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The proceedings represent the collection of reports in two sections of the media and communication science of 80th International Scientific Conference of the University of Latvia. The first section was organized under the auspices of the research project “Risks to Democracy Caused by Disinformation and Conspiracy: Reviewing the Latvian Experience” (lzp-2019/1-0278). This project is implemented with the support of the Fundamental and Applied Project Programme by Latvian Council of Science. The focus of the section was the analysis of current and past information processes, the spread of disinformation, communication ethics, as well as the role of social networks in the spread of information and disinformation. The collection also includes the research presented in the section of young researchers and doctoral students of media and communication science. Their thematic spectrum is wide; however, the focus remains on the analysis of diverse information processes, examples of the information space control by non-democratic regimes, digitization and new media., Latvian Council of Science; Project “Risks to Democracy Caused by Disinformation and Conspiracy: Reviewing the Latvian Experience” (lzp-2019/1-0278) of Fundamental and Applied Project Programme funded by the Latvian Council of Science

In 2010, R. T. Erdoğan publicly acknowledged that he does not believe in equality between women and men. Following the subsequent general election in 2011, Erdoğan has solidified his power first as Prime Minister and, since August 2014, as the President of Turkey. Thus, his patriarchal and Islamist discourse on women has become stronger and more visible. The more powerful Erdoğan has become, the wider his discourse on women has been appreciated by the society. His discourse has started to reinforce women’s ‘place’ in society both in public and private spheres. This article examines Erdoğan’s speeches between August 2014 and August 2019, focusing on International Women’s Day (8th of March), Mothers’ Day (second Sunday of May), and International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women (25th of November) using the framework of ‘Logic of Misogyny’ (Kate Manne 2019) to determine to what extent patterns of misogyny inform Erdoğan’s discourse on women’s rights, equality and agency. In order to deconstruct Erdoğan’s discourse and analyse the relationship between discourse and misogyny, this article adopts feminist critical discourse analysis (FCDA) as the research method. In doing so, the article aims to contribute to the literature on both FCDA and misogyny with a study focusing on Turkey.

This paper focuses on pattern generalisation as a way to introduce young students to early algebra. We build on research on patterning activities that feature, in their work with algebraic thinking, both looking for sameness recursively in a pattern (especially figural patterns, but also numerical ones) and conjecturing about function-based relationships that relate variables. We propose a new approach to pattern generalisation that seeks to help children (grades 2 and 3) work both recursively and functionally, and to see how these two modes are connected through the notion of variable. We argue that a crucial change must occur in order for young learners to develop a flexible algebraic discourse. We draw on Sfard’s (2008) communication approach and on Châtelet’s (2000) notion of the virtual in order to pursue this argument. We also root our analyses within a new materialist perspective that seeks to describe phenomena in terms of material entanglement, which include, in our classroom research context, not just the children and the teacher, but also words, gestures, physical objects and arrangements, as well as numbers, operations and variables.

Accepted manuscript version. Published version available at https://doi.org/10.1017/S0144686X17000046. This study explores policy makers’, health-care professionals’ and senior volunteers’ perceptions of senior volunteers. Two Norwegian government white papers regarding older adult care and welfare services, which were published over a period of 19 years, were selected for close examination. Furthermore, focus group interviews with a purposeful sample of five senior volunteers and 15 health-care professionals were conducted. The study explores the discursive formations of senior volunteers in the government white papers and how they are negotiated in the senior volunteers’ and the health-care professionals’ narratives. Two dominant discourses were presented in the white papers: a prevention discourse (in which volunteering was presented primarily as a means to prevent volunteers’ loneliness and need for care services) and a sustainability discourse (in which the volunteers were presented as instrumental in future sustainable care services). Both discourses echo a common overarching discourse about a capacity crisis due to the ageing population. The senior volunteers were positioned as partners and active agents in both their own narratives and the health-care professionals’ narratives. Their position as independent and as spokespersons for the less empowered were evident only in the senior volunteers’ own narratives. Only the health-care professionals referenced the prevention discourse and capacity issues. The senior volunteers presented themselves as competent, efficient political actors, and they resisted both the prevention and sustainability discourses. In the senior volunteers’ narratives, social and political participation were interrelated. The study demonstrates that new discursive landscapes must be created to capture the diversity among senior volunteers and their efforts. While senior volunteers must be meaningfully involved in decision making, planning and design, their positions as independent and active agents must also be ensured. Authentic partnerships between senior volunteers and public care services involve a balance between involvement and independence.

This essay attempts to show that the ancient rhetorical theory has explanatory capabilities to understand and learn to write modern texts and to analyze them in order to understand their communication skills, as in the scientific article, one of the most prestigious forms on scientific communication. It starts with the notion of discourse in the field of scientific communication and then address the rhetorical dimension of the paper.

Ancorada na perspectiva teórica da Análise do Discurso, na interface com a Filosofia e as Ciências Sociais, meu propósito, neste artigo, é pensar a circulação dos discursos sobre a leitura na internet. O corpus analisado se constitui de alguns excertos de relatos escritos por alunos de três cursos de graduação do Ensino Superior (Ciências Biológicas, Matemática, Pedagogia), os quais colocam em evidência a produção de discursividades sobre a leitura do texto-papel para o texto-tela, bem como a relação do sujeito-aluno-leitor com as "novas" tecnologias digitais no mundo contemporâneo e globalizado.Anchored in the theoretical perspective of Discourse Analysis at the interface with the Philosophy and Social Sciences, my purpose in this paper is to focus on discourses about reading on the internet. The corpus is composed of excerpts of stories written by students of three undergraduate courses (Biological Sciences, Mathematics, Education), which emphasize the production of discourses about reading the text-paper to text-screen as well as the relation of subject-student-reader with the "new" digital technologies in contemporary globalized world.

Leaders are faced with ethical and moral dilemmas daily, like those within the military who must span from large-scale combat operations to security cooperation and deterrence. For businesses, these dilemmas can include social and environmental impact such as those in mining; and for governments, the social and economic impact of their decision-making in their response to COVID-19. The move by Western defence forces to align their foundational principles, policies, and “soldier” dispositions with the changing values of the countries they serve are starkly illustrative of challenges faced by all leaders. While admirable, such changes face the apparent contradiction of enhancing individual moral agency within a hierarchical organization that maintain enforceable codes of conduct. Ethical leadership theory provides aspirational goals, but lacks empirically based guidance on how to implement policies that facilitate values-based behavior. Using a discourse theory analysis of a moral dilemma vignette with Royal Australian Air Force personnel, this research identifies important aspects of agency and subject position that must be addressed if such policies are to succeed. These findings show that the potential contradiction can be addressed by acknowledging the contrasting tendency to bureaucratic process by leaders at upper levels, while lower-level leaders address moral issues by incorporating their subjectivity and making a conscious deontological choice between humanity and comrade loyalty.

