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The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in latin america. as the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here. Na področju kitajskih študij v Latinski Ameriki se kot predmet razprav vse pogosteje pojavlja vprašanje verskih praks v kitajski diaspori na Kubi. Ker sta se kitajska in afriška diaspora na Kubi skozi zgodovino etnično mešali, so se sčasoma prepletle tudi njune verske prakse. Medtem ko gre vzpon afrokubanskih religij v zadnjih desetletjih razumeti predvsem kot odziv na stoletja španskega kolonializma in kot upor evropocentrični hegemonistični oblasti, skuša avtorica v prispevku preučiti prizadevanja kitajske diaspore, da bi s te dekolonialne perspektive omenjene religije na novo ovrednotila. Cilj članka je ugotoviti, kakšni so trendi interakcij med kitajskimi verovanji in kubanskimi religijami pred kubansko revolucijo in po njej, tudi po propadu socialističnega bloka. Natančneje, avtorica ugotavlja, ali je porevolucijski državni ateizem vplival na verska prepričanja in etnično dediščino pripadnikov kitajske diaspore. V 90. letih 20. stoletja je prišlo do oživitve kulta Guan Yuja (关羽), ki ga številni razlagajo kot rezultat gospodarskih interesov ki-tajske in afrokitajske diaspore oziroma kot posledico interesov kubanske vlade. Vsekakor pa je treba pri obeh domnevah upoštevati tudi vlogo širšega zgodovinskega, družbenega in političnega ozadja.

Migration, which has taken place throughout history and everywhere, and in the most general sense; is a social phenomenon defined as displacement. In this study, the change in the immigration character of Cuba is examined in terms of the effect of the 1959 Cuban Revolution, and the external migration relationship between Cuba and the USA is selected as a limitation. In this respect, firstly, a general definition is made of the concept of migration and migration theories. Then, in order to deal with the situation before the 1959 Cuban Revolution, the immigration character, which is the immigration character of post-Columbian Cuba, is examined. The content of this section consists of introducing the traditional economic-political structure of Cuba, starting from the general geographical structure. In the third part, the immigration character of Cuba after the 1959 Revolution is examined in the following five periods: Historical Exiles (1959-1962), Flights to Freedom (1965-1973), Exit from Mariel (1980), Balsero/Rafter Crisis (1994) and Post-Soviet Migration (1995-2023). This section, which focuses on Cuba-US relations, makes visible the change in Cuba's immigration character after the 1959 Revolution and analyzes the dynamics in which Cuba turned into an emigrant country while it was a country of immigration. In the conclusion part, as a result of the examination, a Cuba-USA-focused historical analysis is made on the meanings of the changing immigration character of Cuba through migration theories. In other words, this study answers the question about the transformation of Cuba from a country of emigration to a country of immigration, with a focus on the external immigration relationship between Cuba and the USA. It offers a historical analysis of the migration character. Thus, besides making an academic contribution to the immigration dimension of the 1959 Cuban Revolution's impact on Cuba, it is aimed to contribute to migration studies.

I try to evaluate the trajectories of interpretation about the Cuban Revolution covered by periodicals such as La Nación, El Mercury and O Globo. Starting both from the bibliography that analyzes the reception that these newspapers had about the revolutionary process and the bibliographic production related to Latin America in the 1950s, the objective is to indicate not only the existence of different paths. I also note that the aspects that involved the change of perception about the Revolution, from positive to negative, was not only a result of a reaction as to what was happening on the island and the growing clash with the United States. For a better understanding of this process, it is important to consider issues such as democratic internationalism, anti-Americanism below rio grande and the oscillating U.S. foreign policy in relation to the region in the 1950s, which add to the different internal scenarios of each of these nations. The perspective present here takes into account that the press, more than an instrument in the hands of certain political actors, is characterized by being itself an actor of relevance that uses the resources it has and its symbolic power to assert its political, economic and ideological interests., Intento evaluar las trayectorias de interpretación sobre la Revolución Cubana cubiertas por publicaciones periódicas como La Nación, El Mercurio y O Globo. Partiendo tanto de la bibliografía que analiza la recepción que estos periódicos tuvieron sobre el proceso revolucionario como la producción bibliográfica relacionada con América Latina en la década de 1950, el objetivo es indicar no sólo la existencia de diferentes caminos. También observo que los aspectos que implicaban el cambio de percepción sobre la Revolución, de positivo a negativo, no sólo fueron el resultado de una reacción en cuanto a lo que estaba sucediendo en la isla y el creciente choque con los Estados Unidos. Para una mejor comprensión de este proceso, es importante considerar cuestiones como el internacionalismo democrático, el antiamericanismo por debajo de rio grande y la política exterior oscilante de Estados Unidos en relación con la región en la década de 1950, que se suman a los diferentes escenarios internos de cada una de estas naciones. La perspectiva aquí presente tiene en cuenta que la prensa, más que un instrumento en manos de ciertos actores políticos, se caracteriza por ser un actor de relevancia que utiliza los recursos que tiene y su poder simbólico para hacer valer sus intereses políticos, económicos e ideológicos., Procuro avaliar as trajetórias de interpretação sobre a Revolução Cubana percorridas por periódicos como La Nación, El Mercúrio e O Globo. Partindo tanto da bibliografia que analisa a recepção que esses jornais tiveram sobre o processo revolucionário, quanto da produção bibliográfica relativa à América Latina nos anos 1950, o objetivo é indicar não apenas a existência de diferentes percursos. Assinalo ainda que os aspectos que envolveram a mudança de percepção sobre a Revolução, de positiva para negativa, não foi resultado tão somente de uma reação quanto ao que acontecia na ilha e do embate crescente com os Estados Unidos. Para uma melhor compreensão desse processo é importante considerar questões como o internacionalismo democrático, o antiamericanismo abaixo do Rio Grande e a oscilante política externa norte-americana em relação à região nos anos 1950, que se somam aos diferentes cenários internos de cada uma dessas nações. A perspectiva aqui presente leva em consideração que a imprensa, mais do que um instrumento nas mãos de determinados atores políticos, caracteriza-se por ser ela mesma um ator de relevância que se utiliza dos recursos que dispõe e de seu poder simbólico para fazer valer seus interesses políticos, econômicos e ideológicos.

Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution.

The issue of religious practices within the Chinese diaspora in Cuba is increasingly debated within Chinese studies in Latin America. As the Chinese and African diasporas in Cuba have intermingled ethnically, their religious practices have historically also intermingled. While the rise of Afro-Cuban religions in recent decades is primarily understood as a response to centuries of Spanish colonialism and perceived as a resistance to Eurocentric hegemonic power, this article aims to examine the efforts of the Chinese diaspora to re-evaluate their religions from the same decolonial perspective. This article aims to determine the tendencies of interactions between Chinese religious beliefs and Cuba’s religions before and after the Cuban Revolution, including after the fall of the socialist bloc. Specifically, it examines whether post-revolution state atheism had an impact on the religious beliefs and ethnic heritage of members of the Chinese diaspora. In the 1990s there was a revival of the Guan Yu (关羽) cult which has been often interpreted as a consequence of the economic interests of the Chinese and Afro-Chinese diaspora or as a consequence of the interests of the Cuban government. However, we must also be aware of the broader historical, social and political context at play here.

Fidel Castro, the revolutionary leader of Cuba, gave a speech on the fourth anniversary of the Cuban Revolution, mainly focus- ing on how to solidify the pueblo cubano under the revolutionary flag against the U.S. intervention. This paper aims to examine the Cuban revolution stand on the view from four years after Castro has died, to prove that what Castro has mentioned during his Fourth Anniversary Speech has been accomplished, as well as compare the revolutionary movements of its neighbours like Grenada, to see why Cuba could be the only successful example of socialism in the Western Hemisphere. The paper will focus on the social changes during the post-revolution Cuba based on the scholar research of Louis A. Pérez and John Walton’s comparison article between Grenada and Cuba.

The essay delves into the development of the revolutionary process promoted in Cuba from the fifties of the previous century by the July 26 movement and with the leadership of Fidel Castro. The historical contexts that were built in the anti-colonial struggle promoted by the Cuban people and with the active participation of thinkers of the stature of José Martí, among other patriots of the Island who dedicated their vital transit to the decolonizing task by offering their own lives, are detailed. The circumstances that the Spanish metropolis went through are studied when its influence in America was decimated due to the independence processes in the region and due to whose cause – in relation to its possession over Cuba – it allowed the United States of America to launch a strategy to seize several territories of the continent and promote a frank attack against Cuba.

