Search

本稿では、多賀城南面における街並み形成の前提として、宝亀十一年（七八〇）の伊治公呰麻呂の謀反を契機とする多賀城の火災と復興、それらと征討との関連を検討した。まず、多賀城の火災が律令制的な支配や国家の威光を象徴する政庁等の主要施設を中心とした点に注目し、本来は小規模な単位からなる蝦夷の部隊が呰麻呂の謀反で一斉蜂起し、国司の逃走と籠城した百姓の四散で空城となった多賀城に襲来した結果とみた。蝦夷は貴重な物品がありそうな施設に殺到し、略奪を尽くしたうえで放火したと考えられる。次に、派遣された征東軍と火災との関係、征討の経過を検討した。呰麻呂の謀反と多賀城炎上の経緯を記す『続日本紀』同年三月の史料は後にまとめられたものであり、政府は国司の逃走を五月、多賀城の炎上を七月になって認識したとみられる。このため謀反の第一報直後に派遣された征東使は現地で想定外の難局に直面し、天皇との間で征討に対する考え方の差が開いた。征討は容易に実施できず、征東使の刷新と天皇の厳命によって十一月以降に大崎地方等の城柵を復したが、翌年五月には軍を解散した。その後、天皇は上京させた征東副使の説明で現地の詳細を十分認識した結果、考えを改めて征東使等を賞したと考える。多賀城の復興はまず征東使が手がけ、その帰還後は新たな陸奥守内蔵全成と按察使の大伴家持が進めたとみられる。具体的な経過については政庁跡出土漆紙文書に注目し、多賀城の政治的機能は征東軍の駐留によって宝亀十一年九月頃にはある程度回復したものの、仮設の第Ⅲ―１期政庁は天応元年（七八一）以降、本格的な同２期政庁は延暦三年八月を上限とする延暦四年（七八三）頃の竣工を考えた。同年前半には家持と全成が陸奥国を去って多治比宇美が按察使と守、鎮守副将軍を兼ねる呰麻呂謀反以前の紀広純の頃の体制に戻り、上京した家持の申請による多賀・階上郡の真郡化で多賀城の防衛が強化されたことと符合する。, The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the actual situation of the fire at Tagajo due to the rebellion of Emishi in the year Houki 11 (780), the process of suppressing the rebellion, and the process of rebuilding Tagajo. Tagajo, surrounded by castle walls, was the political and military base of the ancient Mutsu Country. Consideration of the excavation historical materials revealed that the fire of Tagajo was centered on major facilities, such as central government offices and castle gates, that symbolize the dignity of the nation. I think that the situation was the result of the Emishi fighting group originally composing of small units, attacking Tagajo with all at once. Also Tagajo at that time was an uninhabited castle because the leaders and people who defended the castle fled after hearing the mass uprising of Emishi. Emishi rushed to a high-grade facility in the castle like a mob and repeatedly looted. And finally an arson was performed.Next, I presented a new historical interpretation of the process of suppressing this rebellion. After hearing the report of the rebellion, the Emperor immediately dispatched a force of suppression army from the capital. However, the suppression did not proceed as expected by the Emperor. The reason is that the scale and damage of the revolt were larger than expected, such as the fall of Tagajo. Lack of damage information and lack of preparedness for the suppression army were also added. As a result, the suppression army arriving in the Mutsu Country were in a severe situation. Military action was carried out by a strong order of the Emperor, but the outcome of the war was limited to the recovery of castles and areas lost in the rebellion. In light of this result, I pointed out that there was a large difference between the suppression army and the Emperor at perceptions of the situation in areas devastated by the rebellion.On the other hand, the reconstruction of Tagajo was first started by the suppression army. Next, I think that Yakamochi Otomo and Matanari Kura, who have been newly appointed as leaders of Mutsu Country, had advanced a full-scale reconstruction. In addition, I examined the process of reconstruction based on paper documents, which had used for container lid with lacquer, excavated at the central government office of the Tagajo ruins. As a result, I think that a temporary central government office was completed after the first year of Tenou (781). Next, in the first half of the year Enryaku 4 (783), I concluded that the central government office, which consisting of full-scale buildings, and the main facilities of the entire castle were rebuilt.