This research article aims to examine the problem of comprehending Chinese diplomatic discourse. We argue that China’s diplomatic discourse is a multilevel and complicated system underpinned by figurative and symbolic semantics, divergent translations into foreign languages, multidimensionality of the cognitive sphere and versatility of communication. The discussions of well-known Chinese scholars on the issue of comprehension of China’s diplomatic discourse are highlighted in the article. We also analyze the concept of a “shared future for humankind,” which is the systemic core of China’s diplomatic discourse today and represents a brand of a global worldview promoted by Chinese leadership. We examine this concept using sociolinguistic, cognitive and pragmatic approaches.

Bibliographie: Gulowski, Rebecca: Zwischen Entfremdung und Empowerment: Zur Thematisierung sexualisierter Gewalt in der Hochschullehre, Femina Politica – Zeitschrift fur feministische Politikwissenschaft, 2-2019, S. 174-181. https://doi.org/10.3224/feminapolitica.v28i2.20

This article situates Japan in the international climate security debate by analysing competing climate change discourses. In 2020, for the first time, the Japanese Ministry of the Environment included the term “climate crisis” (kikō kiki) in its annual white paper, and the Japanese parliament adopted a “climate emergency declaration” (kikō hijō jitai sengen). Does this mean that Japan’s climate discourse is turning toward the securitisation of climate change? Drawing on securitisation theory, this article investigates whether we are seeing the emergence of a climate change securitisation discourse that treats climate change as a security issue rather than a conventional political issue. The analysis focuses on different stakeholders in Japan’s climate policy: the Japanese Ministry of the Environment, the Ministry of Economy, Trade, and Industry, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the parliament, the Cabinet, and sub- and non-state actors. Through a discourse analysis of ministry white papers and publications by other stakeholders, the article identifies a burgeoning securitisation discourse that challenges, albeit moderately, the status quo of incrementalism and inaction in Japan’s climate policy. This article further highlights Japan’s position in the rapidly evolving global debate on the urgency of climate action and provides explanations for apparent changes and continuities in Japan’s climate change discourse.

Background Gangstalking refers to a novel persecutory belief system wherein sufferers believe that they are being followed, watched, and harassed by a vast network of people in their community who have been recruited as complicit perpetrators. They are frequently diagnosed as mentally ill, although they reject this formulation. Those affected by this belief system self-identify as targeted individuals (TIs). They seek to prove the veracity of their persecution and dispute the notion that they are mentally ill by posting videos online that purport to provide evidence of their claims. Objective The objective of the study was to characterize the multimodal social semiotic practices used in gangstalking evidence videos. Methods We assembled a group of 50 evidence videos posted on YouTube by self-identified TIs and performed a multimodal social semiotic discourse analysis using a grounded theory approach to data analysis. Results TIs accomplished several social and interpersonal tasks in the videos. They constructed their own identity as subjects of persecution and refuted the notion that they suffered from mental illness. They also cultivated positive ambient affiliation with viewers of the videos but manifested hostility toward people who appeared in the videos. They made extensive use of multimodal deixis to generate salience and construe the gangstalking belief system. The act of filming itself was a source of conflict and served as a self-fulfilling prophecy; filming was undertaken to neutrally record hostility directed toward video bloggers (vloggers). However, the act of filming precipitated the very behaviors that they set out to document. Finally, the act of filming was also regarded as an act of resistance and empowerment by vloggers. Conclusions These data provide insight into a novel persecutory belief system. Interpersonal concerns are important for people affected, and they construe others as either sympathetic or hostile. They create positive ambient affiliation with viewers. We found that vloggers use multimodal deixis to illustrate the salience of the belief system. The videos highlighted the Derridean concept of différance, wherein the meaning of polysemous signifiers is deferred without definitive resolution. This may be important in communicating with people and patients with persecutory belief systems. Clinicians may consider stepping away from the traditional true/false dichotomy endorsed by psychiatric classification systems and focus on the ambiguity in semiotic systems generally and in persecutory belief systems specifically.

This position paper contributes to the field of critical educational technology (Ed-Tech) research by providing empirical evidence for the qualities of the phenomenon known as Ed-Tech speak. The research question, how does Ed-Tech speak in research articles about Apple's iPad contribute to promoting and validating the importance and utility of the iPad for teaching and learning, is addressed by applying critical genre analysis to investigate empirical research articles discussing the use of iPads in institutional education. As a result, four categories were formed: the self-evident importance of iPads, overgeneralization of references, the use of strong reporting verbs (to boost weak references), and the use of boosting devices when discussing the findings. Possible explanations for the existence of Ed-Tech speak in research articles are offered. peerReviewed

L’étude discursive d’un corpus de textes réglementaires, d’accords interprofessionnels et de rapports qui plaident pour des politiques ambitieuses de santé et de sécurité au travail, met en lumière la prégnance homogène de l’argument selon lequel les dépenses dédiées à des objectifs de qualité de vie au travail (QVT) seraient des investissements rentables puisque « leviers de performance ». Ces textes témoignent d’un effort rhétorique et argumentatif notoire pour invisibiliser risques professionnels et conflits sociaux tout en plaidant en faveur de politiques de QVT censées transformer en profondeur l’organisation du travail et le management. Leur écriture a permis de constituer un groupe coordonné de promoteurs de la QVT dont l’autorité prescriptive résulte d’une promesse de performance économique et de développement social, étayée par des arguments d’autorité scientifique et des témoignages. Position papers and reports call for ambitious occupational health and safety policies based on the incantatory argument that quality worklife expensive measures (QWL) are profitable investments and "levers of performance". Rhetorical figures (repetition, concession, caricature, enumeration, illustration, quotation) prevent fuzzy QWL policies from being perceived as insignificant. The prescriptive power of these advocacy discourses is strong since they avoid addressing the anxiogenic issue of occupational risks and focus on two promising topics: profitability and HR development, and they quote many scientists and stakeholders with lengthy storytelling. Ciertos informes y notas informativas reclaman políticas de salud y de seguridad laboral más ambiciosas, alegando que el gasto en equipamiento o en servicios dedicados a la calidad de vida en el trabajo representa una inversión rentable y un verdadero «factor de rendimiento económico». Algunas figuras retóricas, como la repetición, la concesión, la caricatura, la enumeración y la ilustración, hacen que ciertas políticas poco claras en torno de la calidad de vida en el trabajo sean percibidas como insignificantes. El poder prescriptivo de estos discursos de promoción política es fuerte, ya que no abordan riesgos ocupacionales ansiogénicos y se centran sobre el tema del desarrollo de los recursos humanos. Algo más, las voces de científicos, empleadores y trabajadores comparten la palabra.

