitably studied as a cipher to appreciating better certain key elements of the poet’s epic presentation of Troy’s fall and the rise of the future Rome. Detailed consideration of every epiphany of the goddess in the poem offers insight into Virgil’s rationale for how he presents the ultimate resolution of the conflict in Latium and the quelling of Juno’s rage against the Trojans.

Starting from the well-known correspondence between Odes 1.7.30–31 and Aeneid 1.198–99, this article finds a deep intertextual relationship between 1.7 and the Aeneid (Book 1, especially, but also Books 4, 6, 7, and 8), anchored by correspondences of occasion and theme (speeches of arrival, dining, and wine). The article argues for Vergilian priority, explaining Horace’s (largely corrective) emulation of the Aeneid in terms of his literary self-positioning as lyric poet. Further confirmation of Horatian dialogue with the Aeneid is found elsewhere in the “Parade Odes” (1.1–9) as well as in 1.11 and 1.18.

The purpose of this paper is to provide an analysis of the poetics of Ovid’s reception of Jupiter’s prophecy in Aeneid 1 and to discuss the implications of Ovid’s engagement with Vergil. At the end of the Metamorphoses Ovid is interested in exploring the role of Vergilian prophetics in epic from a perspective that channels all the ways Vergil utilized fate, prophecy and divination into an ironic authorization of an Augustan present on the verge of ending. Whereas the Aeneid ends with the interpretative crux of the meaning of Turnus’ death, Ovid’s epic concludes with the imminent death of Augustus and the interpretative void his absence creates.

En el marco del relato de la caída de Troya, la voz narrativa se traslada al centro del palacio de Príamo (En. 2, 506-525). Allí, la reina Hécuba amonesta a su esposo por querer vestir sus viejas armas e intentar incorporarse a la batalla. Actuar de esa manera, le dice, es obedecer a una mens dira que no se corresponde con el momento. Troya ya cayó: lo único que queda es esperar la ayuda de los dioses o morir. Este pasaje nos interesa especialmente por la configuración del personaje de Hécuba que, desde nuestro punto de vista, no responde al paradigma habitual de irracionalidad, pasión desmesurada y sufrimiento improductivo que se ha adjudicado a los personajes femeninos de Eneida (cf. Oliensis 1997, Nugent 1999, Keith 2004 y Foley 2005, entre otros)., In the context of the account of the fall of Troy, the narrative voice turns to Priam’s palace (Aen. 2, 506-525). There, queen Hecuba admonishes her husband for willing to wear his old armor and trying to join the battle. To act in that way, she tells him, is to obey to a mens dira which is not appropriate for those circumstances. Troy has already fallen: the only thing that remains is either to hope for the gods’ help or to die. We consider this passage especially interesting for the configuration of Hecuba’s character, which from our viewpoint does not meet the usual paradigm of irrationality, excessive passion and unproductive suffering usually adjudicated to female characters in the Aeneid (cf. Oliensis 1997, Nugent 1999, Keith 2004 and Foley 2005, among others)., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación, Centro de Estudios Latinos

Lee M. Fratantuono– R. AldenSmith, Virgil, Aeneid 8; Text, Translation, and Commentary. Mnemosyne, Supplements, 416. Leiden: Brill, 2018, 802 pp., ISBN: 978-90-04- 36735-7

El personatge mític Palamedes, no present a la tradició homèrica, apareix a l’Eneida de Virgili, esmentat per Sinó quan intenta persuadir els troians, que cauen, inevitablement, en el parany. El personatge de Sinó, una espècie d’agent doble que, en definitiva, porta a terme la gran traïció que va causar la ruïna de Troia fingint que traïa els seus, presenta una interessant varietat de rols relacionats amb la tradició gorgiana de defensa de Palamedes, en la qual el fill de Naupli intenta lliurar–se de l’acusació de traïció als grecs per afavorir els troians. The mythical character of Palamedes, absent from the Homeric tradition, is retrieved by Virgil in his Aeneid, as he is referred to by Sinon when he aims to persuade Trojans, who inevitably fall into his trap. The character of Sinon, a sort of double agent, who, after all, accomplishes the great betrayal that ruined Troy pretending he was betraying his own fellows, presents an interesting set of crossed–roles with the gorgianic tradition of Palamedes’ defence, in which Palamedes strives to get rid of the accusation of betrayal against the Greeks in favour of the Trojans. Humanidades