Submission note: A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the requirements for Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Archaeology and History, School of Humanities and Social Sciences, La Trobe University, Victoria, Australia.This thesis was a recipient of the Nancy Millis Award for theses of exceptional merit.

Coveted from the beginning of the 19th century by the United States who wanted to annex it to their territory, Cuba lived under the constant threat of seeing its aspiration for independence questioned by the powerful neighbor who denied them the right to a sovereign existence. After the military intervention of 1898 and the occupation of the island, Washington in one way or another exerted a more or less direct influence over all aspects of Cuban society, thereby gaining control over its natural resources. The origins of the 1959 Cuban Revolution led by Fidel Castro lie in the turmoil of this tormented history, between aspiration for independence and subjection. Codiciada a partir del inicio del siglo XIX por los Estados Unidos, que deseaban anexarla a su territorio, Cuba vivió bajo la constante amenaza de ver al poderoso vecino, que le negaba el derecho a una existencia soberana, poner en tela de juicio su aspiración a la independencia. Tras la intervención militar de 1898 y la ocupación de la isla, Washington ejerció de una manera u otra una influencia más o menos directa sobre todos los aspectos de la sociedad cubana y tomó por la misma ocasión el control de sus recursos naturales. En los sobresaltos de esta historia atormentada, entre la aspiración a la independencia y el sometimiento, se encuentran los orígenes de la Revolución Cubana de 1959 liderada por Fidel Castro. Convoitée dès le début du XIXe siècle par les Etats-Unis qui souhaitaient l’annexer à leur territoire, Cuba a vécu sous la menace constante de voir son aspiration à l’indépendance remise en cause par le puissant voisin qui lui refusait le droit à une existence souveraine. Après l’intervention militaire de 1898 et l’occupation de l’île, Washington a exercé d’une manière ou d’une autre une influence plus ou moins directe sur tous les aspects de la société cubaine, prenant le contrôle par la même occasion de ses ressources naturelles. Les origines de la Révolution cubaine de 1959 menée par Fidel Castro se trouvent dans les soubresauts de cette histoire tourmentée, entre aspiration à l’indépendance et sujétion.

Though rural Protestant missionaries stationed in Cuba routinely reproduced Anglo-American epistemologies and values, often in the service of US corporations, they also worked alongside their parishioners to challenge state and economic violence, as well as break the cyclical nature of Cuban poverty. Shared struggle with Cubans against Fulgencio Batista’s dictatorship proved transformative for many rural missionaries who, in the late 1950s, developed a revolutionary consciousness born through transnational solidarity. Missionaries challenged the dominant narrative coming from the US government and foreign corporations, as the Revolution pursued an increasingly anti-imperial and anti-capitalist agenda after Batista entered exile. While corporate executives and government officials from North America and Europe feared the new government, rural missionaries, often funded by these same corporations, defended the structural changes taking place after 1959. Through oral history and archival research, this article exposes how Cuban Protestants proved particularly influential in shaping the lens by which foreign missionaries came to understand, appreciate, and ultimately support the Cuban Revolution.

Following the triumph of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, many US reporters, including some of the best-known names in American journalism (such as Barbara Walters and Dan Rather), had the opportunity to interview Fidel Castro. All of the resulting interviews, which range from relatively brief exchanges to book-length texts, served as contributions, to one degree or another, to Americans’ perception of Fidel Castro and, more generally, to Americans’ conception of the Cuban political system and US-Cuba relations. Given the high caliber of many of the journalists who interviewed Fidel, one would naturally assume that said contributions consist, by and large, of well-informed, unbiased, enlightening interviews with the leader of the Cuban Revolution. But is that what we really find in these interviews?A careful analysis of interviews with Fidel Castro by major US journalists reveals that well-informed, unbiased, enlightening interviews are in fact the exception, rather than the rule. Indeed, most of these journalists’ interviews with Castro—such as those of Lisa Howard (1963); Barbara Walters (1977); Robert MacNeil (1985); Maria Shriver (1988); and Tom Brokaw (1995)—follow a surprisingly similar script: the interviewer focuses on alleged human rights abuses in Cuba; treats Cuba’s political institutions and practices with skepticism; insists on knowing what concessions Cuba is prepared to make to the United States; implicitly criticizes Cuba’s foreign policy and—prior to 1990—Cuba’s relationship with the Soviet Union; neglects to consider the validity of Cuba’s complaints about US policy; and, in general, suggests that the US government’s aggressive attitude toward Cuba is justified in light of the policies pursued by Castro. As a result, in interviewing Fidel many prominent and influential American journalists did little more than justify and perpetuate the attitudes and policies toward Cuba of successive US governments—something that becomes quite apparent when one contrasts these journalists’ endeavors with the major interviews conducted by well-known journalists from other nations who also had the chance to converse with Castro. In sum, far from enhancing the American public’s understanding of Revolutionary Cuba, many high-profile US journalists actually reinforced some of the very misconceptions, distortions and elements of misinformation that have long constituted an important barrier to a healthier relationship between the United States and its Caribbean neighbor. A lo largo de la Revolución Cubana fueron numerosos los y las periodistas estadounidenses que tuvieron la suerte de entrevistar a Fidel Castro. Sus entrevistas contribuyeron, en mayor o menor medida, a configurar el concepto que los norteamericanos tienen de Fidel, del sistema político cubano y de las relaciones entre Cuba y Estados Unidos. Cabría suponer que, al ser realizadas por periodistas de gran prestigio, estas entrevistas a Castro resultaran bien informadas, esclarecedoras e imparciales; pero, en realidad, son pocas las que podrían calificarse de este modo. De hecho, un estudio detallado de las entrevistas a Fidel realizadas, entre otros, por Lisa Howard (1963), Barbara Walters (1977), Robert MacNeil (1985), Maria Shriver (1988), y Tom Brokaw (1995) revela que todas siguen unas pautas más o menos fijas y manifiestan el mismo sesgo: el o la entrevistador(a) se centra en supuestas violaciones de los derechos humanos en Cuba; se refiere a las instituciones políticas cubanas con evidente escepticismo; insiste en saber qué concesiones políticas Cuba estaría dispuesta a hacer a Estados Unidos; critica implícitamente la política extranjera de Cuba; minimiza el impacto sobre Cuba del bloqueo económico norteamericano; y, en general, da a entender que la postura agresiva de Estados Unidos hacia Cuba está justificada en vista de los principios y las políticas que caracterizan a la Revolución Cubana. En consecuencia, estos periodistas acabaron perpetuando algunas de las distorsiones y desinformaciones que, desde hace más de sesenta años, vienen propiciando la actitud hostil y antagónica de Estados Unidos hacia su vecino caribeño.

