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International audience; On se propose de relire trois classiques du droit international public sur la soft Law qui illustrent assez bien une discussion entre juristes sur ce que l'on peut appeler « droit » en droit international en même temps qu'elle permet de comprendre que l'identification du droit est une affaire aussi politique que juridique.

BACKGROUND & AIMS: This position paper summarizes theoretical and practical aspects of the monitoring of artificial nutrition and metabolism in critically ill patients, thereby completing ESPEN guidelines on intensive care unit (ICU) nutrition. METHODS: Available literature and personal clinical experience on monitoring of nutrition and metabolism was systematically reviewed by the ESPEN group for ICU nutrition guidelines. RESULTS: We did not identify any studies comparing outcomes with monitoring versus not monitoring nutrition therapy. The potential for abnormal values to be associated with harm was clearly recognized. The necessity to create locally adapted standard operating procedures (SOPs) for follow up of enteral and parenteral nutrition is emphasised. Clinical observations, laboratory parameters (including blood glucose, electrolytes, triglycerides, liver tests), and monitoring of energy expenditure and body composition are addressed, focusing on prevention, and early detection of nutrition-related complications. CONCLUSION: Understanding and defining risks and developing local SOPs are critical to reduce specific risks. ispartof: CLINICAL NUTRITION vol:38 issue:2 pages:584-593 ispartof: location:England status: published

Background: Web-based surveys have become a new and popular method for collecting data, but only a few studies have directly compared postal and Web-based surveys among physicians, and none to our knowledge among general practitioners (GPs). Objective: Our aim is to compare two modes of survey delivery (postal and Web-based) in terms of participation rates, response times, and completeness of questionnaires in a study assessing GPs’ preventive practices. Methods: This randomized study was conducted in Western Switzerland (Geneva and Vaud) and in France (Alsace and Pays de la Loire) in 2015. A random selection of community-based GPs (1000 GPs in Switzerland and 2400 GPs in France) were randomly allocated to receive a questionnaire about preventive care activities either by post (n=700 in Switzerland, n=400 in France) or by email (n=300 in Switzerland, n=2000 in France). Reminder messages were sent once in the postal group and twice in the Web-based group. Any GPs practicing only complementary and alternative medicine were excluded from the study. Results: Among the 3400 contacted GPs, 764 (22.47%, 95% CI 21.07%-23.87%) returned the questionnaire. Compared to the postal group, the participation rate in the Web-based group was more than four times lower (246/2300, 10.70% vs 518/1100, 47.09%, P

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 335-356, I. La création du Parquet européen: de réels enjeux pour la défense - II. La défense face à l'absence d'uniformité des garanties procédurales. - II.1. Les difficultés liées à la mosaïque de droits nationaux applicables - II.2. Les incertitudes liées au contrôle juridictionnel des actes du Parquet européen. - III. La défense face à l'absence d'égalité des armes. - III.1. Le constat de déséquilibre né de la création du Parquet européen. - III.2. Les propositions visant à rétablir le droit à un procès équitable., With the creation of the European Public Prosecutor's Office (EPPO), the position of the defence is weakened. The EPPO Regulation does not set up specific procedural safeguards that are designed to apply to its proceedings: it mainly refers to national law and the minimum guarantees provided under EU law. Moreover, the national courts have competence to rule on the procedural acts of the EPPO and only a few of these acts are subject to EU judicial review. The defendants, in transnational cases, have no foreseeability on the rights and remedies granted to them. This Article is aimed at depicting the main issues that the defence faces in front of the EPPO. More specifically, it focuses on the lack of equality of arms between defence and prosecution in this context. However, the Article proposes some remedies that could be put in place in order to improve the defendant's right to a fair trial, in particular the institutionalisation of a European Criminal Defence network.

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 423-439, I. D'une procédure pénale nationale à une procédure pénale de l'Union européenne. - II. La proposition e-evidence: un compromis classique face à la diversité des procédures pénales au sein de l'Union européenne. - II.1. La fragmentation de la procédure pénale de l'Union européenne. - II.2. L'hétérogénéité des procédures pénales nationales. - III. La proposition e-evidence: une preuve de l'émergence d'une procédure pénale de l'Union européenne. - III.1. Une procédure pénale de l'Union européenne protectrice et efficace. - III.2. Une procédure pénale de l'Union européenne inexorablement entravée., The volatile nature of electronic evidences has compelled the Commission to launch a specific instrument on ac-cess to electronic evidence in cross-border investigations. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to comment on the e-evidence proposal which is currently being discussed between European institutions. Although the chosen method is classic, the subject matter is entirely new. Despite the existence of numerous European laws on the subject, the need for a new instrument is entirely explained by the unstable nature of electronic data. If this Regulation is adopted, it should have the effect of overcoming the diversity of Member States' criminal procedural laws. In other words, this instrument will be superimposed on heterogeneous internal regulations, to be exclusively applied in a transnational context. This unprecedented adoption could be the beginning of a genuine European Union criminal procedural law, independent of Member States ones.

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 405-421, I. La nécessité d'une harmonisation accrue de la procédure pénale européenne. - II. L'existence de garanties protégeant les intérêts des États. - II.1. Un droit primaire garantissant l'efficacité des enquêtes. - II.2. Un droit dérivé garantissant le respect des droits nationaux. - III. L'émergence de garanties protégeant les droits des individus. - III.1. Des garanties implicites fondées sur la Charte. - III.2. Des garanties rejetées par le droit pénal européen., European Union criminal law covers cooperation in criminal matters and the investigative powers granted to European delegated prosecutors. Therefore, it provides for the use of investigative measures interfering with the right to privacy. Those measures are taken on the basis of national law implementing European Union law and they must comply with the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Union. However, the Charter does not explicitly specify the guarantees applicable to such investigative acts. Moreover, the competences of the Euro-pean Union in criminal procedure are intended only to balance the effectiveness of European investigations and the interests of Member States. Therefore, secondary law does not directly aim at protecting fundamental rights. This situation is becoming increasingly problematic insofar as the case law of the Court of Justice itself tends to request guarantees regarding the use of those measures. For example, a minimum degree of suspicion is a requirement that must be met for those measures to be used. Similarly, targeted persons have to be notified of the measure and have access to effective remedies. Such requirements are currently rejected by Europe-an union secondary law.

Building upon the experience of the Convention for the elaboration of the Charter of fundamental rights and upon the suggestions of the White Paper on European Governance, this article puts forward proposals for a better involvement of the ‘civil society’ in the system of the European Union. It offers a general diagnosis of the misunderstandings surrounding the notion of ‘civil society’ and the relationship of representative democracy to participatory democracy. It then draws some lessons from the experiment in deliberative democracy which led to the drafting of the Charter of fundamental rights. Finally, it focuses on the contribution the organisations of the civil society can make to good governance in the European Union. Altogether, the proposals presented tend to encourage a better structuration of the actors of the civil society. Such a structuration, the article concludes, although it is usually considered with suspicion even by those whom it would most benefit, must be seen instead as a condition for the effective exercise of whichever participatory rights might be granted to the organisations of the civil society.

This article describes the various international instruments on copyright and neighbouring rights to which Canada is bound. Through its historical approach, it also shows the evolution of these documents based on the circumstances surrounding their genesis, a process that does not depend on Canada but rather on the international conjunctures of each era. Thus, the first part of the paper concerns treaties that were concluded within the autonomous domain of copyright law, namely the Berne Convention and the Rome Convention. Canada’s accession to the Rome Convention demonstrates an unexpected approach on behalf of a country whose copyright law originated in English law, as this Convention owes its existence to a conception of copyright law that clearly distinguishes between the protection of the work itself and the protection of the " auxiliaries of creation", namely the performers, producers of phonograms, and broadcasters. The second part of the paper is devoted to the more contemporary issue of the inclusion of intellectual property in international and regional trade agreements. For Canada, the focus is on the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), an annex to the WTO Agreement, which has become the international norm. However, it is the implementation of NAFTA that has resulted in the most changes to Canadian copyright law. The third and final part of this article is devoted to the various instruments — both copyright treaties and trade agreements — that have subsequently emerged and in whichboun Canada has participated. They illustrate both an evolution, which has its own dynamics, and which applies to all countries, and a national positioning that corresponds to its political vision of the matter., Cet article présente les différents instruments internationaux en matière de droit d’auteur et de droits voisins auxquels le Canada s’est lié. Par son approche historique, il permet de voir aussi l’évolution de ces textes en fonction des circonstances qui ont entouré leurs genèses, un processus qui ne dépend pas du Canada mais plutôt des conjonctures internationales de chaque époque. C’est ainsi que la première partie du texte vise des traités qui ont été conclus dans l’univers autarcique du droit d’auteur, à savoir principalement la Convention de Berne et la Convention de Rome. En particulier, l’adhésion du Canada à la Convention de Rome démontre une approche inattendue de la part d’un pays dont le droit d’auteur tire ses origines du droit anglais puisque cette convention doit son existence à une conception du droit d’auteur qui fait clairement la distinction entre la protection des oeuvres et celle des «auxiliaires de la création » que sont les artistes-interprètes, les producteurs de phonogrammes, et les radiodiffuseurs. La deuxième partie est consacrée au phénomène plus contemporain de l’inclusion de la propriété intellectuelle dans les accords commerciaux internationaux et régionaux. Pour le Canada, il s’agit surtout de l’Accord de libre-échange nord-américain (ALÉNA) et de l’Accord sur les aspects des droits de propriété intellectuelle qui touchent au commerce (ADPIC), une annexe de l’Accord de l’OMC, ce dernier s’étant imposé comme norme internationale incontournable. C’est cependant la mise en oeuvre de l’ALÉNA qui a provoqué le plus de modifications à la loi canadienne sur le droit d’auteur. La troisième et dernière partie de cet article est consacrée aux divers instruments – tant des traités de droit d’auteur que des accords commerciaux – qui ont vu le jour par la suite et à la négociation desquels le Canada a participé. Ils permettent de prendre acte à la fois d’une évolution, qui comporte sa propre dynamique et qui vaut pour tous les pays, et d’un positionnement national qui correspond à sa vision politique de la matière., Este artículo presenta los distintos instrumentos internacionales sobre derechos de autor y derechos conexos a los que está vinculado Canadá. A través de su enfoque histórico, el artículo también muestra la evolución de estos textos según las circunstancias que rodean su génesis, un proceso que no depende de Canadá sino de las circunstancias internacionales de cada periodo. La primera parte del texto trata de los tratados concluidos en el mundo de los derechos de autor, principalmente con respecto al Convenio de Berna y la Convención de Roma. En el caso concreto de Canadá, la adhesión a la Convención de Roma demuestra un enfoque inesperado por parte de un país cuyo derecho de autor se originó en la legislación inglesa, ya que esta Convención debe su existencia a una concepción del derecho de autor que distingue claramente entre la protección de las obras y la de los " auxiliares de la creación", como los artistas intérpretes o ejecutantes, los productores de fonogramas y los organismos de radiodifusión. La segunda parte está dedicada al fenómeno más contemporáneo de la inclusión de la propiedad intelectual en los acuerdos comerciales internacionales y regionales. En el caso de Canadá, se trata principalmente del Tratado de Libre Comercio de América del Norte (TLCAN) y del Acuerdo sobre los Aspectos de los Derechos de Propiedad Intelectual relacionados con el Comercio (ADPIC), anexo al Acuerdo de la OMC, este último convertido en una norma internacional indispensable. Sin embargo, es la aplicación del TLCAN la que ha provocado más cambios en la legislación canadiense sobre derechos de autor. La tercera y última parte de este artículo está dedicada a los diversos instrumentos - tanto tratados de derechos de autor como acuerdos comerciales - que han surgido posteriormente y en los que Canadá ha participado a negociar. Estos instrumentos permiten tomar acto de una evolución que se vale para todos los países, cada uno con sus propias dinámicas respectivas, al igual que un posicionamiento nacional que corresponde a sus visiones políticas del tema., Gendreau Ysolde. Évolution du droit d’auteur international : un point de vue canadien. In: Revue Québécoise de droit international, Hors-série janvier 2022 – Une passion pour le droit international. Amicorum Discipulorumque Liber : Daniel Turp. pp. 269-289.