It is well known that Ovid's Amores begin with a reference to Virgil's Aeneid in the very first word, arma (‘weapons’, Am. 1.1.1 = Verg. Aen. 1.1), which implies that the elegist had been composing epic before Cupid, by stealing a foot, apparently forced him to write elegy. In spite of this incapacitation at the hands of the love god, Ovid continues to toy with Virgil's epic by making the first two poems of his collection of elegiacs into a mini-Aeneid, or – to be precise – by making the second poem of the collection into the second half of the Aeneid. One result is that the three-book edition of Amores threatens to be over even before it has begun. Another is that Ovid can be identified with the Latin enemies, on the wrong side of history, from the Aeneid. I restrict the argument largely to what can be observed in Amores 1.2, leaving aside, for instance, the possibility that Ovid shot by Cupid's arrow in 1.1 might be thought comparable to Dido, similarly shot and causing Aeneas to dally in Carthage with her in Aeneid 4.

Unlike the Homeric epos, which is enclosed in an absolute past, the Aeneid forges a continuity between myth and the historical present and its plot is the fulfillment of a future which is preordained by Fate. As a result, Virgil’s epic has often been regarded as the expression of the immobilization of history rather than its open-endedness. Contrary to the idea of the Aeneid as a mere narrative teleology, the numerous untimely deaths of young heroes and their un-enacted futures bring about elements of temporal condensation that not only add uncertainty to the narrative, but undermine the idea of the present as the only inevitable realization of the past. The sideshadowing created by mors immatura opens loopholes in the poem and stands as a counterpoint to epic as the genre of absolute truths and historical determinism.

In a well-known article, Hodnett pointed out that Virgil emphasizes the peacefulness and quiet of the sea, its immensity and limitlessness, in contrast to the view articulated by the Roman poets of the Republic, which presents the sea as deceptive and fearsome. Among the many terms used in the Aeneid to denote the sea, aequor stands out precisely because it is the term most frequently used by Virgil in place of the word mare.

Статтю присвячено аналізу способів відтворення фразеологізованих концепт-реалій (осьовий елемент – назва традиційної страви) у перекладах поеми «Енеїда» І. Котляревського. Встановлено закономірності відтво-рення первинної чи вторинної конотацій різними мовами залежно від їхньої історико-генеалогічної спорід-неності чи віддаленості./ The article represents the analysis of ways of rendering phraseological conceptual lexical realia (core element – names of traditional dishes) in foreign translations of the “Aeneid” by I. Kotliarevskyi. In a literary piece such structures tend to acquire a secondary phraseological connotation. Therefore, the specific lexicon loses its primary identity and should be viewed as part of a phraseological unit and reproduced accordingly. The analysis shows that genealogical proximity or remoteness has a crucial impact on the choice of a translation method. Close genetic ties between a source and target language contribute to a fuller representation of conceptual meaning in translation including one obtained through phraseologization which is due to existing semantic analogies. The major ways of preserving a secondary connotation of phraseological conceptual lexical realia are transliteration for close languages (Polish, Russian) and hypernymic renomination or descriptive paraphrasing for distant languages (English, German). Гаврилюк Х. Відтворення фразеологізованих концепт-реалій поеми «Енеїда» І. Котляревського в іншомовних перекладах (на основі назв страв) / Христина Гаврилюк // Науковий вісник Східноєвропейського національного університету. Сер. «Філологічні науки. Літературознавство». – 2014. – № 9 (286). – С. 13-19.