Objetivo/Contexto: este artículo analiza varios factores que, en la primera mitad de los años sesenta, ayudaron a establecer el vínculo entre Vivian Trías, el destacado intelectual y político uruguayo, que se definía a sí mismo como latinoamericanista y tercerista y que se distanciaba explícitamente del mundo comunista y de la Seguridad del Estado (StB), el servicio secreto de Checoslovaquia subordinado a los intereses del servicio de inteligencia soviético, KGB. Metodología: el análisis se basa, principalmente, en fuentes del archivo de la inteligencia checoslovaca que, a su vez, se complementan con textos publicados por Trías. Originalidad: por medio del análisis del caso concreto del tercerismo uruguayo, que tuvo una repercusión mayor en el socialismo, la investigación presenta una nueva mirada a los desafíos que generó el acercamiento cubano-soviético en la izquierda no comunista latinoamericana, y revaloriza el papel de los servicios secretos de los países comunistas en la Guerra Fría latinoamericana. Conclusiones: en 1961, a partir de la proclamación de Castro sobre el carácter marxista-leninista de la Revolución cubana, la Unión de Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS) empezó a ser considerada por algunos sectores del tercerismo —incluido Trías— como una potencia capaz de defender los pueblos del Tercer Mundo contra la agresión estadounidense, y ya no como una forma de imperialismo, como lo proclamaban anteriormente. Aunque la relación soviético-cubana estuvo marcada por grandes tensiones, los checoslovacos fueron un importante aliado del gobierno de Castro, donde la StB operaba como un mediador entre los soviéticos y actores ideológicamente heterogéneos, que, a su vez, mostraban cierta simpatía por la Revolución cubana. Así, el reclutamiento de Trías por la StB en 1964 resultó ser una gran coincidencia de intereses mutuos orientados a limitar la influencia estadounidense en América Latina. Objective/Context: This article analyzes several factors that in the first half of the 1960s helped establish the link between Vivian Trías, the outstanding Uruguayan intellectual and politician, who defined himself as a Latin-Americanist and tercerista, and who would get explicitly distant from the communist world and the StB, the Czechoslovak secret service subordinated to the interests of the kgb. Methodology: The analysis is mainly based on sources from the Czechoslovak intelligence archive which are supplemented with texts published by Trías. Originality: Analyzing the specific case of Uruguayan tercerismo, represented by Trías, this research study presents a new look on the challenges brought by the Cuban-Soviet approach within the non-communist Latin-American left. Furthermore, it gives a new value to the role played by the communist secret services in the Latin-American Cold War. Conclusions: While before 1961, terceristas saw in the Soviet Union a way of imperialism, Castro’s declaration on the Marxist-Leninist nature of the Cuban Revolution helped to redefine this view. The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (ussr) started to be seen by some sectors of the tercerismo, Trías included, as a power that could defend the third world peoples against the US aggression. Although the Soviet-Cuban relationship was marked by great tensions, the Czechoslovaks were an important ally of the Castro government, and the StB operated as a mediator between the Soviets and the ideologically heterogeneous actors, who, in turn, showed some sympathy for the Cuban Revolution. Under these circumstances, the fact that Trías had been recruited by the StB as its agent in 1964 turned out to be a great coincidence of mutual interests aimed at curbing the influence of the US on Latin America. Objetivo/contexto: neste artigo, são analisados vários fatores que, na primeira metade dos anos 1960, ajudaram a estabelecer o vínculo entre Vivian Trías, o destacado intelectual e político uruguaio, que se definia a si mesmo como latino-americanista e terceirista e que se distanciava explicitamente do mundo comunista, e a Segurança do Estado (StB), o serviço secreto da Checoslováquia subordinado aos interesses do serviço de inteligência soviético, KGB. Metodologia: a análise está baseada, principalmente, em fontes do arquivo da inteligência checoslovaca que, por sua vez, são complementadas com textos publicados por Trías. Originalidade: por meio da análise do caso concreto do terceirismo uruguaio, que teve uma maior repercussão no socialismo, a pesquisa apresenta uma nova visão dos desafios que a aproximação cubano-soviética gerou na esquerda não comunista latino-americana e revaloriza o papel dos serviços secretos dos países comunistas na Guerra Fria latino-americana. Conclusões: em 1961, a partir da proclamação de Castro sobre o caráter marxista-leninista da Revolução Cubana, a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS)começou a ser considerada por alguns setores do terceirismo — incluindo Trías — como uma potência capaz de defender os povos do Terceiro Mundo contra a agressão estadunidense e já não como uma forma de imperialismo, como proclamava anteriormente. Embora a relação soviético-cubana estivesse marcada por grandes tensões, os checoslovacos foram um importante parceiro do governo de Castro, em que a StB operava como mediadora entre os soviéticos e os atores ideologicamente heterogêneos que, por sua vez, mostravam certa simpatia pela Revolução Cubana. Assim, o recrutamento de Trías pela StB em 1964 acabou sendo uma grande coincidência de interesses mútuos orientados a limitar a influência estadunidense na América Latina.

Objetivo/contexto: El artículo se enfoca en información reflejada en publicaciones periódicas cubanas como El Mundo, Granma y Verde Olivo desde 1965 hasta 1968 sobre las Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción (UMAP). Originalidad: Muy pocos estudios han abordado este tema tratando de reconstruir el momento económico, sociopolítico y cultural en el que surgió esta institución revolucionaria. Metodología: La investigación ha sido guiada por un enfoque que privilegia el análisis documental, debido a la ausencia de otro tipo de fuente histórica. Conclusiones: Estas Unidades se crearon con el objetivo de reformar a algunas personas, como religiosos, homosexuales, disidentes y desvinculados laborales, a través del trabajo agrícola como método correctivo a nivel individual y político-ideológico. Objective/context: This article focuses on information about the Military Units to Aid Production found in Cuban periodical publications like El Mundo, Granma and Verde Olivo between 1965 and 1968 about the Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción (UMAP). Originality: Very few studies have dealt with this subject as a way to reconstruct the economic, socio-political and cultural aspects of the period in which this revolutionary institution arose. Methodology: This investigation has been guided by a focus which favors an analysis of documents, due to the absence of other kinds of historical sources. Conclusions: These Units were created with the aim of reforming some persons, like priests, homosexuals, dissidents and the unemployed, through agricultural work, which was regarded as a corrective measure on an individual and political-ideological level. Keywords: Author: Cuban Revolution; ideology; Military Units to Aid Production. Resumo. Objetivo/contexto: este artigo está enfocado na informação retratada nas publicações jornalísticas cubanas, como El Mundo, Granma e Verde Olivo, de 1965 a 1968, sobre as Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción (UMAP). Originalidade: pouquíssimos estudos abordaram esse tema a partir da tentativa de reconstruir o momento econômico, sociopolítico e cultural no qual surgiu essa instituição revolucionária. Metodologia: a pesquisa foi conduzida através de um enfoque que privilegia a análise documental, devido à ausência de outro tipo de fonte histórica. Conclusões: estas Unidades foram criadas com o objetivo de reformar algumas pessoas, como religiosos, homossexuais, dissidentes e desvinculados laborais, através do trabalho agrícola como método corretivo a nível individual e político-ideológico.

In the Cuban cinema of the last decades appear continuously some spaces were carriers of revolutionary teleology in the recent past. These are old “schools in the countryside”, peasant villages founded in the heat of the revolutionary epic, and sugar and nuclear plants. In this article, based on the works El proyecto (Alonso, 2017), Despertando a Quan Tri (Pérez, 2005) and Melaza (Lechuga, 2012), it´s analyzed the way these spaces, which can be called residual, carry significant matter that shows the exhaustion of the teleological temporality of the Cuban Revolution. As a residue, the way in which a type of temporality marked by dead time unfolds in these spaces is studied in this article. This time, where living in dead time, as shown by the materials analized, implies a distance from all action and events, from history and narratives. This article concludes by specifying how, through a "writing between the lines" that also challenges the instituted language, these materials challenge the official narratives with which the History of the nation, of absolute State dominance, is told. En el cine cubano de las últimas décadas aparecen continuamente espacios que en el pasado reciente fueron portadores de la teleología revolucionaria. Se trata de antiguas «escuelas en el campo», poblados campesinos fundados al calor de la épica revolucionaria y centrales azucareros y electronucleares. En el presente artículo, a partir de las obras El proyecto (Alonso, 2017), Despertando a Quan Tri (Pérez, 2005) y Melaza (Lechuga, 2012), se analiza el modo en que estos espacios, que en este análisis se llaman residuales, portan una materia significativa que muestra el agotamiento de la temporalidad teleológica de la Revolución cubana. En tanto residuo, se estudia el modo en que se despliega en estos espacios un tipo de temporalidad marcada por los tiempos muertos, donde vivir en tiempo muerto, como lo muestra el corpus de estudio, implica una distancia de toda acción y acontecimiento, de la historia y las narraciones. Se concluye precisando el modo en que, a través de una «escritura entre líneas» que desafía también al lenguaje instituido, estos materiales retan las narrativas oficiales con las que se cuenta la historia de la nación, de absoluto dominio del Estado.

El presente trabajo se propone realizar un análisis de la relación bilateral de Colombia y los Estados Unidos durante los inicios de la guerra fría, para demostrar como dicha relación influyo directamente en las dinámicas (políticas, jurídicas y electorales) anticomunistas desatadas en Colombia entre 1950 y 1966, en las cuales tendría su origen el conflicto armado colombiano. En este contexto, se consolida el bipartidismo, la autonomía militar frente al control civil y anticomunismo se convierte en el centro de las políticas de seguridad, además se desarrollan los primeros grupos de autodefensas campesinas comunistas que darían origen a las FARC-EP, y se presentan los primeros quiebres dentro del Partido Comunista Colombiano, originados por la posición de este último, frente a la Revolución cubana y la lucha armada como vía de acceso al poder.