European Papers - A Journal on Law and Integration, 2021 6(1), 57-67, European Forum Insight of 14 April 2021, I. Propos introductifs et objet de la controverse. - II. De l'importance de l'étourdissement préalable: le cas particulier de l'étourdissement réversible. - III. L'existence de sensibilités européennes comme justification à l'autonomie des Etats membres dans la détermination du rapport bien-être animal et religion. - IV. La valorisation croissante d'une éthique animale: une prise en compte jurisprudentielle de la sensibilité des européens à l'égard de la protection animale. - V. Le marché intérieur garant de la liberté religieuse. - VI. Réflexions conclusives et perspectives d'évolution de la législation européenne en matière d'abattage des animaux., The Court of Justice of the European Union is once again invited to rule on the conciliation between animal welfare and freedom of religion. Mainly relying on the lack of consensus among the Member States, the Court finds that a national legislation introducing an obligation of reversible stunning is admitted according to Regulation (EC) 1099/2009, art. 13 TFEU and art. 10 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union.

Cadre de la recherche : Le droit français garantit sur le papier aux immigré.e.s le « droit à une vie familiale normale », en permettant aux étranger.ère.s résidant régulièrement en France de se faire rejoindre par leur conjoint.e et leurs enfants mineurs. Objectifs : Cet article se propose d’étudier la manière dont des immigré.e.s engagé.e.s dans un parcours de regroupement familial mènent les démarches administratives les concernant et s’y adaptent. Le dispositif institutionnel du regroupement familial est dédié à la sphère privée, mais fait pourtant l’objet de stratégies collectives au-delà du foyer : l’article se propose d’interroger les conditions de possibilité d’émergence de telles stratégies. Méthodologie : L’analyse repose sur des observations au sein de groupes en ligne de « retour d’expérience » sur la procédure du regroupement familial, et des entretiens semi-directifs menés entre septembre 2020 et janvier 2021 avec des membres de ces groupes. Résultats : Les espaces en ligne constituent une instance de socialisation par le bas au droit au regroupement familial et révèlent un partage genré du travail administratif. Ils sont aussi le lieu de récits et de mobilisations collectives qui de fait, mettent en avant les parcours les plus exemplaires. Conclusions : L’accès au droit au regroupement familial ne doit pas être analysé à la seule échelle du demandeur.euse qui effectue les démarches, mais à celle du couple, et à celle de la mobilisation collective. Le partage de la communauté a des effets contrastés sur l’expérience individuelle et collective du droit, entre soutien et encadrement moral des carrières administratives. Contribution : L’article souligne l’agentivité des familles migrantes pour se réunifier dans le cadre du droit français, et notamment le rôle crucial des conjointes restées à l’étranger, souvent considérées comme les bénéficiaires passives du regroupement familial. Il invite à une réflexion sur l’intériorisation, par les immigré·es, des normes étatiques de sélection de l’immigration familiale., Research framework: French law guarantees on paper the “right to a normal family life” for immigrants, by allowing those legally residing in France to be joined by their spouse and children under 18. Objectives: This article aims to study the way in which immigrants carry out the administrative procedures during a family reunification process, and how they adapt to them. It questions the conditions of the possible emergence of collective strategies for migrant families before the institution, in regard to a measure dedicated to the private sphere. Methods: The analysis is based on observations in online “feedback” groups on the family reunification process, and semi-structured interviews conducted between September 2020 and January 2021 with members of these groups. Results: The online groups constitute a bottom-up instance of socialization with regards to the right to family reunification and reveal a gendered sharing of administrative work. They are also the place for collective narratives and mobilizations that highlight the most successful paths. Conclusions: Access to the right to family reunification should not be analyzed only at the level of the applicant, but also at the level of the couple and of collective mobilization. The community’s sharing has contrasting effects on the individual and collective experience of this right, from support to moral guidance of administrative careers. Contribution: The article underlines the agency of migrant families to reunify under French law, and in particular the crucial role of spouses who have remained abroad, often considered as passive beneficiaries of family reunification. It invites reflection on the internalization by immigrants of the state’s selective norms for family immigration., Marco de la investigación: En teoría, la legislación francesa garantiza a los inmigrantes el “derecho a una vida familiar normal”, permitiendo a los extranjeros que residen legalmente en Francia reunirse con su pareja y sus hijos menores. Objetivos: Este artículo pretende estudiar la forma en que los inmigrantes implicados en un proceso de reunificación familiar realizan los trámites administrativos que les conciernen y se adaptan a ellos. Propone cuestionar las estrategias colectivas de las familias migrantes frente a las instituciones, respecto a un dispositivo dedicado a la esfera privada. Metodología: El análisis se basa en observaciones de grupos de “feedback” en internet sobre el trámite de reunificación familiar, y en entrevistas semiestructuradas realizadas entre septiembre de 2020 y enero de 2021 con miembros de estos grupos. Resultados: Los espacios digitales son una forma de socialización sobre el derecho a la reunificación familiar y revelan una división del trabajo administrativo dependiente del género. También son el lugar de narrativas y movilizaciones colectivas que, de hecho, ponen de relieve los casos más ejemplares. Conclusiones: El acceso al derecho a la reunificación familiar no debe analizarse únicamente a nivel del solicitante, sino también a nivel de la pareja y de la movilización colectiva. Las narrativas compartidas por la comunidad tienen efectos contrastados en la experiencia individual y colectiva del derecho, entre apoyo y control moral de las carreras administrativas. Contribución: El artículo destaca la capacidad de agencia de las familias migrantes para reunirse en el marco del derecho francés. En particular el papel crucial de los esposos, y sobre todo esposas, que se han quedado en el extranjero, y que son a menudo considerado/as como beneficiario/as pasivo/as del trámite de reunificación. Se invita a reflexionar sobre la interiorización, por parte de los grupos involucrados, de las normas estatales de selección de las familias inmigrantes.

International audience; Through a comparison of French and Spanish citizen debt audit groups, this article proposes to re-flect on the ways citizens are likely to intertwin public finances and law in their discourses and prac-tices. We analyze how and why such groups were led to use law and litigation, without being able to interact on a deliberative way with their decision-makers about financial decisions. By taking a com-parative look at the judicial pathways and legal consciousness of citizen-auditors, the paper’s aim is to highlight the difficulties to gets courts to admit critique of the uses of public finance.; À partir d'une comparaison des actions en justice de collectifs d'audit citoyen de la dette en France et en Espagne, cet article propose de réfléchir aux agencements que des citoyens sont susceptibles d'opérer entre finances publiques et droit. Plus particulièrement, il s'agit de voir comment de tels collectifs ont été amené à contester certaines décisions liées aux finances publiques en justice, en l'absence, vis-à-vis de certains décideurs, d'interactions susceptibles de faire émerger une véritable délibération sur les modalités de financement des politiques publiques. En revenant de manière comparative sur les parcours judiciaires et les rapports au droit des auditeurs-citoyens, il s'agit de mettre en valeur les difficultés à consacrer une critique des usages des finances publiques par le medium des arènes judiciaires.

The 1998 law on customary land rights in the history of land policies in Côte d'Ivoire. A political economy of right transfers between ‘autochthons' and ‘strangers' in the Ivorian forest belt. To acknowledge customary land rights and to render them more secure are key issues of land policy in African countries. The recent (1998) land law in Côte d'Ivoire seems to be an apt response to these challenges, in a context of frequent and violent land conflicts between local and migrant cocoa farmers in the forest belt of the country. The settlement of these migrants took place under a patron-client type of relationship (called ‘tutorat’) between them and the customary ‘landowners’, who conceded land administration rights to numerous ‘strangers’ not originating from local communities - nationals as well as foreigners. These conflicts occurred well before the civil war, which broke out in 2002. They were particularly acute in the western part of the forest belt, where a huge pioneer front has expanded since the 1950s and 1960s. The main provisions of the recent law, not yet formally implemented, are as follows: Customary rights are considered as a valid basis for registration, where land rights have not yet been formalized. The law does not recognize land property for foreign settlers. Regarding Ivorian farmers, land rights that are in accordance with ‘tradition’ (by first occupation of the land) are privileged, in distinction to the rights of land administration that were previously transferred to strangers not originating from local communities. In practice, the land rights of an Ivorian settler (or his heirs) must be recognized by the native tuteur (or his heirs) who first transferred the land rights to the stranger. Then, the holder of a ‘land certificate’ has to register it within three years in order to obtain a private property title; if necessary, by dividing the land of a joint family. From a lawyer's point of view, the recent law seems to be significantly innovative compared with previous legislation introduced since the colonial period, legislation that was based on a very centralized land title registration system. The aim of this paper is to suggest an alternative analysis in politico-economic terms of what is referred to as the innovative dimension of the recent law. This analysis is based on the idea that, historically speaking, the key issue in policies relating to customary land rights since the colonial period, including the recent law, has been not so much to make the customary rights more secure, but to enforce the power of the national elite over land transfers - in the customary sphere - between autochthons and migrants. This issue was particularly acute in the western part of the Ivorian forest belt, where forested land was abundant and where the main part of the country's cocoa has been produced since the 1970s (and Côte d'Ivoire is by far the world's largest producer of cocoa). In this paper, I describe the main historical periods from the colonial period onwards by drawing parallels between: -the legal production of the state regarding customary rights; -the political economy of the relationship between the state and the different components (autochthons or settlers) of the peasantry; -and the informal and political way in which the state and the national elite have shaped the customary institution of tutorat in order to control, politically and economically, the benefits of agricultural growth. The main conclusions are: 1.A historical perspective confirms that the control of the national elite over land transfers between autochthons and migrants was actually the key issue in policies relating to customary land rights since the colonial period. The recent law does not depart from this trend and goes so far as to explicitly introduce the distinction between ‘traditional’ holders (autochthons or those who came first) and ‘non-traditional’ holders (‘strangers’, settlers or those who came later, nationals as well as foreigners). 2.Historically, in the most common situation, a more favourable position was given to strangers. The two main reasons have always been that, among the different categories of peasants, (i) the migrants were credited with the major input for the rural development of the country and (ii), being directly dependant on the political elite for the protection of their land rights, they were politically submissive. Seen in this perspective, the recent law represents a departure from this trend. The reason is to be found mainly in the politicization of the land issue. The politics of land has been a recurrent issue in the Ivorian political arena since the colonial period. The failure of the patrimonial and clientelistic mode of governance in the management of the economic crisis, and the return of a large number of young men to their rural homeland to cope with the crisis (particularly in the western region) explain the dramatic break with the previous political compromise concerning the protection of the settlers’ land rights. 3.However, the 1998 law is not entirely innovative. Basically, it takes up again the provisions of the 1955 and 1956 colonial decrees, which were buried after independence. In that period, as in the present one, a more protective policy regarding the autochthons’ land rights was implemented in order to cope with acute land tensions between autochthons and rural migrants. Just as today, these land tensions were highly politicized in the national (then ‘native’) political arena. The dwindling colonial power was confronted by harsh opposition between, on one side, the planters’ trade union and political parties anchored in areas with high emigration and, on the other side, ethnic associations and political parties representing the main areas of migrant settlement (particularly the western part of the forest belt). In the same way, western groups that experienced a strong sense of land dispossession recently interpreted the 1998 law as revenge against both the strangers and the post-independence political elite who encouraged the colonization of ‘their’ forests. 4.Historical analysis makes it clear that legal provisions drawn up by the political elite in order to favour one part of the peasantry or the other, according to the period (the settlers or the autochthons in the colonization areas), had little effect. The ‘legal production’ of laws and decrees clearly expresses the preferences of the political elite. But this does not suffice to enforce them. A locally-centred, political and clientelistic action, and not a legal action, was decisive. In a permanent context of ‘decentralised despotism'(in Mahmoud Mamdani’s words), the legal-administrative action makes itself felt in the form of what Albert Ley, a French lawyer, called the ‘pratique administrative ‘coutumière” (customary administrative practice). It was less a matter of enforcing the law than of regulating by means of political pressure the local customary institutions and conventions relating to land - above all, the institution of ‘tutorat’ between those who came first and latecomers. At present, the political manipulation of the law by politicians and most civil servants repeats the ‘customary administrative practice’ process - this time, however, to serve the opposite political alternative. 5.Broadly speaking, making customary land rights more secure depends less on the technically legal aspect than on the political dimension inherent to public policy. As John Griffiths suggested, the social working of the law matters as much as the contents of the law. Therefore, one cannot interpret the 1998 law on the domain of customary land rights merely as an innovative attempt to secure ‘informal’ rights, for this is only in part true. The rebounds that occurred during the drawing up of the law clearly show that the provisions and rationale of the law reflect the main and antagonistic components of the political agrarian history of Côte d'Ivoire, particularly the state regulation of the customary social institution of ‘tutorat’. The issue at stake in the implementation of the law concerns not only the improvement of legal mechanisms to secure customary rights in general. The implementation of the law will open a Pandora's box of political regulations with which the political elite have imposed their rule regarding the balance of entitlements to land access between autochthons and strangers. This concerns the local anchorage of the state authority and legitimacy, no more and no less. The tragedy is that the current context of political competition is not suited for searching new and clear compromises on the political economy of agrarian change. 6.Finally, one is tempted to think that the more urgent question is: What to do with the 1998 law?