Comunicação apresentada na Conferência “Does discourse matter? Discourse, power and institutions in the sustainability transition”, Hamburg, Germany, 11-13 July 2003., Climate change is a contested issue at the scientific, political, economic and social levels. The media are a central arena for such a debate. As a marketplace of arguments, the media promote some claims, ideas and voices while suppressing others. The paper will argue that the discursive (re)construction of the sciences of climate change in the media is strongly entangled with ideological standpoints. Understood as a set of ideas and values that legitimate a programme of action vis-à-vis a given social and political order, ideology works as a powerful selection device in deciding what is scientific news, i.e. what the relevant ‘facts’ are. Ideology also shapes the discursive construction of uncertainty and narrativizations of the future. The above-mentioned claims are based on extensive analysis of press coverage of climate change, possibly the most serious environmental threat we are facing. Departing from a database of around 2500 articles published in the Guardian, The Independent and The Times between 1985 and 1997, I have examined those news texts that fall into ‘critical discourse moments’ in the constitution of climate change as a political and public problem. The theo-methodological orientation is mainly inspired by Critical Discourse Analysis. The analytical framework has a textual and a contextual components. At the textual level, emphasis is given to morphological characteristics and structural organization of texts; objects of discourse; actors; language and rhetoric; discursive strategies; and ideological standpoints, while the contextual analysis runs along two axis: comparative-synchronic (simultaneous depictions of the issue in different newspapers) and historical-diachronic (temporal sequences and evolutions). The paper will show that there are profound differences across newspapers and among journalists in the depiction of the sciences of climate change, and how this both results from and (re)produces particular ideological views. The representation of scientific knowledge has important implications for evaluating political programmes and assessing the responsibility of both governments and the public in addressing climate change.

Background Social media is a rich source where we can learn about people’s reactions to social issues. As COVID-19 has impacted people’s lives, it is essential to capture how people react to public health interventions and understand their concerns. Objective We aim to investigate people’s reactions and concerns about COVID-19 in North America, especially in Canada. Methods We analyzed COVID-19–related tweets using topic modeling and aspect-based sentiment analysis (ABSA), and interpreted the results with public health experts. To generate insights on the effectiveness of specific public health interventions for COVID-19, we compared timelines of topics discussed with the timing of implementation of interventions, synergistically including information on people’s sentiment about COVID-19–related aspects in our analysis. In addition, to further investigate anti-Asian racism, we compared timelines of sentiments for Asians and Canadians. Results Topic modeling identified 20 topics, and public health experts provided interpretations of the topics based on top-ranked words and representative tweets for each topic. The interpretation and timeline analysis showed that the discovered topics and their trend are highly related to public health promotions and interventions such as physical distancing, border restrictions, handwashing, staying home, and face coverings. After training the data using ABSA with human-in-the-loop, we obtained 545 aspect terms (eg, “vaccines,” “economy,” and “masks”) and 60 opinion terms such as “infectious” (negative) and “professional” (positive), which were used for inference of sentiments of 20 key aspects selected by public health experts. The results showed negative sentiments related to the overall outbreak, misinformation and Asians, and positive sentiments related to physical distancing. Conclusions Analyses using natural language processing techniques with domain expert involvement can produce useful information for public health. This study is the first to analyze COVID-19–related tweets in Canada in comparison with tweets in the United States by using topic modeling and human-in-the-loop domain-specific ABSA. This kind of information could help public health agencies to understand public concerns as well as what public health messages are resonating in our populations who use Twitter, which can be helpful for public health agencies when designing a policy for new interventions.

Men's violence against women is a major societal problem that can manifest itself in many different ways. The purpose of this study was to see how Sweden's three largest news magazines portray the problem of men's intimate partner violence against women, how different subject-positions are presented and to investigate whether the public's view of the problem is affected by media reporting. To do this, a qualitative discourse analysis has been done with 41 articles on the subject. The articles analyzed are taken from the newspapers Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter and Expressen. The study is based on a social constructionist perspective, where the focus is on language and how it constructs our understanding of the world and different phenomena. In addition to the social constructionist perspective, the study is based on three theoretical themes; Gender, media influence and discourse. The articles include, among other things, many women's own stories about the violence in their relationship. How they gradually broke down and how the violence, whether physical, mental, or both, has had devastating consequences for the women. A clear result is that there is a great deal of uncertainty and a lack of knowledge regarding men's intimate partner violence against women. And that it ́s not prioritized within the police and judiciary. The consequence is that few reports leads to prosecution and even fewer to actual convictions, which is problematic as the bleak picture that the media paints can affect others in a similar situation from seeking help.

Background Interest in user involvement in research has increased and user involvement is increasingly seen as a prerequisite. Still, challenges in the collaboration process have been documented from both researchers' and users' perspective. Objective By bringing together researchers and patient representatives, this study explores and describes both parties' experiences with user involvement in research as they appear through interactions in a focus group. Design We apply a qualitative design using positioning theory as a theoretical framework. Setting and participants Researchers and patient representatives were mixed within 2 focus groups. Positioning theory was used to guide the analysis. Findings The discussion evolved around knowledge, equity and partnership, all related to power through constant negotiations of positions. Researchers and users ascribed various positions while discussing these topics. Various positions are seen as the result of different rights and duties in the research process. Power differences in the form of different rights and duties stand out as barriers. Being positioned as a partner was an important aspect for users in our study. Researchers assumed passive positions within the focus group, whereas users assumed active positions by expressing their wishes and needs. Discussion and conclusion Our study indicates that positions relating to status and knowledge in the involvement process are important. The findings suggest that the positions that users and researchers assume and ascribe throughout the process are constantly changing; however, the researchers tend to have more power. More studies are needed to understand how equity is perceived in user involvement in health research.