Alors que l’administration Eisenhower avait observé la plus grande discrétion au sujet des exactions commises par la dictature de Fulgencio Batista à Cuba, elle fit au contraire part de ses critiques lorsque le nouveau pouvoir dirigé par le Président Manuel Urrutia décida d’appliquer la justice révolutionnaire durant les premières semaines de l’année 1959 à l’encontre de ceux qui s’étaient rendus coupables de crimes de sang. La position de Washington déclencha la première crise diplomatique avec La Havane, qui rappela le soutien accordé par la Maison-Blanche au régime militaire et remit en cause la sincérité de ces accusations. L’objectif des États-Unis était autre : jeter le discrédit sur les nouvelles autorités cubaines. While the Eisenhower administration had observed the utmost discretion regarding the atrocities committed by the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, it instead voiced its criticism when the new power led by President Manuel Urrutia decided to apply revolutionary justice during the first weeks of 1959 against those who were guilty of “blood” crimes. Washington's position triggered the first diplomatic crisis with Havana, which recalled the White House’s support for the military regime and called into question the sincerity of these accusations. The United States’ objective was different: to discredit the new Cuban authorities.

En mai 1959, le gouvernement révolutionnaire promulgua la loi de réforme agraire. En raison de la présence massive des investissements étasuniens dans l’économie cubaine, cette mesure affecta les intérêts des multinationales qui possédaient les meilleures terres de l’île. À la perspective de perdre près de 800 millions de dollars de biens dans le pays, Washington exprima ses réserves à l’égard de la réforme et exigea des conditions d’indemnisations auxquelles Cuba ne pouvait pas répondre en raison de sa situation économique. Au-delà de la perte matérielle, l’administration Eisenhower était surtout préoccupée par l’impact d’une telle mesure en Amérique latine et à travers le monde, où les gouvernements confrontés à des réalités similaires pouvaient être tentés de suivre la même voie. In May 1959, the revolutionary government promulgated the Agrarian Reform Law. Due to the massive presence of US investments in the Cuban economy, this measure affected the interests of the multinationals, which owned the best land on the island. At the prospect of losing nearly $800 million in assets in the country, Washington expressed reservations about the reform and demanded compensation terms that Cuba could not respond to because of its economic situation. Beyond material loss, the Eisenhower administration was especially concerned about the impact of such a measure in Latin America and around the world, where governments facing similar realities might be tempted to follow the same path.

While the Eisenhower administration had observed the utmost discretion regarding the atrocities committed by the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista in Cuba, it instead voiced its criticism when the new power led by President Manuel Urrutia decided to apply revolutionary justice during the first weeks of 1959 against those who were guilty of blood crimes. Washington's position triggered the first diplomatic crisis with Havana, which recalled the White House’s support for the military regime and called into question the sincerity of these accusations. The United States’ objective was different: to discredit the new Cuban authorities. Alors que l’administration Eisenhower avait observé la plus grande discrétion au sujet des exactions commises par la dictature de Fulgencio Batista à Cuba, elle fit au contraire part de ses critiques lorsque le nouveau pouvoir dirigé par le président Manuel Urrutia décida d’appliquer la justice révolutionnaire durant les premières semaines de l’année 1959 à l’encontre de ceux qui s’étaient rendus coupables de crimes de sang. La position de Washington déclencha la première crise diplomatique avec La Havane, qui rappela le soutien accordé par la Maison-Blanche au régime militaire et remit en cause la sincérité de ces accusations. L’objectif des Etats-Unis était autre : jeter le discrédit sur les nouvelles autorités cubaines. Mientras que la administración de Eisenhower había observado la más grande discreción respecto a las exacciones que cometió la dictadura de Fulgencio Batista en Cuba, en cambio hizo partícipe de sus críticas cuando el nuevo poder dirigido por el presidente Manuel Urrutia decidió aplicar la justicia revolucionaria durante las primeras semanas del año 1959 contra quienes eran culpables de crímenes de sangre. La posición de Washington desencadenó la primera crisis diplomática con La Habana, que recordó el apoyo que dio la Casa Blanca al régimen militar y puso en tela de juicio la sinceridad de esas acusaciones. El objetivo de los Estados Unidos era otro: desprestigiar a las nuevas autoridades cubanas.

Resumo O artigo procura entender como se forma, depois da Revolução Cubana, uma certa ideia da América Latina. Tomo, em especial, o ensaio “Calibán” (1971), de Roberto Fernández Retamar, como ponto de observação privilegiado, a partir do qual trato de outras visões da América Latina que também se serviram de A Tempestade, de William Shakespeare. Como fim específico, pretendo perceber a relação que se estabelece entre a identidade latino-americana criada pela Revolução Cubana, em que Caliban tem papel decisivo, e o Brasil. Trato, portanto, de um processo de circulação de ideias ainda pouco estudado, aquele entre países periféricos. Abstract The article discusses how after the Cuban Revolution a certain idea of Latin America is created. I use specially the article “Calibán” (1971), by Roberto Fernández Retamar, as a point of observation to relate to other views about Latin America which also used The Tempest, by William Shakespeare. As a specific aim, I explore the relationship between the Latin-American identity created by the Cuban Revolution, where Caliban has a decisive role, and Brazil. I deal, thus, with a process of ideas circulation not very studied, the one between peripherical countries.

Resumen En el cine cubano de las últimas décadas aparecen continuamente espacios que en el pasado reciente fueron portadores de la teleología revolucionaria. Se trata de antiguas «escuelas en el campo», poblados campesinos fundados al calor de la épica revolucionaria y centrales azucareros y electronucleares. En el presente artículo, a partir de las obras El proyecto (Alonso, 2017), Despertando a Quan Tri (Pérez, 2005) y Melaza (Lechuga, 2012), se analiza el modo en que estos espacios, que en este análisis se llaman residuales, portan una materia significativa que muestra el agotamiento de la temporalidad teleológica de la Revolución cubana. En tanto residuo, se estudia el modo en que se despliega en estos espacios un tipo de temporalidad marcada por los tiempos muertos, donde vivir en tiempo muerto, como lo muestra el corpus de estudio, implica una distancia de toda acción y acontecimiento, de la historia y las narraciones. Se concluye precisando el modo en que, a través de una «escritura entre líneas» que desafía también al lenguaje instituido, estos materiales retan las narrativas oficiales con las que se cuenta la historia de la nación, de absoluto dominio del Estado. Abstract In the Cuban cinema of the last decades appear continuously some spaces were carriers of revolutionary teleology in the recent past. These are old “schools in the countryside”, peasant villages founded in the heat of the revolutionary epic, and sugar and nuclear plants. In this article, based on the works El proyecto (Alonso, 2017), Despertando a Quan Tri (Pérez, 2005) and Melaza (Lechuga, 2012), it´s analyzed the way these spaces, which can be called residual, carry significant matter that shows the exhaustion of the teleological temporality of the Cuban Revolution. As a residue, the way in which a type of temporality marked by dead time unfolds in these spaces is studied in this article. This time, where living in dead time, as shown by the materials analized, implies a distance from all action and events, from history and narratives. This article concludes by specifying how, through a "writing between the lines" that also challenges the instituted language, these materials challenge the official narratives with which the History of the nation, of absolute State dominance, is told.

The Cuban revolution, in its process of symbolic formation, is articulated in a synthesis of the codes from the international socialist movement, concentrated in the USSR, with the elements of the national culture. The use of ideological resources such as art, brought with it the discussion about how the revolutionary artistic production should be oriented from its beginnings. The approach to the USSR starting in the 1970s and the importation of mechanisms of social organization from it, placed socialist realism, as an official method of creation, in the discussion about art. Cuban intellectuals of the decade developed positions in defense or criticism of socialist realism as part of Cuban cultural policy. Being approached in an implicit way in the treatment of art and culture in the revolution. The present work exposes some of the essential moments of the context of elaboration of the Cuban position regarding socialist realism. A position that has not been fully studied, but from which the general lines and the main figures of the Cuban intelligentsia who addressed ideas on the subject are established.

We come to the end of this Critical World History to discover what Dussel sees as bringing critical political reflection up to date. In this sense, the entire journey that is made throughout this work only takes on its true dimension in the final section, with a philosophy that seeks the critical voice of the people. This culminates in political thought of the Zapatistas that emerged at the end of the 20th century with the awareness of inaugurating a new moment in the history of world politics. Dussel places the origin of the Philosophy of Liberation in that Argentine decade between 1966 and 1976. Many things have happened since then, and the Philosophy of Liberation has received continuous attacks that have tried to question its coherence and political commitment, as well as to dismiss its relevance not only in the history of Latin American philosophy, but also worldwide. This essay tries to respond to these attacks and show how it is that thought, born in a political situation not without contradictions, may flourish due to its ability to articulate historical reality and a political commitment to the denied and excluded. Philosophy, when it is true philosophy, thinks about concrete reality. Therefore the critique of philosophy, Dussel tells us, must be done, not from thought, but from reality. In that sense, reality is the beginning and the end, the orientation and the course.