The Mystery of Land Law. Sense and Nonsense of a Voluntaristic Policiy of Generalizing the Private Ownership for the Take Off of the ‘South' s'Economies. The generalisation of land ownership (propriété foncière) has been an ongoing debate in development policies for over a century. This debate does not concern property in general, but focuses on propriété privée (the French equivalent to private ownership) that, according to Article 544 of the French Civil Code, the Code Napoléon, is ‘the right to enjoy and to dispose of things in the most absolute manner, provided the laws and regulations in force are respected'. Its distinguishing feature is the discretionary character of land alienation, the fact of rendering “one's land” external (étranger) to oneself and to a group. And, because the pre-colonial and colonial histories of the societies of the ‘South’ differ widely, the consequences of this alienation have to be assessed case by case. This paper considers that land security is only incidentally linked to the detention of land titles and to the more or less absolute character of the conferred right. The real guarantee can only rest in the public authority that represents the general interest. If this authority is weak, absent, corruptible, hesitant or unduly dominated by the interests of a minority, no title can guarantee the security of transactions as long as a minimum consensus does not legitimate the exercise of the invoked rights. This consensus regarding the puissance publique (‘public power’), the State in its contemporary version, relies fundamentally on the manner according to which the diverse actors of the ‘land law game’ (jeu fonde) imagine this intervention and legitimate its implications. Indeed, there are societies with strong state traditions, and others that disregard it or do not spontaneously trust it. In the present case, we should remember that propriété privée is an invention of and for the market economy and that its generalization is thus linked to the existence of a generalized market. In the absence of a generalized market, propriété privée not only lacks efficacy but is even dangerous: a sledgehammer to crack a nut. Any policy of generalisation of propriété privée would be a nonsense in all societies where the market is not generalised and where there is thus an incomplete ‘marketisation’ (marchandisation imparfaite) of land. It should be noted that this reality must not be seen as a handicap. It can constitute support for a development model that would respect the new requirements of the world economy. In order to understand all the implications, this paper revisits classical political economy and the land law history of French and British societies confronted with the requirements of capitalism. This will permit us to identify the double relationship of ownership / propriété privée as law of the market and as land law (fonde), as markets of ownership rights (droits de propriété). Indeed, there is no market without ownership, and there is no ownership without a market. In situations where the market is not generalised, and cannot be generalised in the mid-term, and where land transactions, when authorised, do not rely on ownership rights (droit de propriété), the situation must be managed such as it presents itself, in a complex but nevertheless coherent way. We are facing the coexistence of diverse legal regimes that are necessary in order to secure the modes of living and the activities of the members of the concerned societies. This pluralism has implications that need to be addressed. In order to shed light on the mystery of land law, an approach is required that is different both in nature and scale from the mimetic policies of the generalisation of private ownership (propriété privée). If the solution stemming from the imagination of the reformer, when confronted with all other imaginations, cannot have the beauty of ‘pureness', such as proposed in Book 2 of the Civil Code of 1804 dealing with biens (goods), it must articulate and render operational legal mechanisms that concur with the stability of exchanges and with the pacification of society. It must be compatible with the demands of modernity, while inscribed in the continuity of endogenous representations of land law representations foncières endogènes). The concepts of patrimoine (common heritage) and patrimonial management (maîtrises patrimoniales) can constitute a conceptual framework for sustainable development approaches that could offer solutions addressing contemporary issues. Indeed, the contemporary issue does not consist in globalizing absolute and exclusive private ownership (propriété privée exclusive et absolue), but rather in mobilizing new forms of ‘patrimonial management’, the principles of which remain to be translated into day-to-day legal regulation.

Cet article concerne essentiellement la phase de formation des cités-États grecques (poleis) en Crète. À partir de nouvelles données archéologiques, cette étude propose quelques réflexions concernant l’apparition de nouvelles élites, les différentes composantes ethniques sur l’île au premier âge du fer, le développement des sanctuaires (surtout les temples urbains) et la mise par écrit des lois civiques dans la Crète archaïque. This paper focuses on the formation process of the Greek cities (poleis) in Crete. Based on new archaeological data, the paper proposes some reflections about the appearance of new élites, the ethnic components on the island in the Early Iron Age, the development of the sanctuaries (especially urban temples) and the writing of civic laws in archaic Crete.

Traditionally, children's literature presents ordinary family situations, close to the child's experience. It contributes to their education and development by showing a child growing up within a supportive family unit. This reassuring universe is the one desired by society, which has gradually organised the legal conditions defining, first with regard to the father and then jointly with regard to both parents, an authority imbued with rights and duties, the aim of which is the child's interest (art. 371-1 of the Civil Code). From the end of the 19th century onwards, this protection of children was built up through a legal arsenal intended by a 'protective state', calling into question the omnipotence of the father, punishing violence, assaults and attacks on children and increasing the penalties when the perpetrator of the offence is an ascendant. These laws, which aim to ensure the protection of children, including in the family sphere, remind us that the latter can be a place of abuse. We wonder how children's literature deals with this sensitive subject?This paper aims to answer two questions through the study of a body of work aimed at primary school children: What do literary texts say about the law when they talk about sexual violence within the family? How do the works express the law on this traumatic subject without traumatising the young reader?, Traditionnellement, la littérature de jeunesse présente des situations familiales ordinaires, proches du vécu du l’enfant. Elle participe alors à son éducation et contribue à son épanouissement en montrant un enfant grandissant au sein d’une cellule familiale qui le soutient. Cet univers rassurant est celui voulu par la société qui a organisé progressivement les conditions juridiques définissant, d’abord à l’égard du père puis conjointement à l’égard des deux parents, une autorité emprunte de droits et de devoirs, ayant pour finalité l’intérêt de l’enfant (art. 371-1 du Code Civil). À partir de la fin du XIXe siècle, cette protection de l’enfance s’est construite à travers un arsenal juridique voulu par un « État protecteur », remettant en cause la toute-puissance paternelle, réprimant les violences, voies de faits et attentats commis contre les enfants et aggravant les sanctions lorsque l’auteur du délit est un ascendant. Ces lois, qui ont pour objectif d’assurer la protection des enfants y compris dans la sphère familiale, rappellent que cette dernière peut être le lieu de maltraitances. Nous nous interrogeons sur la manière dont la littérature de jeunesse porte ce sujet sensible ?Cette communication se propose de répondre à deux questions à travers l’étude d’un corpus d’œuvres destiné aux enfants d’école primaire : Que disent les textes littéraires du droit lorsqu’ils parlent des violences sexuelles à l’intérieur de la famille ? Comment les ouvrages disent-ils le droit sur ce sujet traumatisant sans traumatiser le jeune lecteur ?

International audience; The “radicalisation assessment units” (RAU) are the backbone around which the treatment of radicalized prisoners in French prisons is organised. During 17-week sessions, a dozen prisoners are assigned to RAU for evaluation, before being directed to other places of detention according to the resulting recommendations. This paper analyses the secondary adaptations of prisoners in these units, based on interviews with prisoners undergoing assessment. Firstly, we detail the daily tactics of adaptation to the unit’s security regime, characterized by its high degree of constraints, its reinforced surveillance system, and the intertwining of intelligence activities with the daily functioning of the RAU; these tactics can also take a “strategic” turn, particularly when importing external geopolitical conflicts into detention. In a second step, we examine the prisoners’ adaptations to the assessment process itself. Refusals to participate in the assessment are as rare as forms of “enrolment”, and these adaptations can best be described as forms of “tactical compliance”, in which the prisoners, in a durable effort of self-control, try to avoid missteps, to anticipate and to react to questions and observations made of them.; Les « quartiers d’évaluation de la radicalisation » (QER) constituent l’ossature autour de laquelle s’organise la prise en charge des détenus radicalisés dans les prisons françaises. Lors de sessions de 17 semaines, une douzaine de détenus y sont affectés à des fins d’évaluation, avant d’être orientés vers d’autres lieux de détention selon les préconisations qui en résultent. Cette contribution analyse les adaptations secondaires des détenus dans ce type d’unités, sur la base d’entretiens réalisés avec des détenus en cours d’évaluation. Dans un premier temps, nous détaillerons les tactiques quotidiennes d’adaptation au dispositif sécuritaire de l’unité, caractérisé par son haut degré de contrainte, son dispositif de surveillance renforcé, et l’intrication des activités de renseignements au fonctionnement quotidien du QER ; ces tactiques peuvent également prendre une tournure « stratégique », notamment lorsqu’il s’agit d’importer en détention des conflits géopolitiques extérieurs. Dans un second temps, nous examinerons les adaptations des détenus au processus d’évaluation proprement dit. Les refus de participer à l’évaluation sont aussi rares que les formes d’enrôlement enjoué, et ces adaptations se laissent davantage décrire comme des formes de « conformité tactique », au cours desquelles les détenus, dans un effort permanent d’autocontrôle, tentent d’éviter les faux pas, d’anticiper et de réagir à des questions et des observations dont ils font l’objet.