Lo scopo di questo saggio è analizzare i fregi delle stanze che, nell’appartamento nobile di Palazzo Buonaccorsi, precedono la Galleria dell’Eneide, al fine di avanzare un’ipotesi sull’originario programma iconografico della stessa galleria. Si intende in particolare indagare il ruolo che in questi ambienti ricoprono due figure del mito (Ercole e Bacco), cui la committenza sembra attribuire una specifica importanza. In continuità tematica con i fregi delle stanze del palazzo, l’allestimento della galleria, dalla volta all’apparato decorativo delle pareti, risulta essere in realtà centrato sulla celebrazione di Bacco, compiuta attraverso la raffigurazione di menadi e satiri danzanti, pantere e caproni sacrificali, agghindati di edera, pampini e uva, e guidati da putti baccheggianti. Benché tutto sembri predisposto ad ospitare un ciclo di tele dedicate alla vita di Bacco, Enea prende alla fine il sopravvento, portando a compimento un programma encomiastico familiare più esplicitamente indirizzato verso Roma. The purpose of this essay is to analyze the friezes of the rooms which, in the noble floor of Palazzo Buonaccorsi, precede the Gallery of the Aeneid, in order to propose a hypothesis on the original iconographic program of the same gallery. In particular, we intend to investigate the role played by two figures of the myth (Hercules and Bacchus), which seems to have a specific importance for the client. In thematic continuity with the friezes of the rooms of the palace, the set-up of the gallery, from the vault to the decorative apparatus of the walls, is actually centred on the celebration of Bacchus; this celebration is accomplished through the depiction of dancing maenads and satyrs, panthers and sacrificial goats, dressed up with ivy, vine-leaves and grapes, led by drunk putti. Although everything seems designed to host a series of canvases dedicated to the life of Bacchus, Aeneas eventually takes over, bringing to completion an encomiastic family program that is more explicitly addressed to Rome., IL CAPITALE CULTURALE. Studies on the Value of Cultural Heritage, Supplementi (8/2018): La Galleria dell'Eneide di palazzo Buonaccorsi a Macerata. Nuove letture e prospettive di ricerca per il Settecento europeo / The Gallery of Palazzo Buonaccorsi in Macerata: new interpretations and research perspectives for the European Eighteenth Century

The object of this paper is two-fold: to discuss the structure of Virgil's Hexameter, giving some of the peculiarities and metrical licenses; and to compare it with his doubtful poems, the Culex and Ciris, noticing whether the general form of each is sufficiently alike to justify us in attributing them to the same author. In order to make the comparison more accurate, in addition to the Aeneid, the Bucolics have been scanned, which show the work of Virgil in a different style and at a different period of his literary activity.

This chapter looks at three eighteenth-century operas on the topic of Ascanius: Fux’s Julo Ascanio, re d’Alba (1708), Lotti’s Ascanio, ovvero Gli odi delusi dal sangue (1718), and Mozart’s Ascanio in Alba (1772). It shows that the story of Ascanius has cultural cachet and authority because of its origin in the respected classical texts of Virgil and Livy, and that it provides elevated subject matter appropriate for operas on great state occasions; this classical episode is conveniently flexible and tempting for subsequent adaptors because classical authors say so little about Ascanius, especially about his future career after the Aeneid, which is what these operas treat. The status of Ascanius as the ancestor of Augustus and of the Roman Empire has clear appeal to that empire’s self-conceived modern successors, the Holy Roman Empire and the Habsburgs; and Ascanius’ key role as the conduit through which the blood of Aeneas passes to later rulers makes him a natural choice for pieces performed on occasions of royal marriages, stressing the crucial nature of genetic and dynastic continuity.

This thesis aims to determine which philosophical school, either Epicurean or Stoic, Virgil's Aeneid more accurately reflects. Explored are the characters of Anchises, Dido and Aeneas; the portrayal of piety, justice, emotions and anger and; the philosophical issues of freedom of will, Fate and the composition of the cosmos. In conclusion, the presence of freedom of will afforded to human characters within this work and the distinction made by Virgil between Jupiter and Fate, lead to the conclusion that it is unlikely that this is a Stoic work. Also, this thesis argues that Virgil's presentation of piety, justice, emotion and anger are consistent with an Epicurean conception of these characteristics. Therefore, if the Aeneid can be attributed influence from either philosophical school of thought, it lends itself much more readily to an Epicurean reading.