Medienkompetenz und digitale Bildung können die Fähigkeit zur Teilnahme an öffentlichen Debatten und zum Umgang mit widersprüchlichen Wahrheiten fördern. Daher sind die Vermittlung von Medienkompetenz und digitaler Bildung nicht nur für die Bildung des Menschen, sondern auch für den demokratischen Staat erforderlich. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden Vorschläge für Gesetzesänderungen, mit denen Medienkompetenz und digitale Bildung in allen pädagogischen Handlungsfeldern vermittelt werden können, entwickelt. (DIPF/Orig.), Media Literacy and Digital Education might increase the ability to participate in public debates and to handle contradictory truths. That's why Media Literacy and Digital Education do not only contribute to personality development, but are necessary for the democratic state. Based on these arguments suggestions for legislative changes in Austria are made. (DIPF/Orig.)

This paper brings together sociological theories of culture and gender to answer the question – how do large-scale development interventions induce cultural change? Through three years of ethnographic work in rural Bihar, the authors examine this question in the context of Jeevika, a World Bank-assisted poverty alleviation project targeted at women, and find support for an integrative view of culture. The paper argues that Jeevika created new “cultural configurations” by giving economically and socially disadvantaged women access to a well-defined network of people and new systems of knowledge, which changed women’s habitus and broke down normative restrictions constitutive of the symbolic boundary of gender.

The European Union has made the development of a circular economy one of the central ambitions of its Green Deal, in which plastics are a defined priority. Current policies, however, have drawn criticism that the narrow focus on techno-innovation opportunities and economic growth falls short of addressing multifaceted socio-ecological challenges, overlooks trade-offs between proposed solutions, and conceals conflicts of interest among different actors. This paper contributes to opening-up the critical political debate on the circular plastics economy using discourse analysis. Looking at how arguments are framed, which priorities are defined, and how actors take positions, we identify three circular plastics economy discourses in Europe: 'Plastic fantastic' (material-focused), 'Circular economy will fly us to the moon' (plastics economy-focused), and 'Even plastic flowers are dead in this system' (socio-ecological systems-focused). Our paper demonstrates that the circular plastics economy is inherently political and is actively imagined, built, and created through discursive mechanisms.

BackgroundThe internet revolution of the 21st century has made sexual content available and accessible on a scale that has never existed before. Many studies have indicated that the use of pornography was associated with more permissive sexual attitudes and tended to be linked with stronger gender-stereotypical sexual beliefs. It also seemed to be associated with other risky behaviors and sexual promiscuity. Pornography exposure in conservative societies leads to conflicts with religious and cultural taboos.ObjectiveThe aim of this study was to characterize the barriers and difficulties that prevent sexual discourse in the Arab society and enable pornography viewing according to the perceptions of adolescents and mothers.MethodsThis study involved qualitative research methods and in-depth interviews with 40 participants. This study included 20 Arab adolescents, sampled by 2 age groups (14-16 years and 16-18 years), and 20 mothers of adolescents from both sexes.ResultsThe findings indicate that mothers “turn a blind eye” to porn viewing and sexual activity by boys; however, they show a sweeping prohibition and denial of such behavior by girls. Boys reported viewing porn routinely, whereas girls denied doing so, but admitted that their female friends watched porn. The study also found that boys experienced guilt during and after viewing porn as a result of the clash between modernity and traditional values. The mothers and adolescents emphasized the need for an open sexual discourse to reduce violent behaviors such as Web-based sexual harassment, including sending videos and pictures of naked girls, often accompanied by threats and blackmail.ConclusionsIt is necessary to find a way to encourage a significant sexual discourse to prevent the violent consequences of its absence in the Arab society. A controlled, transparent, and critical sexual discourse could help youth make more informed decisions concerning the search for sexual content, porn viewing, and sexual behavior.

At the centre of this study lies the question of how research-related media texts contribute to the social construction of sex and gender conceptions when they use research, either as a main source, or to support or comment on specific issues and statements, from the political arena, for example. The principal aim of the study has been to analyze and problematize the ways in which different types of newspapers, genres and editorial sections reproduce, or contribute to change, in existing gender discourses. The material was collected from two Swedish newspapers during the year 2001: the national morning paper Dagens Nyheter (DN), and the national evening paper Aftonbladet. The theories of discourse, agenda-setting and -framing in this study are related to the questions: what kinds of knowledge on women and men, and biological, physiological, psychological, social and cultural perspectives on sex/gender are represented; how are they described; and how do content and form contribute to the (re)production of, or change in, gender discourses? The main analytical perspectives are those about gender discourse (re)production, genres as ideological forms, and the epistemologies of journalism. A combination of analytical strategies and methods was used: content and thematic analysis, and qualitative analysis of text and language with methodological tools from different traditions of discourse analysis. In my study, I can see an interplay between research traditions and genre conventions in the (re)production of gender discourses. Since the news sections repeatedly choose to publish research as empiric and in the form of results, and then within that, primarily findings from medicine and the social sciences, these areas are reproduced as important and relevant, and as producers of objective, true knowledge that can be presented as simple facts. Research-related texts in culture journalism, on the other hand, follow the tradition of primarily treating research within the humanities, and nowadays also gender and queer theoretical perspectives within different disciplines. Through the genre conventions of culture journalism, this research is reproduced as something that you can reflect upon, problematize, criticize, form an opinion of, and judge. The study also gives reason to argue that media logic and institutionalized genre conventions contribute to the reproduction of science and research as different worlds and cultures, in which the natural sciences and the humanities are found in different media spaces, and different forms of knowledge about sex/gender are given space on different conditions and in different forms.

This paper is based on corpus data from a study that was conducted in Uganda by the Center for Research on Environmental Decisions (CRED). Using a multi-perspective approach to spoken discourse analysis, the paper discusses the manifestations and patterns of participation and decision-making as they emerge through evaluation and appraisal in the context of participatory community development processes. Taking the discourse of farmer group meetings as a genre of business meetings, the paper explores how participants use Luganda to express assessment and make decisions during interactive discourse. In this paper, I discuss the manifestations of the subtle decision-making style, which demonstrates a culturally constructed concept of participation in Luganda. I refer to this culturally unique discursive process as the non-explicit style of participation and decision-making. The main characteristic of subtle decision-making discussions is that participants reach a consensus or take a spontaneous implicit group position on a matter without anyone formally announcing the decision.