International audience; This article highlights the involvement of business originated foundations in the development of the law and economics in the U.S. from the end of the Second World War to the Reagan Administration. It presents individual or collective trajectories, as the one of Aaron Director in Chicago with his programs on Antitrust, the Henry Manne’s one, mainly through his training programs for federal judges, and the Robert Bork’s one in both academic and judicial fields. It puts the emphasis on the substantive role played by pro-market business based foundations in the growth of Law and Economics as well as on its impact on federal judges’ rulings; Cet article met en relief l’implication des fondations d’entreprises dans le développement de la Law and Economics aux Etats-Unis de l'après-guerre aux années Reagan. Il s’appuie notamment sur l’analyse de trajectoires individuelles ou collectives, qu’il s’agisse des programmes de recherche menés à l’université de Chicago par Aaron Director autour de l’antitrust, des programmes de formation des juges portés par Henry Manne ou encore des travaux académiques et du parcours judiciaire de Robert Bork. Il met l’accent sur le rôle de fondations d’entreprises pro-marché dans l’essor de la Law and Economics et sur son impact sur les manières de juger

Depuis leur émergence, les notions de Responsabilité de Protéger et de Sécurité Humaine ont fait l’objet d’une réflexion et d’une attention pratique particulière de la part de l’ensemble de la communauté internationale. L’Organisation des Nations Unies qui est l’épicentre de ce phénomène, devait inévitablement se prononcer officiellement sur la signification de ces concepts. Cet article revisite le sens de ces significations et se fondant principalement sur la production normative des Nations Unies et assimilés, il postule qu’elles reposent uniquement sur les principes de l’ordre mondial actuel incarné par la Charte des Nations Unies, se résumant en la souveraineté responsable, en tant que condition de la stabilité internationale. Ainsi, au-delà de toutes les promesses qu’ils semblaient porter en faveur d’une meilleure prise en compte des intérêts des personnes humaines dans les affaires internationales, la Responsabilité de Protéger et de Sécurité Humaine ne sont que de (ré) expressions de l’état d’affaires garanti par la Charte des Nations Unies, ni plus ni moins. Comparativement, les substances objectives de ces concepts, en dévoilant la nature politique des significations qu’ils reçoivent au sein des Nations Unies, dévoilent leur ambiguïté. Koruma sorumluluğu ve insan güvenliği kavramları, ortaya çıkışlarından bu yana düşünce ve uygulama anlamında uluslararası toplumun özel ilgisine konu olmuştur. Bu olgunun merkez üssü olan Birleşmiş Milletler, kavramların anlamları konusunda kaçınılmaz olarak resmi bir pozisyon almak durumundadır. Eldeki çalışma, söz konusu kavramların anlamlarını yeniden gözden geçirmekte ve esas olarak Birleşmiş Milletler ve Genel Kurul’un normatif üretimlerine dayanarak, bunların yalnızca, uluslararası istikrarın koşulu olarak sorumlu egemenlik kavramında özetlenen, mevcut dünya düzeninin Birleşmiş Milletler Şartı tarafından somutlaştırılan ilkelerine dayandığını varsaymaktadır. Bu nedenle koruma sorumluluğu ve insan güvenliği, uluslararası ilişkilerde insanlığın menfaatlerinin daha iyi değerlendirilmesi yönünde verdikleri ve tutulmuş görünen tüm sözlerin ötesinde -ne eksik ne fazla- Birleşmiş Milletler Şartı tarafından garanti edilen hususların sadece (yeniden) ifadeleridir. Bu kavramların objektif özleri, Birleşmiş Milletler içindeki anlamlarının siyasi doğasını açığa çıkararak, bir bakıma belirsizliğini göstermektedir. Since their emergence, the concepts of the responsibility to protect and human security have been subject to a particular thinking and practical attention of the whole international community. The United Nations, which is the epicenter of this phenomenon, had inescapably to take an official position on the meanings of these concepts. This paper revisits the sense of these meanings and mainly based on the normative production of the United Nations and General Assembly, it postulates that they rest only on the principles of the current world order embodied by the United Nations Charter, summing up in the responsible sovereignty, as the condition for international stability. Thus, beyond all the promises they seemed to bear in favor of a better consideration of human beings’ interests in international affairs, the responsibility of protect and human security are just (re)expressions of the state of affairs guaranteed substances of these concepts, by unveiling the political nature of their meanings within the United Nations, show their ambiguity.

En 1825, la colonie française de l’île Bourbon est régie par la loi française mais aussi par des normes spéciales adaptées à un territoire situé à 4 000 lieues des côtes française où la majorité de la population est esclave. L’essor démographique augmentant le contentieux, on peine à trouver des juristes compétents. Les litiges étant souvent spécifiques car liés à l’esclavage ou aux questions agricoles, les autorités locales décident d’établir un établissement dispensant des cours de droit dans lequel le droit local de Bourbon serait enseigné. Trois écoles se succèdent ainsi de 1825 à 1837 trahissant un manque de stabilité dû à des conceptions divergentes de l’évolution de la justice locale, entre une élite coloniale soucieuse du maintien de sa société esclavagiste et une métropole tâchant de promouvoir une société moins compartimentée. Cette communication propose de revenir sur les raisons qui ont justifié l’établissement de trois écoles, mais également les motivations principales des protagonistes qui contribuèrent à l’abandon de l’enseignement pendant un siècle. In 1825, the French colony of Bourbon Island is ruled by French law but also by a special legal system adapted to its territory far from the French coasts where the majority of the population is enslaved. It is hard to find competent lawyers due to the rise of legal cases because of the demographic growth. The disputes being frequently linked to slavery or to farming concerns, the local authorities decide to establish a school of law teaching the local law of Bourbon. Thus, three schools appear and disappear between 1825 and 1837. This lack of stability was due to different conceptions of the future of the local justice, between the colonial elite attentive to slave system upholding and the metropole more concerned by a fairer society. This paper proposes to revisit the reasons which justified the establishment of three schools but also the protagonists’ main motivations, which contributed to end up with law teaching for a century.

We recently conducted a Quebec-wide postal survey designed to assess major stakeholders’ attitudes toward extending medical assistance in dying (MAiD) to non-competent patients with dementia. This paper reports the results of qualitative analyses of the comments left by the respondents at the end of the questionnaire. The questionnaire was mailed to randomly selected representatives of four stakeholder groups: adults 65 years old and over (n=621), informal caregivers of persons with dementia (n=471), nurses (n=514) and physicians (n=653) caring for such patients at the time of the survey. A total of 1,050 questionnaires were returned, of which 420 included comments. Comments were coded into categories, themes and subthemes, and the frequency of categories compared across the four stakeholder groups. Coding enabled identification of 23 themes and five sub-themes clustered into seven major thematic categories. These relate to: 1) the respondent, 2) the survey and questionnaire, 3) persons with dementia, 4) their informal caregivers, 5) the healthcare system, 6) the legal framework governing end-of-life care, and 7) society in general. These categories were identified in all stakeholder groups, although to a varying degree for five of the seven categories. This study highlights the host of factors that may influence a person’s attitude toward extending MAiD to non-competent patients with dementia. It also illustrates how making systematic use of free-text comments can provide valuable insight into attitudes toward complex social policy issues and extend understanding of postal survey findings., Nous avons récemment réalisé une enquête postale panquébécoise pour connaître les attitudes de divers groupes face à l’idée d’étendre l’aide médicale à mourir (AMM) à des personnes en situation d’inaptitude. Nous présentons ici les résultats d’analyses qualitatives des commentaires laissés par les répondants à la fin du questionnaire. Celui-ci avait été posté à quatre groupes cibles: des aînés de 65 ans ou plus (n=621), des proches aidants de personnes atteintes d’un trouble neurocognitif majeur (n=471), des infirmières (n=514) et des médecins (n=653) qui prenaient soin de tels patients au moment de l’enquête. Des 1050 questionnaires retournés, 420 incluent des commentaires. Ces commentaires ont été codés en rubriques, thèmes et sous-thèmes, et la fréquence des rubriques comparée entre les quatre groupes cibles. Le codage a permis d’identifier 23 thèmes et cinq sous-thèmes que nous avons regroupés en sept rubriques principales: 1) le répondant, 2) l’enquête et son questionnaire, 3) les personnes visées par l’extension, 4) leur proches, 5) le système de santé, 6) le cadre législatif qui balise les soins en fin de vie, et 7) la société en général. Ces rubriques ont été repérées dans les quatre groupes cibles, bien qu’à des fréquences différentes pour cinq d’entre elles. La présente étude met ainsi en lumière une panoplie de facteurs susceptibles d’influencer les attitudes face à l’extension de l’AMM aux personnes inaptes. Elle illustre par ailleurs la valeur ajoutée de soumettre des commentaires à une analyse systématique pour mieux comprendre les résultats d’une enquête postale.

Parmi la masse des papyrus grecs retrouvés dans les sables d’Égypte, 31 documents d’époque romaine et du début de la période byzantine contiennent le rapport d’une inspection conduite par un ou plusieurs experts, sur le corps d’hommes, de femmes et d’enfants de toutes conditions sociales, en majorité encore en vie, victimes d’une agression, d’une bagarre, d’un accident ou d’une maladie. Ces rapports s’insèrent dans une procédure administrative qui comprend quatre types de documents : la pétition, l’ordre, le rapport médical, et, en cas de procès, le compte rendu d’audience. L’objectif de cette contribution est de présenter cette procédure, qui constitue incontestablement l’une des premières attestations d’une démarche médico-légale, en illustrant chaque étape au moyen d’un exemple commenté et en accordant une attention particulière à l’expert qui conduit l’inspection, ainsi qu’à son expertise, à savoir le rapport médical. Among the bulk of Greek papyri that was retrieved from Egyptian sands, 31 documents dating back to Roman times and to the early Byzantine period contain the reports of inspections conducted by one or several experts on the bodies of men, women and children of all social conditions, who were still living as regards the majority of them and had fallen victim to either attacks, fights, accidents or diseases. Those reports are part and parcel of administrative proceedings which, such as they could be retraced, included four kinds of documents: the petition, the order, the medical report and, when there was a lawsuit, the reports of proceedings. The aim of this paper is to present these proceedings, which definitely constitute the earliest testimonies of a forensic approach, by illustrating each step with a commented example and by paying special attention to the experts conducting the inspections as well as to their medical reports. Entre la masa de papiros griegos encontrados en las arenas de Egipto, 31 documentos de la época romana y de principios del período bizantino contienen el informe de una inspección llevada a cabo por uno o varios expertos sobre los cadáveres de hombres, mujeres y niños de toda condición social, la mayoría de ellos todavía vivos, y que habían sido víctimas de una agresión, una pelea, un accidente o una enfermedad. Estos informes forman parte de un procedimiento administrativo que, tal y como se ha reconstruido, incluye cuatro tipos de documentos: la petición, la orden, el informe médico y, en caso de juicio, el informe judicial. El objetivo de mi contribución es presentar este procedimiento, que constituye sin duda uno de los primeros testimonios de un enfoque médico-forense, ilustrando cada etapa con un ejemplo comentado y prestando especial atención al perito que realiza la inspección, así como a su pericia, es decir, el informe médico.

This systematic review aims to compare conventional corticotomy with minimally-invasive protocols (MIP). Electronic database, in MEDLINE and CENTRAL, and hand search were performed. Randomized controlled trials (RCTs) and randomized split-mouth designed studies (RSMSs) were selected for inclusion, reporting either the use of a corticotomy procedure or a MIP. The main outcomes were the rate/velocity of tooth movement, type of tooth movement observed, loss of anchorage, periodontal indexes, inflammatory mediators, root resorption, patient's pain experience, impact on the quality of life, and satisfaction. Twenty-two papers were included for the qualitative synthesis, from which ten RCTs and twelve RSMSs. Eighteen of them compared a conventional orthodontic treatment without and with a surgical adjunctive procedure, two with conventional corticotomy and sixteen with a MIP (piezocision, micro-osteoperforations (MOPs) or interseptal bone reduction). Four trials compared a surgical procedure to another one. Corticotomy, piezocision and MOPs are likely to accelerate tooth movement, in decreasing order. Pain is reported to be higher in experimental groups only on the first day after surgery. Patient satisfaction is high after surgical procedures. Loss of anchorage, periodontal indexes, or root resorption occurrence show no differences between groups. Corticotomy stands as the gold-standard procedure for surgically-assisted orthodontics, but piezocision appears as a good compromise solution as well as MOPs, in a lesser extent. MIP are known to accelerate tooth movement only during the first three months.