Book 8 of the Aeneid offers a broad account of Roman history from the protohistoric origins of Janus and Saturnus to the battle of Actium. The historical narrative develops over two long descriptive passages: one related to Evander and Aeneas’s walk around Pallanteum and a second passage that is the description of Vulcan’s shield. The present author's hypothesis is then framed with the premise that these passages are both ekphrasis that can be read and interpreted as complements. This approach allows us to understand the Virgilian view of history as a series of foundations based on the development of Roman urban geography, from meaningful natural geography, in association with chronological accounts of important leaders and their actions. Additionally, both passages are woven around the theme of order and complementarity: a geographical order and a chronological one. Both representations depend on each other to express their full meaning; that is, the consideration of urban geography as a reservoir of memory and Aeneas’s shield as organized narrative history. Fil: de Santis, Guillermo. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico Conicet - Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad. Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Centro de Investigaciones y Estudios sobre Cultura y Sociedad; Argentina

This paper explores the idea of female speech in Roman epic by comparing the public speeches of Dido welcoming first Ilioneus and then Aeneas at 1.561-78 and 1.613-30 with the analogous speeches of Latinus at 7.192-211 and 7.249-73. It applies concepts, ideas and observations about feminine discourse developed by scholars of Greek tragedy and Roman comedy to Virgil’s Aeneid with the aim of nuancing approaches to Dido as speaker and public persona. The article treats speech presentation, stylistic features, tone, metre and rhetoric and argues that it is very hard to extract gender from other aspects of the text, but that on balance Dido is presented as feminine in a number of ways. Her power is qualified and limited, she is more responsive and passive than Latinus and shows an emotional intensity and directness in contrast with the subtlety of her handling of the situation.

This article explores the extent to which the genres of epic and elegy can be considered ‘occidental’ and ‘oriental’ respectively. Such a polarity is apparently constructed in the ‘epic’ and ‘elegiac’ movements of Propertius 4.1, but it is also progressively deconstructed in Propertius’ reception of Virgil’s Aeneid in elegies 4.1, 4.6 and 4.9. On the one hand, Propertius reads the Aeneid for its oriental components (e.g. the Phrygian immigration as viewed by native Italy ; its oriental ‘heroines’ : Dido, Cleopatra and, if the episode to which she lends her name is not an interpolation, Helen). On the other hand, Propertian elegy has for its part become more occidental (Propertius sings of maxima Roma and the Roman victory at Actium ; Cynthia is dead). In this way, Propertius shows that the narrative of elegy is no less bound up with occidental hegemony than that of Virgilian epic, and that elegy’s literary exoticism is, like Virgil’s intertextual appropriation of Greek literature, itself contingent on Roman imperialism.

This paper addresses the study of a mosaic discovered in 2007 at the archaeological site of Alter do Chão, Portugal, whose central panel represents the penultimate scene narrated in the last Book of the Æneid – a Roman epic composed by the poet Publius Vergilius Maro (70 BC – AD 19), at the request of Gaius Julius Cæsar Octavianus Augustus (63 BC – AD 14): it shows the very moment when Turnus, the Latin king of the Rutuli, kneels before Æneas, considered the precursor to the foundation of Rome (Virgil, Æneid, XII, 926-950). Uludag Universitesi

Alan Cameron recuerda que la figura de Aquiles se encuentra entre los motivos favoritos del arte grecolatino, desde el período arcaico al Tardoantiguo, conformando un conjunto de temas sumamente prolífico; entre estos se lo suele identificar con la figura del guerrero despiadado que “viola” el cuerpo enemigo. La aparente contradicción entre violencia bélica y sensualidad erótica es la que atrae la atención de Servio en sus “Commentarii” a la Eneida virgiliana, por lo cual la funcionalidad del personaje se conformará como la de un tipo humano no apto para cristianos ni paganos, según los esquemas antropológicos de su época. Alan Cameron recalls that the figure of Achilles is among the favorite motives of Greek art, from the archaic period to the Late Antiquity, forming a highly prolific set of topics; among these he is identified with the figure of the ruthless warrior what “violates” the enemy body. The apparent contradiction between erotic sensuality and war violence is that attracts the attention of Servius in his “Commentarii” to Virgil’s “Aeneid”, by which the functionality of the character conform as of a type human not suitable for Christian or Pagan, according to anthropological schemes of his time.

The following paper argues that the series of desecrated altars that are found in the Aeneid reflects prior moments of ruptured alliances that have taken place in the epic cycle and Roman history more generally. Vergil has constructed these ruptured alliances along a number of parallel lines that focus on the various means by which the poem constructs ethnic and spatial unification. From the perspective of ethnic amalgamation the infectum foedus of Aeneid 12 raises a number of problems concerning the foundation of Rome and the nature of Roman alliance through time. This problematic alliance that ends the poem, however, moves against the theme of East-West unification in which a central feature of Aeneas’ actions is the reunification of Europe, Asia and Africa through a new system of alliance.