"Anhand einer Inhaltsanalyse, die den Diskurs über Mitbestimmung in der Frankfurter Allgemeinen Zeitung, der Süddeutschen Zeitung sowie der tageszeitung für den Zeitraum von 1998 bis 2007 rekonstruiert, wird die Frage untersucht, inwiefern die deutschen Massenmedien selbst als autonome politische Akteure in der Auseinandersetzung um Mitbestimmung eine Rolle spielen. Dabei werden drei Diskursdimensionen berücksichtigt: die Themenwahl (das Agenda-Setting), die Auswahl von Sprechern (das Standing von Akteuren) und die Verwendung von Deutungsrahmen (das Framing von Themen). Insgesamt sprechen die Ergebnisse der Inhaltsanalyse dafür, dass Massenmedien im Diskurs über Mitbestimmung zum Teil eine aktive politische Rolle spielen. Zwar scheinen für das Agenda-Setting im Untersuchungszeitraum eher generelle Nachrichtenfaktoren maßgeblich gewesen zu sein. Doch sowohl das Standing der verschiedenen Akteursgruppen als auch die Deutungsrahmen und Handlungsempfehlungen weisen zum Teil Differenzen zwischen den untersuchten Zeitungen auf, die nur als Ausdruck unterschiedlicher politischer Positionen erklärbar sind." (Autorenreferat) "The aim of this paper is to explore to what extent German mass media can be seen as political actors in the conflict about co-determination. For this purpose, a content analysis was performed using the coverage of supervisory board co-determination between 1998 and 2007 in the national daily newspapers 'Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung', 'Süddeutsche Zeitung' and 'tageszeitung'. Three discourse dimensions were considered: agenda-setting, the standing of political actors and framing. The results indicate that German mass media do play an active part shaping the discourse on co-determination. While agenda-setting seems to reflect mainly general news values, differences between the newspapers analyzed with respect to both the standing of various actors and their dominant frames of analysis can be attributed mainly to the papers' different political positions." (author's abstract)

One aim of this paper is to begin to face the problem of how to relate an ethical, polltical, and critical perspective to the rational-technical means of analysis and description that have been developed by modern linguists. The second (and principal) question that this paper seeks to pursue is the following. Given that any utterance is a highly complex event in which wording, phrasing, and text-organisation fulfill multiple and simultaneous functions, what details is it possible to pin down in a text in such a way that it is rational to make claims about and critiques of ideological or distorted communication?

Through a discourse-theoretic approach, this paper problematises the under-theorised chameleonic quality of populism. While populist politics is often expressed as construction of the people against the elite, this paper argues that the political should rather be sought in how populism revives itself despite (and through) constant discursive shifts. It examines the interrelations between populism, identity and foreign policy, inserting 'dislocation', the transitory moment of disruption in the discursive field, as the main enterprise of populist politics. Empirically, the paper scrutinises how Turkish President Erdoğan switched from conservative democratic to Islamist to nationalist discourses, each with repercussions in the field of foreign policy, and sustained the populist moment through successive dislocations. In particular, it focuses how the 'Ottoman' myth spelled different populisms and foreign policy discourses in different periods of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi - AKP) rule.

This paper highlights the role of materiality in legitimising art organising as occurs at festivals and performances. Through ethnographic fieldwork pertaining to art events and projects, we documented how legitimacy is accomplished through the very performance of art. We observed that artistic practices materialise the very norms by which they are assessed and demarcate a normative space of their own. Our paper contributes to the research on legitimacy by showing that it takes place through connection with societal norms and also through a disconnection that fosters such a distinct space. Legitimation thus corresponds to configuring the specific situation where the actions under scrutiny are legitimate; it is a continuous process that is accomplished not for but with an audience. This paper highlights the role of materiality in legitimising art organisingas occurs at festivals and performances. Through ethnographic fieldworkpertaining to art events and projects, we documented how legitimacy isaccomplished through the very performance of art. We observed thatartistic practices materialise the very norms by which they are assessedand demarcate a normative space of their own. Our paper contributes tothe research on legitimacy by showing it takes place through connectionwith societal norms but also through a disconnection that fosters such adistinct space. Legitimation thus corresponds to configuring the specificsituation where the actions under scrutiny are legitimate; it is acontinuous process that is accomplished not for but with an audience

The participation of states in a wide range of processes--economic, military, tecnological, cultural, and political--produces ever more intense forms of insecurity on many dimensions. This working paper explores some of the assumptions that underlie conventional discourse on national securityand how they intersect with modern international relations theory.

The concept of a "nuclear winter" has effected a turn in the discourse on nuclear war, which had long focused on imagery related to the initial blast and immediate after-effects. The paper discusses the origin of the nuclear winter theory and how it has influenced the nuclear debate.

This paper is the beginning of an analysis of the nature of nuclear strategic thinking; its emphasis is on the role of a specialized language that I call "technostrategic." I have come to believe that this language both reflects and shapes the nature ofthe American nuclear strategic project; that it plays a central role in allowing defenseintellectuals to think and act as they do; and that all of us who are concerned about nuclear weaponry and nuclear war must give careful attention to the role of language we and others choose to use -- who it allows us to communicate with, and what it allows us to think as well as say.

An critique of the applicability and influence of Clausewitz's On War to the national security policies of the Reagan era.

What follows the Cold War? Even the fact that the question can be asked isastounding. Shall the sequel be "peaceful competition" (Gorbachev), "cold peace and peaceful competition" (The New York Times editorial of August 10, 1987), "stable coexistence" (the American Committee on U. S.-Soviet Relations, including Arthur Macy Cox, William Colby, and George Ball)- or, grudgingly, "steps ... to reconcile vital U. S. and Soviet interests" (Henry Kissinger and Cyrus Vance)? There is dispute and confusion in both camps over what the new relationship is, what to call it. As the American establishment reorganizes its understanding of the world, theAmerican right is not silent. It is therefore useful to monitor the right's reactions to East-West rapprochement. In these notes, I look at the American right's responses to the East-West relaxation marked by the Washington and Moscow summits and the signing of the INF treaty. The discourse of the right in the first half of 1988 offers a preview of how it may be expected to react during the years to come.

If we need a new language of national and international politics in order to think differently so as to cope with the dangers of a nuclear world, we also need a new language of policy analysis to examine the structures and processes by which defense policy in general, and nuclear policy in particular, is made. What is needed, as a start, is a new lexicon of basic terms derived from language and discourse but applied to the policy process. We might then begin to develop this new vocabulary into an effective critique of defense decision making in the modern or indeed, the post-modern state.

This article examines the mode of censorship and reportage of atomic damage in Hiroshima and Nagasaki in one of Japan's leading newspapers, the Asahi Shimbun, during the months of August and September 1945, as well as representative cases of censorship during the early years of the Allied Occupation to answer the question of why there was not more immediate "horror and repulsion sweeping over the rest of the world" as predicted by the Franck Report. By going back to the very start of press coverage of atomic damage we hope to be able to shed light on the evolution of nuclear discourse in Japan, and, to a lesser extent, the United States.