The serious consequences of school bullying on children’s physical and mental health call for the implementation of effective intervention programs. The goal of this paper is to present the theoretical background, components and effects of the anti-bullying program KiVa, which was designed in Finland in 2006 at the request and with funding from the Ministry of Education. It is currently used in 90 % of Finnish comprehensive schools and in many countries across the world. KiVa is based on the view that students witnessing bullying play a key role in maintaining or stopping it. Therefore, the program targets all students. In Finland, its effectiveness was first demonstrated by a randomized controlled trial (RCT) and then during its nationwide rollout. KiVa significantly reduces bullying and reinforcement of the bullies’ behavior, and increases empathy for the victims. Furthermore, the program has been found to decrease children’s anxiety and depression, and to improve their school motivation, school achievement, and perception of peers. This paper pays special attention to the factors that mediate and moderate the effectiveness of the program.

Notre étude examine la construction de la défense dans un système de droit où l’avocat ne constitue pas encore une présence. Arrivés devant la justice, les hommes et les femmes doivent bien fabriquer leurs stratégies pour dire, à l’aide des mots et des corps, une « vérité » supposée avoir gain de cause. À travers les archives judicaires produites par un tribunal ecclésiastique, nous analysons les comportements de ces acteurs sociaux et leur mise en œuvre. Les réactions et les actions des juges sont un autre objectif de notre recherche. Se tenir devant la justice en dit en effet beaucoup sur le rapport des gens au droit. This paper examines the way of building a defense in a law System where the lawyer, as a public servant, does not exist yet. When men and women were involved in a court case, they had to devise their own strategies to tell with words and gestures a “truth” likely to be heard. In the archives of various ecclesiastical courts, we try to analyze these strategies and how they are put into practice; the responses and choices of the judges are also an important point of our research. How men and women behave in court reveals much of their own relation to law.

Le propos de cet article est d’étudier comment, pourquoi et à quelles fins des hommes et des femmes ont été amenés à répondre de la clandestinité de leur mariage, secret, irrégulier ou informel, devant un juge ecclésiastique de la France de l’Ouest à la fin du Moyen Âge. Certains couples sont cités à comparaître et mis à l’amende parce qu’ils se sont mariés sans publier préalablement les bans, ou sans produire tous les certificats exigés, ou bien sans s’être pliés aux rituels d’une noce in facie ecclesie. Quand l’échange des consentements a pu être prouvé, ils sont condamnés à régulariser a posteriori en solennisant leur union. D’autres personnes ont pu engager d’elles-mêmes une action judiciaire pour être reconnues par le juge comme le conjoint légal d’un partenaire qui peut vouloir s’engager en mariage avec un tiers, ou dont il craigne l’abandon. La dimension informelle de bien des mariages clandestins menace la stabilité du couple et hypothèque la légitimité des enfants s’ils sont assimilés à des concubinages. Mais quand le couple ne remet pas en question l’existence d’une union, irrégulièrement contractée au regard des dispositions synodales, il est possible que le recours au tribunal ou la mise à l’amende par le juge ecclésiastique constitue une option intégrée par ce couple dans le processus matrimonial pour parfaire après coup un mariage qu’il convenait de sceller au plus vite. L’étude des mariages clandestins implique de prendre en considération un grand nombre d’attitudes à l’égard des normes matrimoniales (canoniques, sociales) et de leurs usages par les laïcs. La diversité des déclinaisons possibles de l’infraction de clandestinité explique aussi la diversité des articulations possibles entre couples et justice : le juge sanctionnant, régularisant, les couples subissant ou pouvant instrumentaliser en partie le passage en justice. The purpose of this paper is to study how, why and to what ends men and women in Western France were sued by ecclesiastical judges in the Later Middle Ages for secret, irregular or so-called “clandestine” marriage. Some couples were brought before the court because of a lack of witnesses, banns, or certificates, or for neglecting the requirements of a ceremony in facie ecclesie. They were sentenced to pay a pecuniary fine and, if exchange of consent had been proved, to solemnize their marriage afterwards. Others instituted proceedings in order to be recognized as the legal husband or wife of someone who wanted to marry someone else, or because they feared one of the partners could desert. The lack of ceremony in many clandestine marriages could weaken matrimonial bounds and the legitimacy of children. When the couple did not question the reality of their union, regardless of its defects from a legal viewpoint, standing trial and being penalized could be a possible way to perfect afterwards matrimonial bounds which could have to be quickly contracted. The study of clandestine marriage involves considering many attitudes to the matrimonial norms (canonical, social) and their uses by the laity. Because of the variety of forms of this matrimonial infraction, one has to consider the various forms of judicial repression and the ways it was used or undergone by the couples.

Cette contribution se propose d’illustrer un aspect peu connu de l’institution du mariage tridentin : la problématique au sujet de l’interprétation du décret Tametsi et les requêtes adressées par les évêques de différents diocèses d’Europe et d’ailleurs à la Sacrée Congrégation du concile durant deux siècles (xviiie-xviiie siècles). En analysant la riche documentation recueillie par le pape Benoît XIV, quand il était secrétaire de la Congrégation du concile, et l’œuvre inédite du canoniste Prospero Fagnani, l’auteur met en lumière les points controversés du décret tridentin sur le mariage. Elle met en évidence, aussi, la normative jurisprudentielle sortie des risolutiones données aux questions posées par les évêques à la Congrégation romaine. La formulation de la question, qui se réfère à des épisodes concrets et circonstanciés, fournit un échantillon intéressant de cas de mariages douteux, pour des raisons de nature institutionnelle et rituelle, non pour des conflits à caractère personnel, économique ou social. This paper wants to illustrate an aspect in the institution of Tridentine marriage which is not very well known : the controversy over the interpretation of the decree Tametsi and the requests sent in the 17th and 18th century by the bishops of different dioceses, in Europa and elsewhere, to the Sacred Congregation of the Council. Analyzing the rich documentation collected by pope Benoit XIV when he served as secretary for the Congregation of the Council, and the unpublished work of Prospero Fagnani, the author highlights the controversial points of the decree. She also evidences the prescriptive jurisprudential solution brought to the problem by the resolutiones, the answers that were made to the questions asked by bishops to the Roman congregation. The phrasing of their questions, which refer to specific episodes described in great detail, provides us with an interesting sample of cases of dubious marriages, which were so for institutional and ritual reasons, rather than for personal, economic or social motives.

L’article évoque la façon dont les litiges familiaux ont été traités dans les tribunaux juifs pendant l’époque moderne. L’anthropologie de la loi a fourni les outils méthodologiques pour examiner l’application des traditions rabbiniques, qui ont toujours joué un rôle prépondérant en ce domaine. Les conditions de vie, les contraintes politiques et économiques, et à coup sûr le profil démographique de la diaspora juive en Pologne et en Europe centrale, à Amsterdam et dans plusieurs villes italiennes étaient très diversifiés. Cependant, avec la mise en place de cours de justice juives ou d’institutions juridiques chargées de traiter des litiges familiaux pendant les xvie et xviie siècles, on peut déceler un processus identique : la difficulté des rabbins à maintenir leur contrôle basé sur la loi canonique talmudique. This paper offers a first insight into the way of settling family litigations in Jewish courts in the Early Modern Europe. The Anthropology of the law provided us with methodological tools to examine the enforcement of rabbinic traditions, which have always played a determining part in such questions. Living conditions, political and economic constraints, and the demographic profile of the Jewish diaspora were very different in Poland, Central Europe, Amsterdam, or several Italian cities. However, in the establishment of Jewish courts or legal institutions intended to settle family conflicts in the 16th and 17th century, one can see a similar process at work: the difficulties experienced by rabbis to maintain their control based on canonical Talmudic law.

This paper uses Burundi as its main case study to suggest the creation of an international criminal justice mechanism within the current institutional structures of the East-African Community (EAC). The contribution takes stock of ongoing developments within the African Union towards a regionalization of international criminal justice in Africa. It also draws some of its arguments from a promising practice of the current East-African Court of Justice (EACJ) as an analysis of the court’s case-law in the fields related to the rule of law, governance and human rights shows. The main argument of the article is that trials have a greater potential to achieve some important goals of transitional justice and international criminal justice if they are undertaken by a court with a physical proximity to the areas where crimes were committed, rather than at a global level. Although Burundi is used as the main case study, it is believed that such a mechanism would bring a contribution in the promotion of the rule of law in most of country members of the EAC facing similar rule of law challenges in post-conflict settings. Although the paper highlights the advantages of prosecutions and trials carried out on a regional basis, the author recognizes the necessity for cooperation among national and supra-national actors involved in fighting the impunity of serious crimes, particularly in Africa. For the purpose of a positive complementarity in the administration of international criminal justice, it is suggested that a better approach to an international intervention should recognize geographic proximity as the primary criteria to determine which supra-national judicial institution (sub-regional, continental, global) should have the priority to intervene in the absence of opportunities for justice at the national level. Such solution would better comply with the objectives and rationale of a positive approach to complementarity in this context., Cet article utilise le Burundi comme principal cas d’étude pour proposer la création d’un organe de droit pénal international au sein de la Communauté des États d’Afrique de l’Est (EAC). L’article tient compte des projets en cours au sein de l’Union Africaine vers une régionalisation de la justice pénale internationale en Afrique. Il repose en outre sur une pratique prometteuse de l’actuelle Cour de Justice de l’EAC (EACJ) dans les domaines de la bonne gouvernance, l’État de droit et les droits de l’homme. Même si le Burundi est utilisé comme principal cas d’étude, les arguments avancés valent également dans les contextes de la plupart des États membres de la Communauté en situation de transition post conflit, avec des défis comparables en matière d’État de droit. L’argument principal de l’article repose sur l’idée qu’une mise en oeuvre régionaliste du droit pénal international offre des avantages uniques ainsi qu’un potentiel plus élevé pour atteindre des objectifs d’une importance capitale dans les contextes post conflit d’administration de la justice pénale internationale. Par conséquent, l’auteur propose qu’en cas de conflits de compétence entre des juridictions toutes supra-nationales (sous-régional, continental, international), envisageables dorénavant, la juridiction internationale ayant la plus grande proximité avec le territoire du pays où les crimes ont été commis jouit d’une priorité d’intervention, à défaut de poursuites nationales. Situant cet argument dans le contexte de la crise que connait la Cour Pénale Internationale (CPI) sur le continent africain, l’auteur soutient qu’en théorie cette solution qui revient à promouvoir les juridictions régionales comme sphères privilégiées d’application du droit pénal international ne s’inscrit pas nécessairement en porte à faux avec une bonne coopération en matière d’intervention pénale internationale. Au contraire, cette solution est règle générale mieux conforme aux fondements et aux buts d’une politique de complémentarité positive en matière d’intervention pénale internationale dans le contexte d’une pluralité de juridictions supra-nationales de droit pénal international., Este artículo propone la creación de un cuerpo de derecho penal internacional en la Comunidad del África Oriental (EAC), para esto utiliza como principal caso de estudio a Burundi. El artículo tiene en cuenta los proyectos en curso dentro de la Unión Africana hacia una regionalización de la justicia penal internacional en África. Así mismo, considera la jurisprudencia del Tribunal de Justicia actual de la EAC (EACJ) en las áreas de buen gobierno, el estado de derecho y los derechos humanos. El principal argumento es desarrollado con base a la idea de que una aplicación regionalista del derecho penal internacional ofrece una mejor solución para cumplir los principales objetivos de la justicia penal internacional en contextos de post-conflicto, los cuales son difíciles de cumplir en un contexto global. Aunque Burundi se utiliza como caso de estudio principal, los argumentos pueden también ser aplicados a los contextos de post-conflicto de la mayor parte de los Estados miembros de la Comunidad. El autor sugiere que en el caso de un conflicto de competencia entre los tribunales supranacionales (sub regional, continental, internacional), el tribunal internacional con mayor proximidad al territorio del país donde se cometieron los crímenes tienen prioridad de jurisdicción. Esta solución satisface mejor las bases de una política de complementariedad positiva en la administración de la justicia penal internacional en ese contexto., Nkurunziza Nestor. Les dimensions et les dynamiques régionales et internationales de la justice transitionnelle au Burundi : proposition de création d’un organe de droit pénal international au sein de la Communauté est-africaine. In: Revue Québécoise de droit international, Hors-série décembre 2017 – Etudes de certains grands enjeux de la justice internationale pénale. pp. 167-203.