本稿では，これまでの筆者の分析を基に，一セツルメント内での居住システムの変化に関する把握方法を検討し，次いで南西関東地方を対象に，時期的および実時間での竪穴基数（構築した竪穴数）と生活面数（連続的な居住を維持するための居住活動の単位）を検討した。その結果，竪穴住居基数と生活面数を比べると，時期ごとに違いが認められた。移動性の高い居住システムを有する場合は住居基数に対する生活面数の比が低く，単一のセツルメントが高い頻度では用いられないのに対し，集落数が増す時期には，竪穴基数・生活面数とも増加するとともに，改修や同一時期内の改築（重複関係を持つ竪穴として構築される）例が増加し，同一セツルメントを重層的・連続的に利用していることが推定できる。生活面数と竪穴基数の割合をみると，土器型式期の長い時期には，同一の竪穴としての掘込みの中で生活面数が増加する。勝坂式土器最盛期から加曽利Ｅ式土器最盛期にかけては，１基の竪穴に対する生活面数が約２倍になり，勝坂式前半期や加曽利Ｅ式終末期においてその比率が１倍に近いことと対照的である。推定存続期間を10年に基準化して生活面数を見ると，時期ごとに見たときの竪穴基数の増減とおおよそ合致した様相がつかめる。旧稿で検討してきたように，南西関東地方においては，勝坂式最盛期から加曽利Ｅ式最盛期にかけて，次第に集落数・住居数が増えていった，すなわち人口が増加していったと見てよいであろう。また中期末葉での集落・住居さらにはそこから類推される人口が，激減している。実年代で細かな集落動態・居住活動の変化を整理できれば，縄紋社会の解明へとアプローチできる。そのためには，居住活動の主要な舞台であるところの竪穴住居の用いられ方と時間的単位について，さらに具体的に解明していかなくてはならない。, This paper examines the numbers of pits (the number of constructed pits) and the number of occupied dwellings (units of living activities for maintaining continuous occupation) in southwest Kanto from the perspective of periods and actual time.The study’s findings revealed differences in the number of pit dwellings and the number of occupied dwellings for each period. When there is a highly mobile system of habitation the number of occupied dwellings is low compared to the number of dwellings, and whereas a single settlement would frequently not use dwellings, during periods when the number of settlements increased both the number of pits and number of occupied dwellings increased. There were also more examples of repairs and rebuilding (the building of pits with overlapping relationships) and of multilayered and continuous use of the same settlement. More occupied dwellings are found in excavations of the same pit for periods when a certain pottery type continued for a long time. From the period of the zenith of Katsusaka type pottery to the period of the zenith of Kasori E type pottery, there are approximately two occupied dwellings per pit. In contrast, during the first half of the period of Katsusaka type pottery and the final stage of Kasori E type pottery this ratio becomes nearly one to one. Looking at the number of occupied dwellings based on the assumption that they lasted for a period of ten years, we find phases corresponding to the increase or decline in the number of pits for each period. As examined in a previous paper, in southwest Kanto there was a gradual increase in the number of settlements and the number of dwellings, that is, an increase in population, from the time of the zenith of Katsusaka type pottery through to the zenith of Kasori E type pottery. At the end of Middle Jomon, the population, which is analogous with settlements and dwellings, declined suddenly. If true dates can be used to chart the detailed changes to settlement dynamics and living activities, it will be possible to gain a better understanding of Jomon society. To this end, the author hopes to ascertain more details about the use of pit dwellings, which were important sites for living activities, and temporal aspects.