This paper focuses on installation art and its potential to employ and elaborate psychological concepts. As Claire Bishop argues, installation art has a psychologically absorptive character because it activates and immerses the viewing subject. To analyze this immersive experience, she refers to Maurice Merleau-Ponty and the premise that subject and object are intertwined and reciprocally interdependent. In this paper I refer to these registers of artistic perception in order to explore the concept of ‘excursive object’, which was introduced by the contemporary artist and theorist Peter Tzanev in a site-specific installation (Credo Bonum Gallery, Sofia, 2018). It refers to both Elizabeth Helsinger’s term ‘excursive sight’ and to Michel Foucault’s notion of ‘discursive object’. Whereas the latter is a discursive textual formation, which consists of apparent internal relations inside a statement, the excursive object of art emerges as a less perceivable configuration of elements. It does not result in a clear perceptual experience and reflects the unstable phenomenological interdependence of subject and object. Thus, Tzanev’s novel excursive objects depart from the usual modes of perception. His concept reveals the viewer’s particular experience of unstable configurations of elements in installation art. Furthermore, it could be explored as a resourceful term to describe perceptive situations in the psychology of contemporary art.

Nawāl al-Sa'dāwī has criticised sharply the discourse of masculine God in her works, either fiction or non-fiction. The phenomena is interesting to be analyzed since there are no many feminists who have courageoulsy discuss the problem. By paying attention on her works, this paper is aimed to answer the question: What are the forms of Nawāl al-Sa'dāwī's criticism on the masculinity in the discourse on God? What is the positionisation of the criticism in the meaning of discourse on divinity and why did Nawāl Al-Sa'dāwī criticise? The paper gives meaning to the reading on the deconstruction that emphasizes the plurality and meaning of the relation between the signifie and signifiant in language. Nawāl al-Sa'dāwī offers a new meaning which is different, humanistic, and visionary, since the masculinity of discourse on God had been structured by the ruler as a philosophical basis for the theological justification to structurise the patriarchal point of view to preserve women's subordination. She has made her deconstruction as a strategy for liberation of women and establishment of their autonomy as their fundamental condition, a gift from God. This autonomy of women had been actualised in the early history of mankind through the reconstructive reading on history of ancient Egypt which has been done by her., {"references":["Al-Sa'dāwī. Nawāl, Zīnah, (Bayrūt: Dār al-Sāqī , 2010).","The Hidden Face of Eve: Women in the Arab World, Sherif Hetata (Trans. And Ed),(London & New York: Zed Books, 1980).","al Wajh AL'Āryli al-Mar'ah al 'Arabiyah, Alexandria: Muntada maktabah alIskandariyah, ahlamontaha. com.n.d.","Al-Untsā Hiya al-Ashl, (Al-Mamlakah al-Muttahidah: Muassasah Hindawy Sy Ay Sy, 1974).","and Hibah Ra\"ūf Izzat, Al-Mar'ah wa al-Dīn, wa al Akhlāq, (Damaskus Suriyah: Dār al-Fikr, 2000)","Wajah Telanjang Perempuan, Azhariah (transltr), (Yogyakarta: Pustaka Pelajar, 2003).","Sharma. Arvind (Ed), Perempuan dalam Agama-agama Dunia, (Yogyakarta: SUKA Press, 2006)","] Ruether. Rosemary Radford, Sexism and God-Talk Toward a Feminist Theology (Boston: Beacon Press Books, 1993)."]}

The literature on climate action highlights the importance of individual and household behaviour change to achieve energy demand reduction and climate targets. However, behaviour change remains slow. The literature has highlighted numerous structural and individual barriers to behaviour change, but how high-energy consumers themselves justify the continuation of their behaviours remains poorly understood. This paper addresses this question by providing an in-depth analysis of the discourses that individuals deploy to justify and normalise high-energy consumption. This paper first provides a typology of ‘discourses of inaction’ that we might expect to find, from a series of literatures. It then analyses data from 30 in-depth interviews conducted with people from high-energy-consumption households, and from four deliberative workshops with a subsample of them and with the public, conducted to explore the viability and fairness of policy options to reduce high-energy consumption. This analysis reveals how individuals variously deploy already recognised ‘discourses of inaction’. It also identifies novel ’discursive strategies of entitlement’; subtle rhetorical strategies to justify their high carbon lifestyles and inaction. Most notably, these newly-identified discursive strategies include the presentation of choices as determined, desires as ‘needs’, and privilege as ‘luck’ or ‘entitlement’, particularly with the use of humour and irony. We discuss how these ‘discourses of entitlement’ reflect dominant policy approaches to behaviour change, and suggest policy approaches that can more effectively curb high-energy consumption

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the process of politicization and militarization of children’s leisure in Soviet Ukraine in 1929–1939. The content of the transformation of traditional and creation of new forms of children’s leisure is revealed. The key concepts of ideological substantiation of the need to maximally fill the child’s free time with political and educational practices are identified. The evolution of the new tradition of club leisure and its filling with political content is analyzed. Forms of political and educational work with children in their free time have been reconstructed. The methods of involving children in the political campaigns of the Soviet government by filling the discourse of children’s leisure with the political and militaristic rhetoric are described. The mechanisms of introduction of the state control over such kinds of children’s leisure as reading, thanks to the formation of new children’s literature and creation of the system of propaganda of new work are investigated. It shows how a network of libraries was built into this system, which was tasked with organizing the work of forming a new mass reader. The process of involving children in the culture of the new Bolshevik holidays and its connection with the main tasks of the government in the field of education of conscious and loyal citizens is demonstrated. During the second half of the 1930s, at the initiative of the Ukrainian Soviet leadership, the Christmas tree was restored and transformed, which was filled with new ideological content and used to promote Bolshevik’s achievements and demon- strate the Communist Party’s concern for young citizens. The influence of the political situation on the development of the game sphere of children’s leisure is highlighted, and the power of the process of its militarization on the eve of the Second World War is emphasized. This applied to both mobile children’s games and board games, which were made according to the party’s tasks with an ideological load and included political games and military-themed games. Children’s toys were also modernized, including Christmas tree decorations and toys related to military equipment, military and political events, collective farm construction, and Soviet symbols were added to the traditional toy theme., У статті проаналізовано особливості процесу політизації та мілітаризації сфери дитячого дозвілля в радянській Україні 1929–1939 рр. Розкрито зміст трансформації традиційних та ство- рення нових форм дитячого дозвілля. Визначено ключові концепти ідеологічного обґрунтування не- обхідності максимально наповнити вільний час дитини політично-виховними практиками. Проана- лізовано еволюцію нової традиції клубного дозвілля та наповнення її політичним змістом. Реконструйовано форми політично-освітньої роботи з дітьми у вільний від навчання час. Надано характеристику методів залучення дітей до політичних кампаній радянської влади за допомогою наповнення дискурсу дитячого дозвілля політичною та мілітаристською риторикою. Досліджено механізми впровадження державного контролю над таким різновидом дитячого дозвілля, як читання, завдяки формуванню нової дитячої літератури та створенню системи пропаганди нових творів. Продемонстровано процес залучення дітей до культури нових більшовицьких свят і його зв’язок з основними завданнями влади у галузі виховання свідомих та відданих громадян. Висвітлено вплив політичної кон’юнктури на розвиток ігрової сфери дитячого дозвілля, підкреслено потуж- ність процесу її мілітаризації напередодні Другої світової війни.