The European Union (EU) often conditions preferential access to its market on compliance with Non-Trade Policy Objectives (NTPOs), including human rights and labor and environmental standards. In this paper, we first systematically document the coverage of NTPOs across the main tools of EU trade policy: its (association and non-association) trade agreements and Generalized System of Preferences (GSP) programs. We then discuss the extent to which the EU can use these tools as a ‘carrot-and-stick’ mechanism to promote NTPOs in trading partners. We argue that, within trade agreements, the EU has limited scope to extend or restrict tariff preferences to ‘reward good behavior’ or ‘punish bad behavior’ on NTPOs, partly because multilateral rules require members to eliminate tariffs on substantially all trade. By contrast, GSP preferences are granted on a unilateral basis, and can thus more easily be extended or limited, depending on compliance with NTPOs. Our analysis also suggests that the commercial interests of the EU inhibit the full pursuit of NTPOs in its trade agreements and GSP programs.

This paper attempts to define a post-sovereign conception of law. It is based on the Austinian theory of the performative, and on the discussions of this theory by Derrida and Butler, but also on t...

Background Bayesian methods, with the predictive probability (PredP), allow multiple interim analyses with interim posterior probability (PostP) computation, without the need to correct for multiple looks at the data. The objective of this paper was to illustrate the use of PredP by simulating a sequential analysis of a clinical trial. Methods We used data from the Laryngobloc trial that planned to include 480 patients to demonstrate the equivalence of success between a laryngoscopy performed with the Laryngobloc® device and a control device. A crossover Bayesian design was used. The success rates of the two laryngoscopy devices were compared. Interim analyses, computed from random numbers of subjects, were simulated. Results The PostP of equivalence rapidly reached the predefined bound of 0.95. The PredP computed with an equivalence margin of 10% reached the efficacy bound between 352 and 409 of the 480 included patients. If a frequentist analysis had been made on the basis of 217 out of 480 subjects, the study would have been prematurely stopped for equivalence. The PredP indicated that this result was nonetheless unstable and that the equivalence was, thus far, not guaranteed. Conclusions Based on these interim analyses, we can conclude with a sufficiently high probability that the equivalence would have been met on the primary outcome before the predetermined end of this particular trial. If a Bayesian approach using PredP had been used, it would have allowed an early termination of the trial by reducing the calculated sample size by 15–20%.

International audience; Codifying international divorce. Some remarks about the GEDIP project The EU legislator has modified once again the so-called Brussels 2 bis Regulation. The new regulation 2019/1111 adds new provisions on parental responsibility and child abduction, but leaves those on divorce largely untouched. To the contrary, the GEDIP, an expert group of academics in private international law from across Europe, has established an indepth proposal for a new regulation on divorce. This paper analyzes the proposal which seeks to modernize and improve the current situation that has been widely criticized. The proposed regulation covers choice of law, jurisdiction and recognition. It allows limited party autonomy, both in jurisdiction and choice of law, and suggests significant improvements of the provisions on objective jurisdiction. It also recommends a recognition mechanism that would apply to judgements from third States and provides for a comprehensive set of rules concerning private divorces.

The Legal Regime of ‘Land Ownership' (propriété foncière) in Cameroon. The French and British legal systems inherited by Cameroon from the colonial period have greatly influenced its land law. This legal pluralism places Cameroon's land property law between traditional and modern law. In fact, there are two conceptions of land property in the contemporary context. The pre-colonial concept, based on customs and traditions, is drawn from the African conception, which is particularly based on the relationship between human beings and the soil and which invests collectivities with land ownership. Then, the post-colonial conception gives land rights to individuals. Cameroon's legal rights are therefore torn between these two conceptions that hardly co-exist and that are impossible to apply, in spite of all the legal reforms that have been made since 1960. There are two mains causes: the incoherence of the actual normative dispositions and the inability of the authorities to elaborate consensual land policies. The objective of this paper is to analyse the government's land property policy, its seizure of land ownership. It is also an attempt to present some of the causes and to propose an alternative to the state's land property vision. It is concerned with the problematic and basic question: How to give an account of the question of access to land and secure land property in Cameroon? With this in mind, this dialectic study then covers three main aspects: - the uncertainty of rules granting the right to acquire land, and the determination to dispose of the traditional manner of land acquisition. - the contestation of all legal categories of land property - the difficulty for women to have access to land. The opposition between customary law and the written law in Cameroon is clearly illustrated in the various conceptions of land ownership, as well as in the authorities’ concept of land distribution and in the modalities thereof. Land property legislation in Cameroon, while investing individuals with land ownership, also communities with the possibility to own land. The concept of national estate, which has replaced the former notions of ‘vacant land with no owner’ or the ‘national collective estate’, has only one objective: to give the control over the land in Cameroon to the state. This notion concretizes the objective of economic and social development adopted by the great reform in 1974. The national estate is then the government’s legal instrument for intervention in land property. However, the government and the local communities have not been able to agree and the conflict is heading towards an impasse. This is characterised by the situation of many women, mostly in the rural sector, who find themselves deprived of their legal right to acquire land, despite the constitutional and legislative regulations giving equal rights to both sexes.

Non-Wood Forest Products and Forest Management in Kerala: Rights of Use and Rights of Control. The mountains of the Western Ghats of Kerala (South India) are renowned for their rich biodiversity. Kerala is the birthplace of the traditional system of medicine Ayurveda, which is based on medicinal plants. The Ayurvedic industry has been booming since 1980, with an increasing demand on national and international levels. Cultivation of medicinal plants is still very low and 93% of the raw materials used in Ayurvedic drugs come from the natural environment, mostly from forest areas. The question of the supply capacity of the forest ecosystem is crucial in a context in which economic interests and biodiversity conservation are confronted. This opposition also exists between the policies for the protection of forest resources and the realities of its use. The challenge of balancing the economic interests, environmental concerns and social welfare of local forest-dependent populations is at the basis of thinking about sustainable development for forest areas. From national institutions to local populations, different actors are involved on the local level in the collection and marketing of non-wood forest products, including medicinal plants. They are developing management strategies that are described in this paper as logics of space, use and power. An analysis of the legal documents related to forest management shows an evolution from a view focusing on the productivity of forest resources to a conservationist perspective. The place of the local populations in these policies has been ambiguous. Only the National Forest Policy, 1988, finally recognised their user rights to the forest and advised the development of ‘participatory management’. The state system of marketing of forest products created in Kerala in 1978 is based on cooperative societies, the members of which are exclusively adivasi (‘tribal’). The federation of these societies has the monopoly on the supply and marketing of forest products. While the collection activity relies on a network of cooperatives, the final marketing of forest products is therefore centralised. The system is based on collaboration between state institutions, from the fixing of the prices to the transport of the products. However, the cooperative system is in competition with a strong private sector, which is the real power in the market. In order to reduce the gap between the cooperative system and local realities, some societies unofficially take products from non-adivasi collectors. The collectors themselves also collaborate to have all of them included in the system, despite their status. The private sector attracts both allowed and non-allowed collectors. The control of the activity is creating competition between state institutions (VSS v. Society) and within the same state institution (among societies for the forest ranges). The collectors adapt themselves to changing structures, as far as they have an outlet for their products, but the VSS (Vana Samrakshana Samithi - Committee for Forest Conservation), a creation of Joint Forest Management policy, is seldom seen as a way of participating in the decision-making process. Participatory management, linked to the idea of ‘good governance’, also modifies the sharing of responsibilities for forest protection as well as degradation. Currently, the transfer of power between authorities and local populations deals more with the idea of ‘responsibility for misconduct’ than of ‘responsibility for a project’, which alone could lead to real empowerment. Finally, the collectors are in the centre of a rivalry game between state institutions and between the federation and the private sector. Despite the idea of participative management, the forest continues to be controlled by outsiders. Adivasi collectors enjoy a right of use of resources, but not a right of control over their activity. The effort of collection compared to the price obtained on the market makes this activity one of the least remunerated. This, added to competition by other collectors who are not recognised by the authorities, makes the long-term management of forest resources a difficult challenge.

Rules, Strategies and Contracts in the Field of Land Law: A Reflexion on Theory and Practices through Field Works in Maghreb, Black Africa and Madagascar. The aim of this paper, written by an economist, is to provide an interdisciplinary perspective on selected land tenure issues in the African continent. During the 1980s, land tenure issues were considered as one of the main stumbling blocks for the promotion of rural development, and have thus become a matter of new interest for rural economists, especially for ‘new institutional economists', who emphasize the role of institutions in minimising transaction costs. The cases presented in this text show that, although such a conceptual framework provides a useful key for analysis, the researcher is still confronted with the risk of ‘over-interpreting’ the social practices so that they correspond with the theory used as the interpretative framework. Such an intellectual bias was already observed and conceptualised by Bourdieu in the 1970s, but it is still recurrent in social science fieldwork. The first case study deals with ‘collective lands’ in north-west Morocco. The absence of individual land ownership was seen as a key feature of so-called ‘local communities', which were supposed to be ruled by a collective land tenure system. The periodic (generally on an annual basis) re-allocation of fields among shareholders seemed to be, for many social scientists, one of the main characteristics of such lands. It was explained as a means to avoid the risk of overly pronounced social differences within the local group. This point has also sometimes been highlighted to ‘explain’ African behaviour concerning low investment and accumulation (in-)ability. Fieldwork coupled with historical inquiries has shown that egalitarian and recurrent land redistribution had been instituted by administrators during the French Protectorate. This redistribution was based on biased and selective observations made by colonial jurists in the early twentieth century, and was perpetuated for political objectives until after independence. Such ‘invention of tradition’ illustrates the risk of confusion between the intellectual pattern, developed to give an understanding of the practices, and the practices themselves, which follow their own specific dynamics. It also underscores the fact that what is presented to the external observer as ‘rules’ is subject to many exceptions that sometimes reveal more about the social dynamics of the local society than about the ‘traditional rule’ considered as immoveable. A well-known conceptual framework derived from the public choice theory distinguishes between private, public, ‘club/toll’ and ‘common’ goods, and suggests that the intrinsic characteristic of the goods should be the basis for designing its property and management regime. Such a framework is not fully suitable for analysing land tenure in Africa, since the land is often characterised by several layers of tenure, the features of which can vary with time and according to the identity of the holder. The role of collective representations is critical here in order to assess what is acceptable or not, beyond the hypothesis of the ‘intrinsic nature’ of the land, and also to evaluate the choices made by societies regarding what should be private and what should be common or public. In addition, the nature of the tenure itself cannot be assessed without a comprehensive view of what is at stake among actors in the field and vis-à-vis the government. The ‘Rural Land Tenure Plan’, supported by foreign donors and tentatively implemented in certain West African countries, was designed to ‘record the local rights’ as they were declared by stakeholders. But the process failed to capture the real nature of the land rights because the technicians in charge of the operation were unable to elaborate tenure categories that would have been able to reflect the diversity of the local situations. Thus, the operation, far from providing a neutral picture of the land tenure situations, produced a new layer of interpretation of the local realities which, in its turn, will be appropriated and used in the individual strategies of local actors. One of the shortcomings of the new institutional economics is its tendency to see the evolution of institutions through the exclusive prism of the minimisation of the transaction costs to achieve economic efficiency. Boserup’s theory linking agricultural intensification, enclosure and demographic growth can be read as a verification of such a narrative of ‘the emergence of institutions according to historical necessity'. Studies carried out in northern Burkina Faso, where demographic growth has been accompanied by ‘extensification’ and by natural resource degradation, suggest a less straightforward picture. Socio-economic evolution has led to individualism, and the will to avoid social conflicts within the different parts of the population motivated the upholding of land access rules and the blocking of possibilities of intensification. A comparable analysis can be made regarding agrarian contracts in Madagascar. According to the literature influenced by new institutional economics, the choice of a given type of contract (land lease, sharecropping, etc.) was directly determined by market failures and risk aversion, and the persistence of sharecropping in many developing countries was typical of hazardous contexts, with priority given to economic security over efficiency. Madagascar, an island frequently crossed by hurricanes, would have been typical of such a situation. However, a field study showed how peasants managed to remove the risk entailed in annual payment associated with land lease thanks to their social capital and the common acquaintance between landlords and tenants. Here, too, economics is embedded in social relations and practices. Thus, the theory seems to be more effective in categorizing and explaining the rationale behind the choice of contract a posteriori, than in predicting the contract pattern one will find in the field.