北陸の弥生集落については，全地域，全時期を対象にした研究が少なく，集落研究も活発とはいえない。本論ではこうした問題点の克服を目的とし，北陸の弥生時代中期と後期を中心として良好な調査事例を集成し，遺構の配置から集落の構造を検討した。また，地域の集落分布を加味することにより，集落間の関係性を追求した。これらの成果により，当時の地域社会について予察を試みた。弥生中期は複数棟の住居で構成される集落が平野部に出現し，農耕集落の基本形態が成立する。中期前半は基本的な集落が形成されるが，環濠を持つＡ１類型の影響力がきわめて強く，環濠を持たないＢ類型に対して優位性を発揮する。中期後半はＡ１類型が衰退し，その要素が普及したＡ２類型となるが，Ｂ類型に対する優位性は低下する。弥生後期は後期前半に大型住居が出現して住居が多様化することにより，中期とは一線を画する。さらに，後期後半から末にかけては，倉が大型・多棟化したＢ２・Ｂ３類型が段階的に出現し，集落の性格が重層化していく。この段階ではＡ類型よりも倉が発達したＢ類型が優位性を発揮するようになり，地域の社会共同体を主導する。弥生中期は環濠の有無が，弥生後期は大型住居と倉が重視されており，地域の集落を編成する原理が変化している。Ａ１類型の集落が弥生時代の文化形成を主導する弥生中期社会から，比較的同質的な社会共同体が群在する弥生後期社会へと変化するのである。, There is little research on Yayoi settlements in Hokuriku that encompasses the entire region or the entire period, nor is there active research on this topic. With the aim of surmounting these problems, this paper examines the structure of settlements by gathering together useful studies mainly of the Middle and Late stages of the Yayoi period and considering the location of relics. By looking also at the distribution of settlements in the region, this study investigated inter-settlement relationships. Based on these findings, the author then attempted to speculate about society during that period.In Middle Yayoi, settlements made up of a number of dwellings appeared in low-lying areas, thus creating the basic model for an agricultural settlement. Basic settlements were formed in the first half of Middle Yayoi, and the extremely strong influence of the moated settlement found at the Youkaichi Jikata Site in Komatsu City in Ishikawa Prefecture made moated settlements (A1-type settlements) dominant over those without moats (B-type settlements). A1-type settlements waned in the latter half of Middle Yayoi, and although elements from this settlement were adopted elsewhere (A2-type settlements), the dominance of moated settlements declined.In the first half of Late Yayoi, the appearance of large dwellings marked a distinct change from Middle Yayoi. From the latter half through to the end of Late Yayoi, there was diversification in storehouses mainly in settlements without moats and the character of settlements gradually became stratified. At this stage, a settlement’s dominance was not based on whether or not it had a moat, but on whether it had large or many storehouses. It was the dominant settlements that led communities in homogeneous areas.As a result of the Middle Yayoi emphasis on whether or not a settlement had a moat and the emphasis in Late Yayoi on large dwellings and storehouses, the law that formed a local settlement changed. In conclusion, from Middle Yayoi, which led the formation of culture in the Yayoi period, A1- type settlements changed to become the relatively homogeneous communities that were formed in Late Yayoi society.