Konflikte um den Bau von Windenergieanlagen sind häufig auch Konflikte um Bilder. Konfliktparteien verwenden Bilder, um die angenommenen Wirkungen von Anlagen darzustellen und ihre Positionen zum Vorhaben zu untermauern. Unterschiedliche Wirklichkeitskonstruktionenringen um Deutungshoheit in der Öffentlichkeit und bereiten Dritten Schwierigkeiten, zwischen seriösen und manipulativen Darstellungen zu unterscheiden. Der Beitrag zeigt auf, wie im Rahmen partizipativer und transparenter Erstellungsprozesse zu Visualisierungen von geplanten Windenergieanlagen Wissen und die Fähigkeit zur "Bildkritik" - analog zur Quellenkritik im Medienjournalismus - gesteigert werden kann. Es werden Wege vorgestellt, die dazu beitragen, die Reflexionsfähigkeit und Kritikfähigkeit allgemein und insbesondere von jenen zu verbessern, die über Planungen zu befinden haben (Kommunalpolitik, Verwaltung, Presse).Damit wird sichergestellt,dass verantwortliche Personenkreise "Interpretationskompetenz" oder "Lese- und Sprechfähigkeit" zur Deutung von Bildern er- langen. Dabei greift der Beitrag auf sozialkonstruktivistische Ansätze der Landschaftsbildbewertung zurück und demonstriert anhand von Beispielen aus der Planungspraxis, wie erkenntnisfördernde Bilddiskurse gestaltet werden können. Planning processes of windfarms are often characterised by image conflicts. Conflicting parties use visualisations of the planned project to picture the assumed impact on the landscape and to underscore their opposing positions to the project. For observers and decision-makers (e.g. municipal leaders, administrators) it is often difficult to distinguish realistic visualisations from manipulative ones. This paper presents ways in which observers may acquire a competence in 'reading' and assessing visualised windfarms - similar to the critical competence in assessing the validity of media sources. The paper also presents criteria for the different states of the visualisation process - from the context of pro[1]duction, to image processing to modes of presentation. These criteria render pictures more transparent and thus may help observers base their interpretations on sounder reasoning. Drawing on social constructivist theories of landscape inter pretation and on extensive experience in conflict moderation, the paper demonstrates how a public planning dialogue, in which contradicting pictures claim validity, may be designed in order to clarify the value of each visualisation for the public.

This paper presents a framework for analysing the different ways in which materiality impacts environmental policy and governance. It draws on notions from the wider literature on materiality and integrates relevant insights into a theory on policy and governance. Building on a key distinction between the material and the discursive dimensions of governance, it develops the concepts of material events and material dependencies. Material events bring attention to the linkages between material changes and their observation and interpretation in governance. The concept of material dependencies is useful for analysing the different ways in which materiality structures the evolution of governance systems. The paper ends with some methodological considerations for mapping and analysing material dependencies and suggestions for further research.

投稿論文, Refereed Article, In recent years, addressing climate change has become a top priority of China’s national agenda. There has been a rich body of literature studying China’s position in climate policies and negotiations. However, a detailed analysis of the symbolic meaning and internal diversity of its position is lacking. This paper analyzes these issues through a discourse and strategic narrative lens, examining the connotations, characteristics, and construction of China’s climate discourse. Four climate discourses in China are identified: pragmatic ecological modernization, climate nationalism, ecological civilization, and collaborative civil environmentalism. These discourses are consistent with China’s national policy as well as its global vision. The dynamics of discourse adaptation, localization, integration, and innovation in the process of their construction, seen against the complex and changing domestic and international context, highlight the identitybased and issue-based strategic narratives. China provides a good example of a “non-Western” climate discourse that demonstrates an emerging country’s interests and climate practices , and offers the possibility of breaking the North-South impasse in global climate politics. This paper concludes that climate change is an important entry point for China to gain greater influence on global governance through implicit discursive strategies.

Each practical action in rural areas should be based on a comprehensive, new, and innovative theoretical paradigm. For nearly three decades, the global economic system has embraced rural entrepreneurship as a “productive” and innovative strategy in rural development in many countries, including both underdeveloped and developed countries. At present, we have large companies, which due to government development interventions, are replaced with small- and medium-sized businesses under inflexible and extreme entrepreneurialism. The purpose of this conceptual paper is to shed light on the prevailing entrepreneurship practice and discourse, criticize them, and finally introduce a new paradigm known as “paradigm of rural prosperity” (PRP). In this work, Aram Ziai’s theory of skeptical post-development was used, along with Campbell Jones and André Spicer’s critical theory of entrepreneurship and Rosenqvist’s theory of the conceptualization of rurality and rural environment called “hermeneutical realism”. The present paper attempts to base the paradigm of rural prosperity on three pillars of analysis and explanation: (a) rural embodiment, (b) neoliberalism, and (c) concept of sustainability. Although some case studies in Iran have been used as empirical evidence, this paper argues that the paradigm of rural prosperity is universal in nature and can be used in any geographical and cultural context to provide new rural development.