Esta investigación es fruto del Proyecto I+D+I «La industria cinematográfica andaluza en el hipersector audiovisual-TIC: retos y oportunidades (CINATIC)» (Ref. B-SEJ-370-UGR20). Convocatoria de la Universidad de Granada de ayudas a Proyectos I+D+I del 5 de febrero de 2020, en el marco del Programa Operativo FEDER 2014-2020. Reinaldo Arenas, escritor cubano, representa el infierno inquisitorial de la Cuba castrista al que tuvieron que enfrentarse las personas homosexuales, convertidas en disidentes en una perpetua peripecia vital e intelectual. Para los teóricos del Partido Socialista Popular (PSP) la homosexualidad era el resultado de la decadencia burguesa; así quienes no siguieran la heteronorma eran relegados/as a la condición de sujetos subalternos, condenados a una especie de muerte en vida o "insilio"; siendo, incluso, destinados/ as a los campos de las UMAP (Unidades Militares de Ayuda a la Producción) para ser «reeducados/ as». Este trabajo toma como estudio de caso la representación audiovisual de la figura de Arenas a través del análisis de tres obras audiovisuales, con objeto de identificar y analizar la relación del régimen castrista con la homosexualidad. Se aplica un análisis textual, usando las herramientas metodológicas de la Narrativa y la Teoría Queer, sobre los documentales Conducta impropia (Mauvaise conduite, Almendros y Jiménez Leal, 1983) y Seres extravagantes (Zayas, 2004) y sobre el filme Antes que anochezca (Schnabel, 2000), basado en el último libro de Arenas, autobiográfico y póstumo. Reinaldo Arenas es sin duda un ejemplo de la discriminación a los homosexuales en Cuba, de la que él fue víctima. Reinaldo Arenas, a Cuban writer, represents the inquisitorial hell of Castro's Cuba that many homosexuals had to face, turned into dissidents with a perpetual vital and intellectual vicissitudes. For the theorists of the Popular Socialist Party (PSP) homosexuality was the result of bourgeois decadence; thus, those who did not follow the heteronorm were relegated to the condition of subordinate subjects, condemned to a kind of death in life or insilement; being, even, destined to the fields of the UMAP (Military Units of Assistance to the Production) to be «reeducated». This work takes as a case study the figure of Arenas through the representation of him in three audiovisual works, in order to identify and analyze the relationship of the Castro regime with homosexuality. A textual analysis is applied, using the methodological tools of Narrative and Queer Theory, on the documentaries Conducta impropia (Mauvaise conduite, Almendros and Jiménez Leal, 1984) and Seres Extravagantes (Zayas, 2004) and on the film Before Night Falls (Schnabel, 2000), based on the last book by Arenas, autobiographical and posthumous. Reinaldo Arenas is undoubtedly an example of the discrimination against homosexuals in Cuba, of which he was a victim. Consejería de Economía, Conocimiento, Empresas y Universidad, Junta de Andalucía B-SEJ-370-UGR20 European Commission (EC). Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) B-SEJ-370-UGR20

This chapter addresses the evolution of the crime fiction genre in Latin America by examining the relationship between three of the continent’s major cities and three historical moments. The following case studies chosen are: Buenos Aires in the stories of Seis problemas para Don Isidro Parodi (Six Problems for Don Isidro Parodi, 1942) by Jorge Luis Borges and Adolfo Bioy Casares; Havana in Armando Cristóbal Pérez’s novel La ronda de los rubies (The Ring of Rubies, 1973); and Mexico City in Días de combate (Days of Combat, 1976) by Paco Ignacio Taibo II. The chapter traces a textual trajectory from Borges and Bioy’s parodic games with the English models of mystery fiction to Taibo’s scathing national questioning of the Mexican neo-crime fiction, passing through Cristóbal’s politically committed and Cuban revolutionary crime fiction. That trajectory demonstrates the flexibility of the crime fiction genre, which has allowed it to branch out and adapt to the literary needs of different authors and contexts in the period between 1930 and 1980 in Latin American literature

En orden cronológico, este trabajo revisa la evolución de la comunidad china en Cuba, con énfasis en La Habana, bajo el entrelazamiento de los impactos de factores externos y las transformaciones internas desde 1920 hasta 2005. Este periodo se divide en tres etapas que corresponden a las tres fases respectivas de auge, decadencia y revitalización de dicha comunidad en su historia: de la década de 1920 a la víspera de la Revolución Cubana; del triunfo de la Revolución del 1959 a los finales de la década de 1980; de la década de 1990 al principios del siglo XXI. Teniendo en cuenta la propia evolución política y económica de Cuba y situándola en el contexto internacional, el trabajo analiza y compara los cambios que viene experimentando la comunidad china en los ámbitos demográfico, económico y sociocultural a lo largo del tiempo de estudio. A la vez, presta atención especial a las asociaciones chinas establecidas en la capital cubana, enfocando un análisis sobre la evolución de la membresía, la situación financiera, las funciones que vienen desempeñando en los tres períodos arriba mencionados. La investigación se basa en las fuentes recopiladas en los archivos y bibliotecas cubanas y chinas, así como las visitas in situ al Barrio Chino habanero y entrevistas con los miembros de las asociaciones. El trabajo tiene como objetivo fundamental explicar cómo tuvieron lugar las transformaciones comunitarias bajo la influencia superpuesta de los factores macroscópicos, tales como las modificaciones de las políticas migratorias cubanas, los cambios en el sistema político cubano, las alteraciones de los vínculos bilaterales entre el país de acogida, Cuba, y el de origen de los inmigrantes, China. In chronological order, this thesis reviews the evolution of the Chinese community in Cuba, with emphasis on Havana, under the intertwining of the impacts of external factors and internal transformations from 1920 to 2005. This period is divided into three stages: from the 1920s to the eve of the Cuban Revolution; from the triumph of the 1959 Revolution to the end of the 1980s; from the 1990s to the beginning of the 21st century, that correspond to the three phases described as the boom, the decline and the revitalization of the said community in its history. Taking into account the political and economic evolution of Cuba and placing it in the international context, this work analyzes and compares the changes that the Cuban Chinese community has been experiencing in the demographic, economic and sociocultural fields throughout the study period. The thesis also pays special attention to the Chinese associations established in the Cuban capital, focusing on an analysis on the evolution of the membership, the financial situation, the functions they have been performing in the three periods mentioned above. Based on the sources collected in Cuban and Chinese archives and libraries, as well as on-site visits to Havana's Chinatown and interviews with members of the related associations, the main objective of this thesis is to explain how community transformations took place under the influence superimposed on macroscopic factors, such as changes in Cuban migration policies, changes in the Cuban political system, alterations in bilateral ties between the host country, Cuba, and the country of origin of the immigrants, China.

The present work has as its object of study the choral novel As Dust in the Wind by Leonardo Padura Fuentes, and aims to unravel its background and form from the central approach: the Cuban diaspora. With what is indicated, aspects and factors that lead to the sense of identity belonging in Havana are detailed. This diagnosis tells -through the compendium of a conceptual framework- of the theoretical support of Mikhail Bakhtin's Russian postformalism, specifically, of the intertextuality, polyphony, dialogical relationship of the characters, as well as of the comparison between national literatures, with Everyone leaves by Wendy Guerra and Before Night Falls by Reinaldo Arenas. Likewise, the social function of the Padurian language in the context of the recent past is considered. The work evokes the experience of the Clan, a friendly group that resides on the island. In the midst of the tensions of the socialist regime and the existential and material crises, its members mostly undertake the difficult journey of emigration, just as other Cubans have done, in the face of hopelessness and latent overwhelm. Narrative of exile, cuban identity and pending wishes. El presente trabajo tiene como objeto de estudio la novela coral Como polvo en el viento de Leonardo Padura Fuentes, y se propone desentrañar su fondo y forma a partir del planteamiento central: la diáspora cubana. Con lo indicado, se detallan aspectos y factores que conducen al sentido de pertenencia identitario en La Habana. Este diagnóstico cuenta -a través del compendio de un marco conceptual- del sustento teórico del postformalismo ruso de Mijaíl Bajtin, específicamente, de la intertextualidad, polifonía, relación dialógica de los personajes, al igual que del comparatismo entre las literaturas nacionales, con Todos se van de Wendy Guerra y Antes que anochezca de Reinaldo Arenas. Asimismo, se considera la función social del lenguaje paduriano en el contexto del pasado reciente. La obra evoca la vivencia del Clan, un grupo amical que reside en la isla. En medio de las tensiones del régimen socialista y de las crisis existenciales y materiales, sus miembros emprenden en su mayoría la difícil travesía de la emigración, así como lo han hecho otros cubanos, ante la desesperanza y agobio latente. Narrativa del exilio, la cubanía y los anhelos pendientes.