Access to Land and to Natural Resources Management in Madagascar's Highlands. Customary Practices and the Logic of ‘Securization' of Rights. Land management in Madagascar is characterized by insecurity. This situation is due to a gap between official and customary law. Over the last decades, the lack of recognition of the informal practices of peasants and other traditional actors has exacerbated insecurity and has reduced the State to a mere producer of ever-increasing articles of laws, which are mostly not applied and which are ignored by rural populations. The latter thus turn to social mechanisms for land management, especially as concerns the recognition of rights to land and conflict regulation. In this context, we propose a sociological analysis of peasant land management in terms of intergenerational land transfer. This work is a result of research in the Programme 4D (Institut de recherche pour le développement) and is based on a qualitative survey with thirty heads of households (mostly men). The questions of the directive and semi-directive interviews concerned the modes of land transmission and of land management. We also tried to understand the social mechanisms for the securing of land tenure rights in the rural population. In the highlands of Madagascar, land exchanges through marketization are increasing rapidly. Our research on these practices reflects the socio-economic living situation of the rural community, which is characterized by extensive poverty. In the village under inquiry, the number of transactions registered with the village head rose from ten in 2001 to thirty-nine in 2005. It is interesting to understand the reasons for the increasing transactions in this area, especially in the local context of land scarcity. In order to promote a better distribution of farmlands among the rural households, one of the major issues of policies aiming at securing land rights would consist in facilitating a fluid exchange of land rights through marketization. Today, the need of the rural communities for a ‘securization’ of rights is urgent. Nevertheless, these rights gain reality only through local socio-institutional practices and not through the very unsatisfactory system of land registration at the state level. To address the current political will to institute an ambitious land reform in the country, attention must be drawn to these customary practices, which must be analyzed and taken into account in order to provide a basis for a sustainable policy of land management. After presenting the methodology of the research, the paper approaches the modes of land transmission before detailing the status and the role of the actors in customary land management. Finally, the practice of land marketization, in spite of the scarcity of arable land in a context of rapid population growth and of extensive poverty, is addressed. In conclusion, we show how all these practices are combined in an initiative to secure the rights to land on a local basis for lower costs.

This paper looks at the blockages to the publication of children’s literature caused by the intellectual climate of the postwar era, through a case study of the editorial policy of Hachette, the largest publisher for children at this time. This period witnessed heightened tensions surrounding the social and humanitarian responsibilities of literature. Writers were blamed for having created a culture of defeatism, and collaborationist authors were punished harshly in the purges. In the case of children’s literature, the discourse on responsibility was made more urgent by the assumption that children were easily influenced by their reading material, and by the centrality of the young to the discourse on the moral reconstruction of France. As the politician and education reformer Gustave Monod put it: “penser l’avenir, c’est penser le sort des enfants et de la jeunesse.” These concerns led to the expansion of associations and publications dedicated to protecting children and promoting “good” reading matter for them, and, famously, to the 1949 law regulating publications for children, which banned the depiction of crime, debauchery and violence that might demoralise young readers. Using the testimonials of former employees, along with readers’ reports and editorial correspondence preserved in the Hachette archives, this paper will examine how individual editorial decisions and self-censorship strategies were shaped by the 1949 law with its attendant discourse of moral panic on children’s reading, and how national concerns for future citizens were balanced with commercial imperatives. Cet article examine les obstacles à la publication de la littérature jeunesse pendant la période de l’après Seconde Guerre mondiale. Ces obstacles, dus au climat intellectuel de l’époque, sont explorés à travers le cas de la politique éditoriale de Hachette, alors le plus gros éditeur de littérature jeunesse. L’après-guerre a vu une augmentation des tensions au sujet du rôle social et humanitaire de la littérature. On a accusé certains écrivains d’entretenir une culture de la défaite et les auteurs « collabos » ont été punis pendant les purges. Le cas de la littérature jeunesse apparaissait d’autant plus préoccupant que l’on pensait que les enfants étaient aisément influencés par leurs lectures, et que, dans le discours de reconstruction morale du pays, la jeunesse occupait une place centrale. C’est bien ce que voulait dire Gustave Monod, homme politique et réformateur en matière d’éducation, lorsqu’il déclarait que « penser l’avenir, c’est penser le sort des enfants et de la jeunesse ». Ceci eut pour conséquence une prolifération d’associations et de publications visant à protéger les enfants et à promouvoir de « bonnes lectures ». En découla également la célèbre loi de 1949 qui règlementait les publications destinées à la jeunesse. La loi interdisait toute description de crime, de débauche ou de violence qui soit de nature à démoraliser les jeunes lecteurs. Cet article se base sur des témoignages d’anciens employés de Hachette, sur des rapports de lecture et des correspondances conservées dans les archives de l’éditeur, et analyse la manière dont la loi de 1949, avec son discours empreint de crainte morale, a pesé sur les décisions éditoriales individuelles et les stratégies d’auto-censure. L’article analyse également le difficile équilibre entre les préoccupations nationales pour les citoyens en devenir et les impératifs commerciaux.

Cet article analyse vingt ans d’intervention étatique dans les relations entre la grande distribution et ses fournisseurs en traitant simultanément la production des lois et leur mise en application. Centré sur la Direction générale de la concurrence, de la consommation et de la répression des fraudes (DGCCRF), une direction centrale du ministère de l’Économie, le récit entend restituer à la fois le travail d’élaboration des lois par l’administration et les opérations de mise en conformité des enseignes de distribution. L’administration a délibérément créé de l’incertitude juridique pour protéger les fournisseurs de la grande distribution. Ce recours à l’incertitude juridique contre des acteurs économiques réputés plus puissants est un résultat original au regard de la littérature en sociologie du droit. Toutefois, après une dizaine d’années, cette stratégie n’a plus eu le même succès. La DGCCRF a souffert de la concurrence avec d’autres acteurs publics souhaitant intervenir dans ce domaine et les grandes enseignes de la distribution sont parvenues à appliquer formellement les nouvelles règles, sans pour autant changer leurs pratiques à l’égard des fournisseurs. This paper analyses twenty years of state intervention in the business relations between french supermarket chains and their suppliers, considering both the making of the regulations and their implementation. The narrative focuses on the Ministry of Economics department responsible for economic competition and consumer protection (DGCCRF : “Direction générale de la concurrence, de la consummation et de la répression des fraudes”). The paper studies how bureaucrats drafted new laws and how supermarket chains complied with them. In order to protect suppliers, DGCCRF deliberately created legal uncertainty. The successful use of legal uncertainty against supposedly more powerful economic players is an original case according to sociology of law. Halfway through the twenty-year period, however, the effectiveness of this strategy of legal uncertainty sharply decreased. Two explanations for this decline in effectiveness are examined. First, DGCCRF faced competition from other bureaucratic bodies, which promoted different regulatory projects for the retail sector. Second, supermarket chains gradually learned how to comply with the regulations on a formal level, without altering their actual business conduct with their suppliers.

Cette étude est une réflexion sur la relation entre appartenance et protection de la liberté de conscience et de religion à la lumière de l’interprétation de l’article 9 de la Convention européenne des droits de l’homme par la Cour de Strasbourg. La question s’articule autour de l’individualisme moderne en matière religieuse et de la position des autorités (administratives ou judiciaires) face à une demande de liberté religieuse non régulée par les communautés religieuses. This paper proposes a reflection on the relationship between belonging and protection of freedom of conscience and religion in the light of the interpretation of Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights by the Strasbourg Court. The issue revolves around modern individualism in religious matters and the position of the authorities (administrative or judicial) when faced with a demand for religious freedom that is not regulated by religious communities.

In free navigation applications, any viewpoint to a three-dimensional scene can be synthesized through Depth Image-Based Rendering (DIBR). In this paper we show that XSlit cameras achieve up to 3 dB PSNR gain over conventional pinhole camera arrays when synthesizing virtual views to the scene with DIBR for small camera displacements. XSlit cameras are a type of general linear cameras where the light rays pass through two non-intersecting slits instead of a single point (the optical center of conventional cameras), resulting in a different epipolar geometry and projection equations. Instead of synthesizing virtual views with DIBR from a set of conventional pinhole cameras, e.g. a stereo camera pair, a single XSlit camera exploits the distance between its slits and their relative rotation to obtain disparity, out of which DIBR virtual views can be synthesized. We first present a theoretical study to present the parameters of XSlit cameras, different from pinhole cameras, at the same time making sure that the XSlit camera is physically implementable. We then validate the study with DIBR achieved on synthetic content using perfect depth maps obtained from an in-house modified version of Blender's engine Cycles to simulate XSlit cameras. The virtual view synthesis uses an adapted version of the Reference View Synthesis software used in MPEG, the worldwide standardization committee for media compression. Our experiments show that for the same overall space covered by the studied camera architectures, XSlit cameras often obtain better DIBR view synthesis results, with up to 3 dB PSNR gain., SCOPUS: cp.p, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

« La contestation du jury montre que la méfiance manifestée par la population à l’égard de sa justice et de ses juges se double d’une méfiance au moins égale et plus ancienne des juges professionnels à l’égard des citoyens, comme d’ailleurs des politiques ».(Benoît Frydman, « La contestation du jury populaire : symptôme d’une crise rhétorique et démocratique », Working Papers, Centre Perelman de philosophie du droit, 2007, p. 19).« Le palais de justice écrase souvent par sa monumentalité et p...