'Auch Jahre nach der Einführung des Internets diskutieren weite Teile der Sozialwissenschaften den Zusammenhang zwischen Internet und Demokratie entlang der Extreme von Euphorie und Skepsis. In diesem Beitrag möchte der Verfasser versuchen, einen Ausweg aus dieser 'Entweder-Oder'-Debatte aufzuzeigen, indem er auf eine Metapher von Jürgen Habermas zurückgreift und das Internet als konventionellen Bestandteil des politischen Medientheaters begreift. Dabei greift der Verfasser auf die empirischen Ergebnisse einer Studie über mediale Diskurse zum Thema Genfood zurück. Für diesen begrenzten empirischen Ausschnitt lässt sich feststellen, dass das Internet nur partiell zu mehr Demokratie führt. Es demokratisiert die Hinterbühne der politischen Öffentlichkeit - nicht mehr und nicht weniger.' (Autorenreferat)

Bilateral and regional free trade agreements increasingly substitute for the World Trade Organization in trade negotiations. Accordingly, civil society organisations opposed to trade liberalisation target this new generation of trade agreements as well. This paper examines the case of activists concerned about agricultural and food issues in India who raised their voice against the Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA) and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), negotiated by India with the European Union and Asian and Oceanian countries, respectively. Among them were members of La Via Campesina – a farmer movement including 182 organisations around the world, the Right to Food Campaign – a coalition committed to the realisation of the right to food in India, and the Forum against Free Trade Agreements – a discussion platform on free trade agreements. Drawing on discourse analysis, we show that civil society actors are able to exert adiffused form of power even when they are essentially excluded from formal arenas of negotiation such as the BTIA and RCEP. They do so in particular by campaigning outside the negotiating arenas, (2) framing an alternative narrative about regional trade and its implication for food, and assigning new roles to participants in the policymaking process. Les accords de libre-échange bilatéraux et régionaux se substituent de plus en plus à l’Organisation mondiale du commerce dans les négociations commerciales. Par conséquent, les organisations de la société civile opposées à la libéralisation du commerce ciblent également cette nouvelle génération d’accords commerciaux. Cet article examine le cas de militant•e•s préoccupé•e•s par les questions agricoles et alimentaires en Inde qui se sont élevé•e•s contre le Bilateral Trade and Investment Agreement (BTIA) et le Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), négociés par l’Inde avec l’Union européenne et des pays d’Asie et d’Océanie, respectivement. Parmi eux et elles se trouvaient des membres de La Via Campesina – un mouvement d’agriculteurs et agricultrices comprenant 182 organisations à travers le monde, de la Right to Food Campaign – une coalition engagée dans la réalisation du droit à l’alimentation en Inde, et du Forum against Free Trade Agreements – une plateforme de discussion sur les accords de libre-échange. En nous appuyant sur l’analyse de discours, nous montrons que les acteurs et actrices de la société civile sont capables d’exercer une forme diffuse de pouvoir, même lorsqu’ils et elles sont essentiellement exclu•e•s des arènes formelles de négociation telles que le BTIA et le RCEP. Ils et elles y parviennent notamment en faisant campagne en dehors des arènes de négociation, (2) en élaborant un récit alternatif sur le commerce régional et ses implications pour l’alimentation, et (3) en attribuant de nouveaux rôles aux participant•e•s au processus d’élaboration des politiques.

Though politics and promotion have never been completely separate, the convergence between the two spheres is increasingly prominent in today’s digital culture. To broaden our understanding of such promotional politics in social media, this paper examines commercial collaborations between four Swedish influencers and two private companies that offer services enabled by specific neoliberal reforms during recent decades, and how they strive to present these services in a way that attracts an affluent but socially conscious middle-class. It argues that the political potential of influencers might not always be as spokespersons for a cause or party, but rather as ‘ideological intermediaries’ who promote a lifestyle to be inspired by, and aspire to. The analysis identifies the discourses that influencers draw on to achieve the promotional and ideological outcomes of commercial collaborations, as well as the authenticity labour that they perform in the texts. Further, the paper analyses how notions of authenticity also impact audiences’ interpretation and politicization of the collaborations, in the comment sections to the sponsored blogposts.

This paper offers a critical appraisal of the methodological capacity of Discourse Studies (DS) in conducting urban research. Based on an extensive literature search, 125 publications that explicitly claim to utilise DS were reviewed. The results show that DS has been utilised for its methodological value, critical lens, interdisciplinary approach, ability to reveal the undiscovered, and presentation of new insights to urban questions. This paper identifies and discusses major sources of inspiration and main trends in utilising DS in urban research. Theoretical diversity, the scarcity of analytical framework, and the lack of required expertise and skills are presented as three main methodological challenges for urban researchers. This paper concludes with suggestions for advancing the use of DS in urban research: obtaining an in-depth knowledge about its theoretical foundations, gaining an analytical overview of the strengths and weaknesses of different approaches, developing innovative frameworks that better explain urban questions, and gaining required linguistic knowledge for the application of DS.

The working paper focuses on examining the practice of curating and exhibiting from a cultural studies perspective. The considerations in this paper are guided by relating Stuart Hall’s constructivist and post-structuralist work on representation theory, which has so far been widely received in media theory, to the field of exhibiting. Hall’s theoretical insight is significant because of its multidimensionality, as he comprehends the constitution of meaning and knowledge, considering not only the production practices, their mediality and materiality, but also the reception of media representations. The paper presents a tentative theoretical classification for understanding curating and exhibiting as practices of representation. Furthermore, it underscores the salience of this analytical perspective to reflect on educational exhibitions and the corresponding curatorial work, which seek to address socially significant issues and bring about political awareness., Das Arbeitspapier widmet sich der Auseinandersetzung mit der Praxis des Kuratierens und des Ausstellens aus einer kulturwissenschaftlichen Perspektive. Geleitet werden die Überlegungen in diesem Papier davon, die konstruktivistisch und poststrukturalistisch begründete repräsentationstheoretische Arbeit von Stuart Hall, welche bisher insbesondere in der Medientheorie breite Rezeption erfährt, auf das Feld des Ausstellens zu beziehen. Überzeugend und anregend an Halls Theorie ist nicht zuletzt auch das Konzept der Mehrdimensionalität, mit der er die Konstitution von Bedeutung und Wissen erkundet und hierbei sowohl die Herstellungspraktiken wie ihre Medialität und Materialität als auch die Rezeption von medialen Darstellungen berücksichtigt. Das Papier stellt Markierungen einer theoretischen Einordnung des Kuratierens und Ausstellens als Repräsentationspraxis vor und nähert sich abschließend der Frage, inwiefern diese analytische Perspektive auch für die Reflexion des professionellen Handelns produktiv sein kann. Im Fokus der Betrachtungen stehen insbesondere Ausstellungen und in diesem Kontext die entsprechende kuratorische Arbeit, welche Vermittlung von gesellschaftlich bedeutsamen Themen zum Ziel haben und sich u.a. auch als bildungspädagogische Angebote verstehen.