弥生集落の景観形成にあたって重要であるのは，絵画の分析から，第１に集落の中枢に位置する祭殿と考える建物（Ａ２・Ａ３）の存在であり，この祭殿を中心として同心円状に景観を形成している。そして，第２に重要であるのは，祭場をもつ内部と外部を区別化する環濠である。本論では後者を中心に検討した。平野部の環濠集落のなかには，環濠が河川と接続するものがあり，水をたたえた環濠はむしろ河川を象徴化したものであると考えた。環濠は，境界・結界を現す区別化の象徴である。このあり方と連動して，絵画の中には，それぞれの空間における儀式・儀礼に，景観形成で確認した「辟邪」を意図した図像や身体技法をも表現している。弥生集落の景観は，こうした各々の儀式や儀礼に一貫した約束事である「儀礼的実践」を根底におき形成されていたと考える。環濠の境界・結界としての象徴的意味は，銅鐸の埋納・絵画・文様の意味とも相同関係にある。いずれも辟邪としての機能をもち，銅鐸は境界・結界に埋納され，鋸歯文のような文様自体も辟邪の象徴であり，それは祭殿の飾り文様としても機能した。その後鋸歯文は，古墳時代の柵形埴輪の飾りにも引き継がれ，祭場を区別化する境界・結界の象徴として機能した。弥生集落で確認した祭場を中心とした景観形成は，古墳時代に一般集落からの祭場の分離独立という変化を経るが，その根底の儀礼的意味と儀礼的実践は形を変えながらも継承されたと考える。, A study of drawings has shown that the most important factor in the formation of landscapes in Yayoi settlements was the existence of a building (A2, A3) thought to be a shrine, which was located in the center of the settlement, and the formation of a concentric landscape with this building in the middle. Next in importance is the moat, which differentiates the inside and its place of worship from the outside. This paper examines this latter aspect.Moated settlements in low-lying areas include those where the moat is connected to a river, as well as water-filled moats that symbolized rivers. A moat was a symbol of demarcation representing a boundary. Intertwined with this in ceremonial and ritual spaces in these drawings is the depiction, as borne out by the landscape formation, of hekija (imaginary beasts that warded off evil) as intended iconography and physical techniques. The landscapes of Yayoi settlements were formed with underlying "ritualistic practices" that were uniform conventions in such ceremonies and rituals.The symbolic significance of the moat as a boundary is homologous with the significance of the burial of dotaku (bronze bells), pictures and patterns. All serve the same function as hekija. Dotaku were buried on the boundary, the sawtooth-like pattern itself is also a symbol of the hekija, and was also used as a pattern for shrine decoration. The saw-tooth pattern was later used to decorate palisade-shaped haniwa in the Kofun period as a symbol of the boundary between the sacred and profane as distinct from a place of worship. The formation of landscapes centered on places identified as places of worship in Yayoi settlements changed in the Kofun period when they became discrete from ordinary settlements, although the underlying ritualistic significance and ritualistic practice continued, albeit in a modified form.

西部瀬戸内の松山平野で展開した弥生社会の復元に向けて，本稿では弥生集落の動態を検討したうえでその様相と特質を抽出する。そして密集型大規模拠点集落である文京遺跡や首長居館を擁する樽味四反地遺跡を中心とした久米遺跡群の形成過程を検討することで，松山平野における弥生社会の集団関係，そして古墳時代社会に移ろう首長層の動態について検討する。まず人間が社会生活を営む空間そのものを表している概念として「集落」をとらえたうえで，その一部である弥生時代遺跡を抽出した。そして河川・扇状地などの地形的完結性のなかで遺跡が分布する一定の範囲を「遺跡群」と呼称する。松山平野では８個の遺跡群を設定することができる。弥生集落は，まず前期前葉に海岸部に出現し，前期末から中期前葉にかけて遺跡数が増加，一部に環壕を伴う集落が現れる。そして中期後葉になると全ての遺跡群で集落の展開が認められ，道後城北遺跡群では文京遺跡が出現する。機能分節した居住空間構成を実現した文京遺跡は，出自の異なる集団が共存することで成立した密集型大規模拠点集落である。そして集落内に居住した首長層は，北部九州を主とした西方社会との交渉を実現させ，威信財や生産財を獲得し，集落内部で金属器やガラス製品生産などを行い，そして平形銅剣を中心とした共同体祭祀を共有することで東方の瀬戸内社会との交流・交渉を実現させたと考えられる。後期に入ると文京遺跡は突如，解体し，集団は再編成され，後期後半には独立した首長居館を擁する久米遺跡群が新たに階層分化を遂げた突出した地域共同体として台頭する。こうした解体・再編成された後期弥生社会の弥生集落は，久米遺跡群に代表されるいくつかの地域共同体である「紐帯領域」を生成し，松山平野における特定首長を頂点とした地域社会の基盤を形づくり，古墳時代前半期の首長墓形成に関わる地域集団の単位を形成したのである。