Dans cette contribution, l’auteur examine les règles de droit canadien et québécois qui encadrent la prise en compte de la religion dans les décisions relatives à la santé et à l’éducation des enfants, décisions habituellement prises par les parents et parfois par les enfants eux-mêmes. Les lois adoptées dans ce domaine par le Parlement fédéral et les législatures provinciales, les lois québécoises faisant l’objet d’une attention particulière, peuvent être contestées comme ne respectant pas les droits constitutionnels des intéressés, tant les parents que les enfants. On évoquera donc les principales décisions de la Cour suprême du Canada dans lesquelles la Cour a été amenée à mettre en balance les droits des parents et ceux des enfants et à concilier le degré d’autonomie décisionnelle du mineur et la protection de sa vie et de sa santé. In this paper, the author examines the rules of Canadian and Quebec law governing the consideration of religion in decisions relating to health and education of children, decisions that are usually made by parents and sometimes by children themselves. The legislation adopted, in their respective fields, by the federal Parliament and the provincial legislatures, Quebec laws being accorded special attention, can be challenged as not respecting the constitutional rights of parents or children. We will thus consider the main decisions of the Supreme Court of Canada on the issue, in which the Court had to balance the rights of parents, those of children and reconcile the minors autonomy of decision-making and the protection of his/her life and health.

Le régime belge de relations entre l’État et les communautés religieuses et philosophiques reconnues se traduit notamment par des soutiens financiers aux bâtiments affectés au culte ou à l’assistance morale. Ces interventions s’inscrivent pour l’essentiel dans un dispositif hérité de l’époque concordataire française, peu remis en cause par la large régionalisation de la matière. Ce dispositif est aujourd’hui sous tension, car il doit répondre à des situations contrastées, entre cultes reconnus au xixe siècle – généralement en déclin – et cultes reconnus plus récemment – généralement en expansion. La situation est également complexifiée par des différences liées à la propriété des bâtiments ou à leur classement au titre du patrimoine culturel. La présente contribution questionne l’équité du dispositif et aborde les développements possibles. The Belgian regime of relations between the State and religious or philosophical communities results notably in financial support for buildings used for worship and moral counselling. Those interventions are essentially a legacy of the French Concordat, largely unchallenged by the regionalization process. Today, it has to respond to contrasting situations between religions recognized in the 19th century – generally declining – and more recently recognized ones – generally expanding. An additional complication originates in differences in ownership of the buildings or their classification as listed buildings. After presenting the situation by religious and philosophical community and level of power, this paper questions the equity of the system and addresses the possible developments.

Cet article met en lumière certains défis posés au patrimoine religieux estonien, dans le contexte sécularisé du début du xxie siècle. La collaboration entre le gouvernement et l’Église évangélique luthérienne a permis la création de programmes de sauvegarde des édifices du culte ayant une valeur culturelle et historique, malgré des ressources financières limitées. Surtout, il s’agit de montrer comment les sites naturels sacrés sont devenus une question majeure dans le domaine de la protection du patrimoine religieux. The article pays attention on some of the new challenges for the Estonian religious heritage, in the secularized beginning of the 21st century. Despite limited financial resources, the collaboration between the government and the Evangelical Lutheran Church has resulted in the creation of programs aimed at protecting church buildings of historical and cultural value. Above all, this paper concentrates on the sacred natural sites that have become a key issue in the area of religious heritage protection.

Cet article présente un dossier inédit de documents concernant les chrétiens de Damas à la fin du ixe siècle. Conservés au moyen de leur copie dans deux manuscrits tous deux datables approximativement du xe-xie siècle, ces neuf documents rédigés en arabe ont été produits à l’occasion d’un conflit au sein de l’Église melkite de Syrie en 277/890‑891. Il ressort de l’analyse que David, évêque métropolitain de Damas, a lui-même réuni ces documents à charge contre son adversaire Siméon, patriarche d’Antioche. La plainte de David de Damas aux deux autres patriarches, Élie de Jérusalem et Michel d’Alexandrie, contre Siméon d’Antioche, est éditée et traduite en français en annexe de l’article. La plainte de l’évêque, les réponses et avis juridiques émis par les deux patriarches, la lettre des habitants d’Antioche (ahl Anṭākiya) et, enfin, un jugement antérieur du patriarche Théodose d’Antioche, apportent de précieuses informations sur la hiérarchie ecclésiastique melkite contemporaine et donnent un aperçu du fonctionnement de la justice ecclésiastique et de l’utilisation du droit canonique. Le conflit implique aussi des laïcs chrétiens et musulmans de Damas, autour de l’administration des revenus et des propriétés de l’Église, dont une boulangerie (furn al‑kanīsa). Le pouvoir toulounide figure en arrière-plan d’un conflit essentiellement géré par les autorités ecclésiastiques de l’espace syro‑égyptien. This paper presents an unpublished dossier of documents related to the Christians of Damascus in the late 9th century. Preserved through their copy in two manuscripts datable to the 10th or 11th century, these nine documents written in Arabic were issued on the occasion of a conflict that happened among the Melkite Church in Syria in 277/890‑891. The documents prove to have been gathered by David the metropolitan bishop of Damascus, against his adversary Simeon the patriarch of Antioch. The complaint of David of Damascus against Simeon of Antioch, addressed to the two other patriarchs, Elias of Jerusalem and Michael of Alexandria, is edited and translated into French as an appendix to this article.The complaint of the bishop, the answers and legal opinions expressed by the two patriarchs, along with the letter of the people of Antioch (ahl Anṭākiya) and an earlier sentence of the patriarch Theodosius of Antioch, shed light on the Melkite ecclesiastical hierarchy of the time and give new insights into how the ecclesiastical justice was working and the canon law was used. The conflict also implies Christian and Muslim laymen of Damascus about the administration of the Church income and properties, among which a bakery (furn al-kanīsa). The Tulunid power remains in the background of a conflict which is mainly handled by the ecclesiastical authorities of the Syro‑Egyptian area.

This paper deals with the meanings of compensation in the Maghreb, based on the example of blood money (diya). I present the ways in which diya is applied in different countries and contexts. It is thus integrated into the penal code and judicial practice in Mauritania and Sudan, while in Algeria and Morocco it is not enshrined in criminal law and is sometimes used, even today, outside (and in addition to) judicial mechanisms. I show that this is a practice that is evolving and adapting to the transformations of societies (evolution of amounts according to crimes, progressive erasure of distinctions according to the sex, age and social status of the victim and the offender). The analysis of diya, between social groups, will allow us to identify similarities and differences with compensation when it is provided by the State or the political authorities of a country., Cet article porte sur les significations de la compensation au Maghreb, à partir de l’exemple du prix du sang (diya). Je présente les manières dont la diya est appliquée selon les pays et les contextes. Elle est ainsi intégrée au code pénal et à la pratique judiciaire en Mauritanie et au Soudan, alors qu’en Algérie et au Maroc elle n’est pas inscrite dans le droit pénal et est utilisée parfois, encore de nos jours, en dehors (et en complément) des mécanismes judiciaires. Je montre qu’il s’agit d’une pratique qui évolue et qui s’adapte aux transformations des sociétés (évolution des montants selon les crimes, effacement progressif des distinctions selon le sexe, l’âge et le statut social de la victime et du coupable). L’analyse de la diya entre groupes sociaux nous permettra de dégager les similitudes et différences avec l’indemnisation lorsque celle-ci est le fait de l’État ou des autorités politiques d’un pays.

Outsourcing is increasing in all economic sectors, from big groups to very small firms. This is especially problematic for the latter because of their economic dependence on their clients. If one contractor abuses its dominantposition, the dependent contractor should legal recourse. Today, however, the legal recourse for small subcontractors is. Economic dependence abuse exists in the Commerce Code, but, in practice, subcontractors cannot easily benefit. This paper aims to show the inadequacies of the only criterion adopted by laws and by jurisprudence (narrow definition, paradoxes related to the competition law) and proposes several other criteria, based on economic, sociological, and legal studies works as well as empirical surveys about subcontractors' practices.; La recrudescence de la sous-traitance, en particulier de la part de groupes auprès de très petites entreprises, entraîne un certain nombre de difficultés économiques pour ces dernières. Ces difficultés reposent sur la dépendance économique dans laquelle elles se trouvent vis-à-vis de leurs donneurs d'ordre. Les recours juridiques sont toutefois encore aujourd'hui limités. L'abus de dépendance économique est un dispositif du Code du commerce difficilement mobilisable par les petites entreprises, comme l'indiquent les discussions préalables à la proposition de loi de 2016. L'article cherche à montrer l'insuffisance du critère retenu pour définir l'abus de dépendance économique et, s'appuyant à la fois sur des travaux en économie et en droit, ainsi que sur des enquêtes empiriques auprès de sous-traitants, propose des critères plus adaptés.

L’article analyse certaines difficultés que le droit économique international doit aujourd’hui tenter de surmonter s’il veut assurer sa pérennité. L’OMC a été fondée sur le multilatéralisme, sur l’idée selon laquelle les obstacles aux échanges économiques mondiaux et les litiges nés à l’occasion de ces échanges devaient recevoir des solutions globales sur lesquelles s’accordaient les Etats. La réalité des relations économiques internationales contemporaines donnent une toute autre image. Elle reflète la multiplicité des rapports de force entre les économies et entre les droits. La croissance économique étonnante de la Chine et de l’Inde depuis trois décennies ne cesse notamment de redéfinir les bases géostratégiques des échanges mondiaux. L’idée que des normes universelles puissent s’imposer dans des cultures qui réaffirment leurs différences se trouve fragilisée. Faut-il y voir aussi une réappropriation salutaire par les citoyens du débat démocratique sur les enjeux des nouveaux accords économiques internationaux ? This paper analyzes some difficulties that international economic law has to face and overcome today if it wants to ensure its long-term survival. The WTO was founded on multilateralism, that is, the idea that barriers to international trade and the conflict resolution process should receive global solutions involving the agreement of all states. But the realities of contemporary international economic relations give a completely different image. As a matter of fact, they reflect the new balance of power between nations and legal orders. The dramatic economic growth of China and India over the past three decades has continued to change the geostrategic basis and the legal culture of world trade. The idea that universal norms could be enforced in all legal orders around the world is also significantly weakened when some emergent and powerful countries claim their cultural differences. Could these changes present citizens with an opportunity to reappropriate the public space of the democratic debate about the legitimacy of international economic rules?

Des années 1850 aux années 1870 a lieu en Angleterre une campagne pour la création de tribunaux de commerce, sur le modèle de l’Europe continentale. Cette création n’a pourtant pas lieu. L’article explore les raisons de cette campagne et de ce résultat. Il montre que la non-création tient à une culture juidique qui ne correspond pas aux définitions habituelles de la common law et qui, notamment, ne s’étend pas aux États-Unis. Il est pourtant utile de parler de culture juridique pour désigner les interactions entre quatre éléments qui peuvent expliquer ce non-transfert : ce qui importe aux juristes en termes de procédures ; l’attitude de respect distant des commerçants envers le droit ; leur accès limité aux tribunaux ; enfin, les formes de leur autocatégorisation (les différences entre commerçants l’emportant sur les ressemblances). Legal Transfers and Legal Cultures. Why Did Victorian England Not Adopt Commercial Courts? From the 1850s to the 1870s, English merchants campaigned for the intro-duction of commercial courts based on continental-European models. The courts were however not created. This paper discusses why the campaign was launched and why it ended in this way. It points the effect of a legal culture that does not correspond to usual definitions of the common law; the English culture was very different from that of the United States. It is still useful to use the phrase “legal culture” to describe interactions be-tween four elements that hindered the transfer: the definition of im-portant procedures by lawyers; the distant respect toward law displayed by merchants; their limited access to courts; and their self-categorizations (which involved more differences than similarities among merchants).

Summary of my paper presented at the International Days of the Society for Legal and Institutional History of Flanders, Picardy and Wallonia (Arras: Citadelle Vauban/Université d'Artois, May 2018: The construction and deconstruction of territories, from Antiquity to Brexit). Jean Rousset de Missy's two-volume work on quarrels between European princes and polities is discussed, taking the diplomatic context after the Peace of Utrecht into account.