Many scholars believe that literary and artistic level of Book V of Vergils' Aeneid is much lower than in the neighbouring books four and six. Nonetheless a detailed analysis of the contents and composition allows, in my opinion, to treat Book V as interesting and valuable. Vergil concentrated primarily on the sense of suffering which often befalls innocent people. The most vivid is the example of Palinurus whose undeserved and sacrificial death permits Aeneas to continue with his mission. The death of Palinurus and Dido is, I think, a symbolic farewell of Aeneas with the Trojan past and the wandering on the sea. The participants in the games are all secondary characters. By introducing them Vergil, I believe, wished to stress the importance of every man of Aeneas' crew in the fulfilling of the task set by destiny. The importance of fatum and fortuna increases exponentially in the instances where human strength and abilities fail.

‘The last stanza of Horace's poem’, writes Denis Feeney of Hor. Carm. 3.3, ‘declares virtually outright that he has just been “quoting” epic matter: “desine peruicax | referre sermones deorum et | magna modis tenuare paruis” (70–2)’. A poem that recounts the doings of gods automatically demands comparison with epic, but if the speeches of gods are presented, all the more so. Horace's poem in fact evokes an episode within a specific epic poem, the Council of the Gods that occurred during the first book of Ennius’ Annales. But such divine councils are a ‘stock epic scene’, and rather more than that: they are moments when epic is at its most quintessentially epic. In simple terms, an epic poet ‘may underline the significance and increase the dramatic effect’ of a critical point in the narrative ‘by showing us that it exercised the gods’, and that analysis applies to any divine presence in a poem: if a key impulse of epic is to amplify the significance of human activity, those occasions when higher forces overtly assert their control of human destiny satisfy a number of fundamental preoccupations of the genre. But in the Council of the Gods we have the most developed and impressive realization of this divine concern for mortal existence, as well as a topos that in Rome at least achieved special status within the broader field of divine machinery in epic. That status is perhaps reflected in a tendency discernible in the Roman section of the tradition for such councils to fall early in the epic narrative, as if initiating the epic plot. If so, however, Virgil's Council at Aen. 10.1–117 defies expectation by failing to be convened until the plot of the epic is very far advanced indeed, and even then, as this article will consider, achieving strikingly less than one might expect of a plenary gathering of supernatural powers at an advanced stage in an epic narrative.

Review of Ross' reader to Virgil's Aeneid.

In Book 10 of the Aeneid, Virgil presents an epic catalogue of Etruscan allies who return under Aeneas' command to the beleaguered Trojan camp (10.166–214), including the forces from Liguria. The account of the Ligurians initially conforms to the general pattern of the catalogue, as Virgil briefly introduces and describes the two leaders. But the description of Cupauo's swan-feather crest leads to a digression about the paternal origins of the avian symbol. Cupauo's father Cycnus, stricken with grief for his beloved Phaethon, was transformed from a mournful singer into the swan that bears his name (10.185–93): non ego te, Ligurum ductor fortissime bello,transierim, Cinyre, et paucis comitate Cupauo,cuius olorinae surgunt de uertice pennae(crimen, Amor, uestrum) formaeque insigne paternae.namque ferunt luctu Cycnum Phaethontis amati,populeas inter frondes umbramque sororum 190dum canit et maestum Musa solatur amorem,canentem molli pluma duxisse senectamlinquentem terras et sidera uoce sequentem. Virgil not only places the Ligurians in a central position within the catalogue, but also devotes more verses to them than to any other contingent, including his own Mantuans (10.198–206). At the very heart of this prominent passage lies the embedded tale of Cycnus, the erotic and sorrowful centrepiece of Virgil's Etruscan catalogue.

uirginibus Tyriis mos est gestare pharetram,purpureoque alte suras uincire cothurno.It is customary for us Tyrian girls to carry a quiverand to lace our calves up high in red boots.(Verg. Aen. 1.336–7) With these words a disguised Venus explains the accessories of her costume to Aeneas and Achates shortly after the Trojan landing in North Africa. Even detailed commentaries on this passage overlook an important feature: the lines contain a reference to Julius Caesar, who claimed descent from Venus and made a political point of wearing red boots during his dictatorship. This allusion to Caesar connects in significant ways to adjoining passages of the first book of the Aeneid.