, Through an examination of the dynamics of Yayoi settlements, this paper sheds light on their aspects and characteristics with the aim of reconstructing the development of Yayoi society on the Matsuyama Plain in western Setouchi. By studying the process of the formation of the Bunkyo Site, which was a congested large-scale base settlement, and the Kume Site complex, centered on the Tarumishitanji Site with its chiefly residence, it examines group relationships within Yayoi society on the Matsuyama Plain and the dynamics of the chief class as it made the transition to Kofun society.First, the author looked at Yayoi archeological sites that form one part of our understanding of the concept of “settlement” as an expression of the space in which humans go about their daily lives. Next was the designation of “site complex” distributed across a defined area amongst the topographical completeness of rivers and fan-shaped land. Eight Site complexes on the Matsuyama Plain were chosen for this study.Yayoi settlements appeared in coastal regions in the beginning of Early Yayoi. There are more sites dating from the end of Early Yayoi through the early part of Middle Yayoi, some of which were moated settlements. Settlements dating from late Middle Yayoi have been confirmed at all of the sites, including the Bunkyo Site within the Dogojohoku Site complex.The Bunkyo Site, with its structure of segmented living spaces, was a congested large-scale base settlement formed by the coexistence of groups with different origins. Persons of chiefly rank who resided within the settlement traded with communities to the west, mainly northern Kyushu. They obtained prestigious items and production goods and engaged in the production of metal implements and glass products within the settlement. It is thought that they interacted and traded with Setouchi communities to the east through participation in communal worship centering on flat copper swords.In late Middle Yayoi, the settlement at the Bunkyo Site suddenly disbanded and the group was restructured. Then in the latter half of Late Yayoi, a local community with a new system of social stratification appeared at the Kume Site complex where there were separate a chiefly residence. Yayoi settlements in Late Yayoi society that had disbanded and restructured created an “area of bond” consisting of several local communities as typified by the Kume Site complex. They built a foundation for a local community in the Matsuyama Plain with a particular chief at the top, and formed a community group that was a single unit that is associated with the formation of chiefly graves in the first half of the Kofun period.

大山山麓では，弥生時代前期後葉頃から丘陵部において遺跡が増えはじめ，さらに中期から後期にかけて緩やかに顕在化する状況を認めることができる。後期には，妻木晩田遺跡に代表される大規模集落跡が丘陵部に形成されるが，前方後円墳が造られはじめる頃から丘陵上の集落は一斉に姿を消し，その後，丘陵部に生活の主体が積極的におかれることは少ない。したがって，弥生時代以降の大山山麓は，古墳群造営，小規模な集落の形成，畑地造成など，多少の削平や攪乱を受けることはあっても，大規模に改変されていない。また，近年は広範囲が調査されている事例が増えており，弥生時代集落の内実を分析するための好条件を備えた遺跡が多い。そこで，本稿では，集落跡を構成する諸要素のうち，居住施設と考えられる竪穴住居跡の分析を中心に，山陰地方の弥生時代後半期を代表する大規模集落跡として知られる妻木晩田遺跡を検討して，集落変遷，集落像の復元を試みた。妻木晩田遺跡には，複数の小集団の集合体として認識される複合型集落が，長期的に営まれている。今回，後期から終末期の土器を細分し，竪穴住居跡の埋没状況を詳細に検討しながら居住域の変遷を再考したところ，妻木晩田遺跡に営まれていた集落は規模や形が絶えず変化しつづけており，その変遷は一様ではないことがわかった。小集団の集合体であることは間違いではないものの，途中で断絶していた可能性のある居住域が複数認められた。したがって，複数の小集団が密に集住するのではなく，丘陵上に散漫に展開していた時期もあると考えられる。また，最盛期と考えられる後期後葉をへて，終末期前半に居住が断絶していた地点がある。終末期後半には表面上，後期後葉以前とよく似た集落が再生されているが，その後は大規模な墳墓群の造営も行われないことから，終末期前半を介して，集団が質的に変容していたと考えられる。