O presente texto traz os resultados da pesquisa que teve como foco a compreensão da concepção socialista de universidade que se consolidou na Revolução Cubana na década de 1960. O referencial teórico e metodológico da pesquisa é a Teoria Social de Marx, bem como a expressão da sua rica tradição, com especial destaque para o marxismo latino-americano. Os dados analisados têm caráter documental e bibliográfico, sendo que uma parte deles foram coletados em viagem de campo a Cuba no mês de fevereiro de 2019. De modo a explicitar o conteúdo político e pedagógico da concepção investigada, o texto apresenta os seguintes itens: 1) uma introdução em que são indicadas as dimensões gerais da pesquisa; 2) uma reflexão sobre conhecimento e emancipação em Marx; 3) as raízes da concepção aqui estudada, com destaque para a Reforma de Córdoba em 1918, as ideias sobre educação, universidade e socialismo em José Carlos Mariátegui e o pensamento e a vida política de Julio Antonio Mella no que tange a relação entre universidade e socialismo em Cuba na década de 1920; 4) As lutas estudantis em Cuba antes de 1959 e sua relação com as mobilizações da classe trabalhadora cubana contra o regime de Fulgêncio Batista; 5) O contexto de transformações educativas após 1959 e a Reforma Universitária de 1962 em Cuba já no seio da vitória da Revolução Cubana; 6) O pensamento de Ernesto Che Guevara sobre universidade e socialismo; 7) As ideias de Fidel Castro sobre educação e universidade na transição socialista em Cuba na década de 1960. O conjunto de resultados obtidos apontam para a consolidação de uma concepção socialista de universidade na década de 1960 na Revolução Cubana, que deve ser compreendida na sua relação com a totalidade do processo revolucionário em curso naquele período. Essa concepção apontou para a incorporação das massas trabalhadoras ao conjunto de conquistas sociais, dentre elas a educação superior, a centralidade da teoria revolucionária marxista e sua tradição para a formação universitária, a importância do protagonismo do movimento estudantil nos novos rumos da universidade, a articulação entre formação técnico-científica e formação revolucionária, o foco na socialização, produção de conhecimento e formação de profissionais para atender as necessidades da revolução e da transição socialista iniciada. This text brings the results of the research focused on understanding the socialist concept of university that was consolidated in the Cuban Revolution in the 1960s. The theoretical and methodological framework of the research is Marx's Social Theory, as well as the expression of his rich tradition, with special emphasis on Latin American Marxism. The analyzed data are documental and bibliographical, and part of them were collected on a visit to Cuba in February 2019. In order to clarify the political and pedagogical content of the investigated conception, the text presents the following items: 1) an introduction indicating the general dimensions of the research; 2) the Marx thought on knowledge and emancipation; 3) the roots of the conception studied here, with emphasis on the 1918 Cordoba Reform, the José Carlos Mariátegui ideas about education, university and socialism and the Julio Antonio Mella thought and political life regarding the relationship between university and socialism in Cuba in the 1920s; 4) Student struggles in Cuba before 1959 and their relationship with the Cuban working class mobilizations against the Fulgencio Batista regime; 5) The context of educational transformations after 1959 and the 1962 University Reform in Cuba already in the heart of the victory of the Cuban Revolution; 6) Ernesto Che Guevara's thoughts on university and socialism; 7) Fidel Castro's ideas on education and university in the socialist transition in Cuba in the 1960s. The set of results obtained point to the consolidation of a socialist conception of university in the 1960s in the Cuban Revolution, which must be understood in its relationship with the totality of the revolutionary process underway in that period. This conception pointed to the incorporation of the working masses to the set of social achievements, among them higher education, the centrality of revolutionary Marxist theory and its tradition for university education, the importance of the student movement's leading role in the university's new directions, the articulation between technical-scientific education and revolutionary education, the focus on socialization, knowledge production and formation of professionals to meet the needs of the revolution and the socialist transition initiated.

Exorcismos de esti(l)o is one of Guillermo Cabrera Infante’s least studied books. It is nevertheless of essential importance for understanding the entirety of his poetics. It is a book that condenses the pain of the ostracism and the betrayal inflicted by the revolutionary regime that Cabrera had so strongly supported. The purpose of this article is to highlight the implicit elements of the text that support this hypothesis. It considers the strategies used by the author throughout Exorcismos de esti(l)o to practice the language with which he obsessively tries to draw, in his novelas del yo, a portrait of a lost and unrecoverable Havana, the hopeful Havana preceding the Cuban Revolution. It is an impossible yet obstinate mission. This is why the texts that articulate the impossibility of representation and the anguish that this mission generates deserve special attention.

The article analyzes the Cuban economy from 960 until the fall of the Soviet Union. It shows that after abolishing private ownership of the means of production at the beginning of the revolutionary period, Cuba could not establish a planning system because of Fidel Castro’s widespread intervention. The economic consequences were grave. Only the enormous economic aid received from the Soviet Union ensured the survival of the Cuban revolution and the implementation of the System of Direction and Planning of the Economy (SDPE), which was successively dismantled during the rectification process. What happened in Cuba during this period seems to have been an endemic problem of its political system, in which there was no effective counterweight to the comandante en jefe, on whom all major political and economic decisions depended. That problem was the main reason for Cuba’s poor economic performance.

The history of Maoism in Latin America is not a linear con-tinuum. On the contrary, it is determined by changing situa-tions at the national, regional and global levels. Among the first, we must highlight the conditions in which capitalism de-veloped, the national dynamics of political history and the history of the left. The regional circumstances are related to the impact of the Cuban revolution and in particular of foquismo, the conflict in Central America and the fate of hik-ing in Peru. Finally, the turns of the Cold War also determined substantial differences in the actions of Latin American Maoism. The article intends, precisely, to analyze the existence of stages in the history of this political current and highlight its differences and its manifestation in debates, organizational forms and methods of struggle.

Objectives. The paper analyzes core axiological aspects of Spanish teaching in higher educational institutions of the Soviet Union from the 1930s to the early 1980s based on various sources including textbooks, tutorials, etc. Methods. The study is based on textual-analytic, historical-comparative, and structural methods.Results. Scientific-pedagogical and sociological aspects of the subject are distinguished. The former are limited to the internal developmental logic of Spanish studies, while the latter refers to external circumstances, including ideological factors. The literature review shows that Spanish teaching in the USSR progressed topically from simple manuals aimed at consolidating linguistic basics to a more rigorous pedagogical development of Spanish language studies (grammar, phonetics, vocabulary, etc.) The authors identify two significant periods in the development of Soviet Spanish studies, with the first phase extending from the 1930s to the early 1960s, and the second—from the 1960s to the early 1980s.Conclusions. The analysis showed that the formation and development of each period is associated with such events as the Spanish Civil War and the victory of the Cuban Revolution, which are not directly related to Spanish teaching. The first event coincided with the beginning of systematic Spanish teaching at the USSR universities, while the second redirected this process from Castilian to Latin American Spanish. However, the analysis of textbook and tutorial materials convincingly demonstrates that this process of redirection, which mainly concerns the selection of textual materials, remains incomplete. This supports a conclusion concerning the limited impact of ideology on the internal logic of the Spanish studies development in the USSR.