At the beginning of Aeneid 12, a truce is agreed so that Aeneas and Turnus can fight each other in single combat (12.161-215). But this truce is violated through the instigation of Turnus’ sister Juturna (222–56), who in turn has been instigated by Juno (134–60). The Italian Tolumnius casts a spear that kills an Etruscan warrior (257–82). Aeneas pleads for calm and the maintenance of the truce, but he in turn is wounded by an arrow (311–23). Turnus, seeing the Trojans in disarray, rushes into battle, and a general engagement ensues (324–82). So Turnus, even if he did not instigate the breach, does nothing to heal it, and for that reason alone (in the eyes of some commentators) is a criminal, who deserves his ultimate death at the hands of Aeneas.

This article considers the beech tree in Annette Droste-Hulshoff's Die Judenbuche as a site where the dead return, alongside Torquato Tasso's Gerusalemme liberata and Virgil's The Aeneid. I will examine the role of trees as sites of testimony to violence on the one hand, and the issue of deciphering this testimony on the other. I will discuss how these trees serve as a locus where the past appears in the present, and show how these texts generate this presence through the use of tense and pronouns. I propose that trees serve at once to preserve and to enclose the dead in Tasso, Virgil, and Droste-Hulshoff's Realist novella. This double structure of containment offers insight into how reality is constructed in Poetic Realism.

This study examines how and why Virgil makes reference to philosophy and engages with contemporary philosophical debate in the Aeneid. Each of the six chapters has a different philosophical focus, and offers literary analyses of the poem that are supported and enriched by situating it within its philosophical context. Cicero and Lucretius are our principal sources for Roman philosophy during the 1st c. BC, and Stoics, Epicureans and Academics were the most influential philosophical schools. The topics I explore include: the relationship between words, especially names, and their referents; the characterization of fate in the Aeneid as Stoic, and the meaning of F/fortuna; Virgil's engagement with Lucretius' explanation of visual perception, which I argue embodies a refutation of the materialism integral to Epicurean philosophy; and, given that Cicero and Lucretius provide the first extant references to 'free will' (libera...voluntas Lucr. 2.256-7; voluntate libera Cic. Fat. 20) in Western literature, the articulation of this concept in the Aeneid. I conclude that Virgil's use of philosophy is both politically and poetically motivated: he shows that poetry and literature are valuable philosophical and political tools by demonstrating that our experience of reality is fundamentally mediated through language and texts.

La publicación del estudio Virgil’s Ascanius. Imagining the Future in the Aeneid de Anne Rogerson, basado en la tesis doctoral que la autora defendió en la Universidad de Cambridge bajo la dirección de Philip Hardie y Emily Gowers, constituye una excelente noticia para los estudiosos del poema épico de Virgilio: a diferencia de otros personajes más atractivos, como Dido, Turno o el propio Eneas, el puer Ascanius no ha gozado de mayor atención por parte de la bibliografía crítica. Como señala Rogerson, previamente ha habido algunos artículos aislados, y solo un estudio integral –la tesis doctoral de M. Ross, The Role of Ascanius in the Aeneid, de 1977, que se concentra más en lo que el retrato de Ascanio revela sobre el personaje de su padre–. Su volumen, por lo tanto, acomete el análisis de un personaje relegado por la crítica, a pesar de representar nada menos que el primer eslabón de la gens que Eneas viene a establecer en Italia y que conducirá a la fundación de Roma., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

En el presente trabajo analizaremos la funcionalidad de los personajes de Latino y Evandro en la segunda parte de Eneida como benefactores del héroe y de su objetivo fundacional. A partir del libro VII se refleja un cambio en el personaje de Eneas luego de haberse encontrado con su padre en el libro VI. Dicha transformación, puesta de manifiesto con la muerte de la nodriza Cayeta como primer acontecimiento de esta segunda parte, comprenderá la adquisición de las virtudes fundamentales del ciudadano romano. Por su parte, Latino y Evandro participarán del crecimiento del héroe en diferentes formas. El rey Latino actúa como garante del orden divino mientras que Evandro se desempeña como mediador de la afiliación de los pueblos con el jefe troyano encomendado por los Hados. In this paper we analyze the functionality of the characters of Latinus and Evander on the second part of the Aeneid as benefactor of Aeneas and his founding objective. From Book VII, the change of the character of Aeneas is shown after the meeting with his father on Book VI. This transformation, become apparent with the death of his nurse Caieta as first event, includes the acquisition of the distinguished roman virtues. Latinus and Evander take part of the hero´s growth and it is performed in different ways. The King Latinus acts as guarantor of the divinity. Likewise Evander acts as mediator between the people´s affiliation and trojan chief chosen by the fatum. Fil: Bogdan, Guillermina. Consejo Nacional de Investigaciones Científicas y Técnicas. Centro Científico Tecnológico La Plata. Instituto de Investigaciones en Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales; Argentina. Universidad Nacional de La Plata. Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educacion; Argentina

All’interno del programma multiculturale della Galleria dell’Eneide di Macerata, promosso dal conte Raimondo Buonaccorsi a partire dal 1710, la scola napoletana trovava spazio con tre autorevoli interpreti della scena artistica dei primi del Settecento, come Francesco Solimena, Paolo De Matteis e Giacomo Del Po. Attraverso nuove ricerche archivistiche da affiancare a quelle già edite, il contributo intende interrogarsi sulle ragioni del reclutamento di questi pittori e di un certo «Matteuccio» da Napoli, focalizzando l’attenzione sull’eventuale ruolo giocato da alcuni personaggi, come l’abate Filippo Buonaccorsi, monsignor Antonio Widmann e gli agenti Sebastiano e Carlo Antonio Ferri. Inside the multicultural decorative plan of the Eneide Gallery in Macerata, promoted by the Earl Raimondo Buonaccorsi as from 1710, the Neapolitan scola found its place thanks to three renowned names from the artistic scene of the early eighteenth century such as Francesco Solimena, Paolo De Matteis and Giacomo Del Po. Thanks to new research of archive records, complementing those already published, the intent of this work is to question the reasons for the recruitment of these painters as well of a certain "Matteuccio" from Naples, focusing the attention on the possible role played by certain individuals, such as abbot Filippo Buonaccorsi, monsignor Antonio Widmann and the agents Sebastiano and Carlo Antonio Ferri., IL CAPITALE CULTURALE. Studies on the Value of Cultural Heritage, Supplementi (8/2018): La Galleria dell'Eneide di palazzo Buonaccorsi a Macerata. Nuove letture e prospettive di ricerca per il Settecento europeo / The Gallery of Palazzo Buonaccorsi in Macerata: new interpretations and research perspectives for the European Eighteenth Century

La Galleria dell’Eneide di Palazzo Buonaccorsi non è ancora stata considerata come episodio della fortuna figurativa del poema da parte degli studiosi di Virgilio. Probabilmente dietro la scelta dei soggetti c’è l’intenzione di rendere il tema mitologico funzionale al successo della famiglia del committente all’interno della Chiesa Romana, che si fonda su di un’interpretazione provvidenziale della storia di Enea. Questo contributo si propone una lettura analitica dei soggetti delle tele della Galleria in riferimento al testo virgiliano e alle sue interpretazioni, al fine di proporre delle ipotesi sul criterio con cui sono stati scelti e di individuare nei dettagli della traduzione pittorica scelte esegetiche utili a una lettura d’insieme. The Gallery of Eneide at Palazzo Buonaccorsi has not been regarded as an episode of the reception of the poem yet. The reason for the choice of the subjects may lie in the intention of rendering the mythological theme functional to the patron’s family success, according to a providential interpretation of Aenea's story. Through an analytical study of the subiects of the paintings compared to Virgil's lines, this contribution aims at making hypotheses on the criteria they have been selected. Our purpose is also that of identifying exegetic choices in the details of the visual translation, which are functional to a wider interpretation., IL CAPITALE CULTURALE. Studies on the Value of Cultural Heritage, Supplementi (8/2018): La Galleria dell'Eneide di palazzo Buonaccorsi a Macerata. Nuove letture e prospettive di ricerca per il Settecento europeo / The Gallery of Palazzo Buonaccorsi in Macerata: new interpretations and research perspectives for the European Eighteenth Century