Peristiwa pada Revolusi Kuba telah membawa penulis Chanel Cleeton menarasikan dalam sebuah karya novel yang berjudul Next Year in Havana. Di mana jika ditilik pada novel ini maka Next Year in Havana termasuk dalam karya postmemory. Pada proses karangan novel ini terdapat transmisi memori dari generasi pertama kemudian ke generasi berikutnya yang dipicu oleh peristiwa traumatis masa lalu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana struktur memori traumatis itu terbentuk dan upaya perjalanan kembali untuk membangun memori yang tidak utuh. Selanjutnya untuk menganalis objek material tersebut peneliti menggunakan teori postmemory dari Marriane Hirsch. Hasil dari penelitian ini: 1). Terdapat struktur transmisi memori familial dari sang nenek kemudian juga transmisi afiliatif dari orang luar. 2). Keberpihakan penulis pada novel ini menampilkan tokoh presiden Batista sebagai Hypermazculine dan orang – orang Kuba sebagai Feminized. 3). Upaya napak tilas dilakukan ke pelbagai situs sejarah untuk melihat pada realitas yang lebih dekat dan menjawab asumsi – asumsi atas memori yang belum lengkap.The incident of Cuban Revolution has been bringing Chanel Cleeton to narrate a masterpiece of the Novel with under the name Next Year in Havana. Indeed, this Next Year in Havana novel includes a masterpiece of postmemory. The process of this novel used memory transmission from the first generation to the next generation that is triggered by the past traumatic event. This study aimed to know how the structure of traumatic memory is formed and how returning journey can reconstruct the uncompleted memory. In doing so, the researcher used postmemory approach by Marriane Hirsch to analyze the object material. Then, the result of this study: 1). There are structure of memories transmission such as familial from the grandmother and affiliative transmission from the strangers. 2). The author takes a side on this novel that President F. Batista as the Hypermazculine and Cuban people as Feminized. 3). The mission of returning the journey has been done to look the reality closer and to answer the assumptions of uncompleted memory. Peristiwa pada Revolusi Kuba telah membawa penulis Chanel Cleeton menarasikan dalam sebuah karya novel yang berjudul Next Year in Havana. Di mana jika ditilik pada novel ini maka Next Year in Havana termasuk dalam karya postmemory. Pada proses karangan novel ini terdapat transmisi memori dari generasi pertama kemudian ke generasi berikutnya yang dipicu oleh peristiwa traumatis masa lalu. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui bagaimana struktur memori traumatis itu terbentuk dan upaya perjalanan kembali untuk membangun memori yang tidak utuh. Selanjutnya untuk menganalis objek material tersebut peneliti menggunakan teori postmemory dari Marriane Hirsch. Hasil dari penelitian ini: 1). Terdapat struktur transmisi memori familial dari sang nenek kemudian juga transmisi afiliatif dari orang luar. 2). Keberpihakan penulis pada novel ini menampilkan tokoh presiden Batista sebagai Hypermazculine dan orang – orang Kuba sebagai Feminized. 3). Upaya napak tilas dilakukan ke pelbagai situs sejarah untuk melihat pada realitas yang lebih dekat dan menjawab asumsi – asumsi atas memori yang belum lengkap.

El Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR), de Chile, fue una organización político-militar, adherida ideológicamente al marxismo-leninismo, pero también heredera en el plano político y simbólico de la Revolución Cubana y del guevarismo. El MIR fue fundado en agosto de 1965, y posee una dilatada y relevante trayectoria política. No obstante ello, los estudios sobre el MIR aún son escasos y múltiples aspectos asociados a su inserción en la historia política de Chile del último tercio del siglo XX, permanecen desconocidos. En este artículo nos proponemos analizar las condiciones históricas en las cuales se formó el MIR chileno y su contribución al proceso de radicalización política que se vivió en Chile entre 1967 y 1973. De la misma manera, estudiaremos su capacidad de reacción frente a la violencia represiva desplegada por la dictadura a partir de 1973 y su rol en la organización de la resistencia popular. Le Mouvement de la Gauche Révolutionnaire (MIR) du Chili a été une organisation politico-militaire, idéologiquement attaché au marxisme-léninisme, mais aussi héritier au niveau politique et symbolique de la Révolution cubaine et du guévarisme. Le MIR a été fondé en août 1965, et a une trajectoire politique vaste et pertinente. Néanmoins, les études qui portent sur le MIR restent rares et de multiples aspects liés à son insertion dans l'histoire politique du Chili dans le dernier tiers du XXe siècle, inconnus. Dans cet article, nous analysons les conditions historiques dans lesquelles le MIR chilien s’est formé, ainsi que sa contribution au processus de radicalisation politique entre 1967 et 1973. De même, nous étudions sa capacité à réagir à la violence répressive déployée par la dictature de 1973 et le rôle qu’il joue dans l'organisation de la résistance populaire. The Movimiento de Izquierda Revolucionaria (MIR) of Chile, was a political-military organization, ideologically attached to Marxism-Leninism, but also heir on the political and symbolic level of the Cuban Revolution and Guevarism. The MIR was founded in August 1965, and has had an extensive and relevant political career. Nevertheless, the studies on the MIR are still scarce and multiple aspects associated with their insertion in the political history of Chile in the last third of the twentieth century, remain unknown. This article analyzes the historical conditions in which the Chilean MIR was formed and its contribution to the process of political radicalization that took place in Chile between 1967 and 1973. Similarly, this article studies its ability to react to the repressive violence deployed by the dictatorship from 1973 and its role in organizing popular resistance.

Numerous research works in Iran and abroad address the issue of social movements in the 14th SH century. However, it is uncommon to come across writings that examine the relationship between social movements and intellectuals. The issue is about the type of participation, place, and role of intellectuals in the century’s major social movements. A number of social science studies have also examined the influence of intellectual discourse on social movements in various countries. Examples of such analyses include examinations of the French Revolution and the impact of the opinions and writings of Rousseau, Voltaire, and other prominent Enlightenment authors on this historical event. Another illustration is the influence of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky, and other intellectuals on the Russian October Revolution. The same question might be asked regarding the Chinese revolution and Mao Zedong’s involvement, or the Cuban revolution and Castro or Che Guevara’s participation. Erst in the last three decades has a portion of academic research shown a change in the interaction between intellectuals and social movements, or, according to Régis Debray, a decline in the influence of visionary and ambitious discourses.

This article examines the history of relations between the United States and Latin American countries. The main stages of the development and the defining characteristics of each of them are outlined. It is studied how these actors coexisted after gaining the independence from Spain of most Latin American countries. This article also describes how US expanded its territory by the treaties and wars. The content of the Monroe Doctrine, the Big Stick Policy and the Neighborhood Policy are defined. It analyses impact of these policies on US and Latin American countries. Differences in relations in the period before the Second World War and during the Cold War are outlined. Article demonstrates examples of US interference in Latin American region. The actions of the USA concerning the influence on the domestic policy of the countries of this region during the aggravation of the Cold War are analyzed. Article describes actions that were used against communism in certain countries of the region It analyses Cuban Revolution and political crisis across the whole region in late 1970s - early 1980s and its impact on US. It is argued that the United States became a hegemon first in South America and later expanded its influence on a global scale. It is established that after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the presence of the United States in the region decreased, but they continue to actively interfere in the domestic politics of Latin American countries, albeit to a lesser extent. Article shows how globalization influenced Latin American countries and political changes that happened in this region. Author shares the opinion that USA still plays leading role in foreign policy of the region and as well trying to control to some extent everything that concerns domestic policy of the countries in the region of Latin America.

This essay reviews the following works: The Revolution from Within: Cuba, 1959–1980. Edited by Michael J. Bustamante and Jennifer L. Lambe. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2019. Pp. viii + 332. $28.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781478002963.The Guerrilla Legacy of the Cuban Revolution. By Anna Clayfield. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2019. Pp. xii + 204. $85.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9781683400899.Exile within Exiles: Herbert Daniel, Gay Brazilian Revolutionary. By James N. Green. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2018. Pp. xv + 322. $27.95 paperback. ISBN: 9781478000860.Desafiando los poderes: Acción colectiva y frentes de masas en El Salvador (1948–1980). By Luis R. Huezo Mixco. San Salvador: Dirección Nacional de Investigaciones en Cultura y Arte de la Secretaría de Cultura de la Presidencia en colaboración con la Editorial Universidad Gerardo Barrios, 2017. Pp. 330. Paperback. ISBN: 9789996160509.The Zapatista Movement and Mexico’s Democratic Transition: Mobilization, Success, and Survival. By María Inclán. New York: Oxford University Press, 2018. Pp. xvi + 166. $78.00 hardcover. ISBN: 9780190869465.Cuban Revolution in America: Havana and the Making of a United States Left, 1968–1992. By Teishan A. Latner. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2018. Pp. xiv + 351. $39.95 hardcover. ISBN: 9781469635460.Beyond the Vanguard: Everyday Revolutionaries in Allende’s Chile. By Marian E. Schlotterbeck. Oakland: University of California Press, 2018. Pp. xiv + 234. $34.85 paperback. ISBN: 9780520298064.La revolución cubana en nuestra América: El internacionalismo anónimo. By Luis Suárez Salazar and Dirk Kruijt. Havana: Ruth Casa Editorial, 2015. $10.20 e-book. ISBN: 9789962703167.

This article examines Hungarian foreign relations toward Latin America in the period between the end of World War ii and the victory of the Cuban Revolution and characterizes the problems raised by the general guidelines of Hungarian foreign policy toward the region. It seeks to answer the following questions: What political influences triggered Hungary’s turn toward Latin America? Is it possible to distinguish subperiods with independent characteristics within the analyzed period, and if so, what were the incentives of the subperiods? The article also analyzes the extent to which the fluctuations in Soviet–Latin American relations influenced the development of Hungarian trade and diplomatic relations, and how it reshaped Hungarian interest in the region.

This dissertation analyzes the links between French radicalism, post-Vatican II Catholic activism, and Mexican protest movements to provide the first transnational history of Política Popular (People's Politics). This was the most influential Maoist group in Mexico with roots in the intellectual upbringing of Adolfo Orive, a student of the economist Charles Bettelheim, who spent four years in Paris during the 1960s.I rely on oral history sources and official and private archives from five countries to build a multilayered narrative of French Maoism and situate the Mexican case and its activists in the broader global context of the leftwing militancy of the “Global Sixties” (c.1956—c.1976). This is an era of radicalism in Latin America that has paid important scholarly attention to the impact of the Cuban Revolution and the imperialist presence of the US in the in the region, but which has failed to look at the role of Western Europe, Maoist China, and religion.In complicating this narrative, I argue that the idea of mass line politics that largely defined the era overlapped with progressive aspects of Catholicism. Leaders of both of these movements enabled political coalitions and shared similar understandings of economic patterns of development (industrialization, migration to the cities, rural unrest) that allowed for the emergence of a Maoist “script” of activism in rural communities, insertion in the metal industry unionism, and mobilization of new urban migrants. Coming out of Parisian universities, Beijing schools and Catholic circles, the French Revolutionary ideas of the era played a fundamental role in the emergence of a transnational Left that identified with the Chinese Cultural revolution. This was a global phenomenon with parallels in Western European and across the Americas that shaped the fate of the New Left.In addition to bringing together the scholarships of the radical New Left and progressive Catholicism in the transnational context of the Global Sixties, I decenter the history of student radicalism in Mexico from both the nation's capital and the year 1968. In this effort, I answer a set of questions that have not received enough attention from historians: How did Mexican students and priests get involved in transnational networks of radical thinking? How did they bring those ideas to their communities? And how did their interactions shape the radicalism of the Global Sixties?; Ma thèse analyse les liens entre le radicalisme français, l'activisme catholique post-Vatican II et les mouvements de protestation mexicains afin de fournir la première histoire transnationale de la Política Popular (Politique populaire). Ce groupe maoïste, le plus influent du Mexique, trouve ses racines dans l'éducation intellectuelle d'Adolfo Orive, élève de l'économiste Charles Bettelheim, qui a passé quatre ans à Paris dans les années 1960.Je m'appuie sur des sources d'histoire orale et des archives officielles et privées de cinq pays pour construire un récit à plusieurs niveaux du maoïsme français et situer le cas mexicain et ses militants dans le contexte mondial plus large du militantisme de gauche des "Global Sixties" (c.1956-c.1976). Il s'agit d'une époque de radicalisme en Amérique latine qui a accordé une grande attention à l'impact de la Révolution cubaine et à la présence impérialiste des États-Unis dans la région, mais qui n'a pas tenu compte du rôle de l'Europe occidentale, de la Chine maoïste et de la question religieuse.Pour compliquer ce récit, je soutiens que l'idée d'une politique de ligne de masse qui a largement défini l'époque se superpose aux aspects progressistes du catholicisme. Les dirigeants de ces deux mouvements ont permis la formation de coalitions politiques et ont partagé une compréhension similaire des modèles de développement économique (industrialisation, migration vers les villes, agitation rurale) qui ont permis l'émergence d'un "scénario" maoïste d'activisme dans les communautés rurales, d'insertion dans le syndicalisme de l'industrie métallurgique et de mobilisation des nouveaux migrants urbains. Issues des universités parisiennes, des écoles de Pékin et des milieux catholiques, les idées révolutionnaires françaises de l'époque ont joué un rôle fondamental dans l'émergence d'une gauche transnationale qui s'est identifiée à la Révolution culturelle chinoise. Il s'agissait d'un phénomène mondial avec des parallèles en Europe occidentale et dans les Amériques, qui a façonné le destin de la Nouvelle Gauche.En plus de rassembler les études sur la Nouvelle Gauche radicale et le catholicisme progressiste dans le contexte transnational des Global Sixties, je décentre l'histoire du radicalisme étudiant au Mexique à partir de la Capitale nationale et de l'année 1968. Je réponds ainsi à une série de questions qui n'ont pas reçu suffisamment d'attention de la part des historiens : Comment les étudiants et les religieux mexicains ont-ils été impliqués dans les réseaux transnationaux de pensée radicale ? Comment ont-ils apporté ces idées à leurs communautés ? Et comment leurs interactions ont-elles façonné le radicalisme des Global Sixties ?

Dès avril 1960, les États-Unis adoptèrent un programme secret destiné à renverser Fidel Castro. La priorité de cette opération était qu’elle se fasse dans la clandestinité la plus totale afin de pouvoir nier publiquement toute implication dans un projet contre un gouvernement latino-américain. Washington était résolument décidé à neutraliser un pouvoir cubain, qui avait exprimé par les paroles et par les actes sa volonté de s’affranchir définitivement de sa tutelle et d’établir des liens moins asymétriques avec son puissant voisin, afin d’endiguer l’influence de la Révolution cubaine en Amérique latine et à travers le monde. As early as April 1960, the United States adopted a secret program intending to overthrow Fidel Castro. The priority of this operation was that it be carried out in absolute secrecy so as to be able to publicly deny any involvement in a project against a Latin American government. Washington was resolutely determined to neutralize the Cuban power, which had expressed through words and deeds its desire to free itself definitively from its tutelage and to establish less asymmetrical links with its powerful neighbor, in order to stem the influence of the Cuban Revolution in Latin America and around the world.

Suite à l’avènement de la Révolution cubaine en 1959, les États-Unis se sont opposés au programme de transformation socio-économique entrepris par les nouvelles autorités et ont adopté une politique hostile. Loin de redouter un rapprochement entre La Havane et Moscou, Washington a au contraire délibérément poussé l’île vers l’Union soviétique, dans le but de pouvoir ainsi justifier les mesures drastiques que l’administration Eisenhower s’apprêtait à adopter contre Cuba, à savoir les sanctions économiques et l’isolement du pays. L’épisode de la vente d’armes est illustratif de cette volonté de contraindre Fidel Castro à solliciter l’aide du bloc socialiste. Following the advent of the Cuban Revolution in 1959, the United States opposed the program of socio-economic transformation undertaken by the new authorities and adopted a hostile policy. Far from fearing a rapprochement between Havana and Moscow, Washington on the contrary deliberately pushed the island towards the Soviet Union, in order to be able to justify the drastic measures that the Eisenhower administration was preparing to adopt against Cuba, namely the economic sanctions and the isolation of the country. The episode of the sale of arms is illustrative of this desire to force Fidel Castro to seek help from the socialist bloc.

Suite à la Révolution cubaine en 1959, l’administration Eisenhower chercha à découvrir si le nouveau pouvoir, qui avait exprimé sa volonté d’une plus grande indépendance vis-à-vis des États-Unis, était sous domination communiste. Durant les deux premières années, de la reconnaissance du gouvernement révolutionnaire en janvier 1959 à la rupture unilatérale des relations diplomatiques par Washington en janvier 1961, la Maison-Blanche chercha à tisser un lien entre La Havane et Moscou dans le but de pouvoir rallier le reste du continent latino-américain à sa politique hostile à l’égard de l’île. Following the Cuban Revolution in 1959, the Eisenhower administration sought to find out whether the new power, which had expressed its desire for greater independence from the United States, was under Communist rule. During the first two years, from the recognition of the revolutionary government in January 1959 to the unilateral severance of diplomatic relations by Washington in January 1961, the White House sought to forge a link between Havana and Moscow in order to be able to rally the rest of the Latin American continent to its hostile policy towards the island.