, Archaeological sites dating from the end of Early Yayoi increase in number in hilly areas at the foot of Mount Daisen, with more sites gradually emerging from Middle through Late Yayoi. Large settlements like that found at the Mukibanda Site were formed in the hills in Late Yayoi. However, settlements disappeared completely from hillsides from around the time of the construction of large keyhole-shaped tombs. After this time there was little active habitation in the hills. Consequently, even though after the Yayoi period at the foot of Mount Daisen there was some terracing and disturbance, such as the construction of kofun and the formation of small settlements and fields, there was no largescale alteration to the land. The increase in instances of studies over a wide area in recent years has yielded many sites with favorable conditions for studying details of Yayoi settlements. Through a study centering on the remains of pit dwellings thought to have been dwellings, this paper reconstructs the changes to settlements and paints a picture of settlements based on a study of the Mukibanda Site known to be the remains of a large settlement representative of settlements in the San'in region in the latter half of the Yayoi period.The Mukibanda Site is the location of a compound-type settlement made up of a number of small groups that existed for a long time. By subdividing pottery from Late through Final Yayoi and reviewing the changes in inhabited zones while examining in detail the burial of the remains of pit dwellings, the author found that the settlements that existed at the Mukibanda Site constantly changed in size and shape and that these changes were not uniform. Although there is no mistaking that a number of small groups lived at the site, the author identified multiple inhabited zones that may have become disused at some point or other. Therefore, we may conclude that there were also times when a number of small groups did not live together but were scattered among the hills. There is also a site with dwellings that fell into disuse that dates from the first half of Final Yayoi, which followed the end of Late Yayoi, the period when the settlement is believed to have reached its height of prosperity. It appears that in the latter half of Final Yayoi settlements closely resembling those that existed before the end of Late Yayoi were reprised. However, because after this point there was no construction of large mound tombs, we may conclude that the groups underwent qualitative transformation in the first half of Final Yayoi.

大規模集落が複数の居住域から形成され，首長によって再編成された単一の集団として構成されていないという認識は一般化しつつあるが，それを基盤にした弥生社会像は明確ではない。本稿では，この側面に焦点を当て，近畿地方における居住域分布パターン設定と変遷を分析して，そのモデルを列島各地に適応させて解釈の進展をはかる。分布パターン分析の結果，約10km四方内に複合型集落が複数形成されるA1類，単数形成されるA2類，中小規模集落のみ分布するＢ類に分類できる。近畿中部においては，弥生前期にはＢ類パターンが主体となるが，中期には，平野部ではA1類パターンが多くみられるものの，丘陵・段丘地形が発達する領域ではＢ類が主体となる。また，平野部でもA2類パターンの集落分布となる領域もある。つまり，弥生中期には，地形条件などによる集落分布パターンの差異が大きい。また，河内湖近辺を典型例とする階層化した方形周溝墓群の多数形成はA1類型のような多核的な集落配置構造をもった領域で発達し，複合型集落の多数形成は大規模集落を中心とした単純なヒエラルキー形成には結びついていない。後期には，集落分布上の小地域差が解消され，全体として諸集団の分布形態は平準化されていく。こういった地域性の少ない集落配置は古墳時代には通有の景観であり，弥生時代の中で段階的に古墳時代的集落配置への変化が進行すると考えられる。こういった近畿地方における集落分布形態の多様性を援用すれば，複合型集落の形成の様相や時期が列島内諸平野部において異なることは自然に理解できる。また，中・小規模集団の多核的複合化が顕著な集落配置が弥生中期において明確にみられるのは北部九州と近畿地方中部だけである。つまり，A2類型の単純な分布構造からそのまま古墳時代社会へ移行した地域と，多核的地域社会から古墳時代社会へと移行した地域ではその経緯も大きく異なっていた。, It is generally acknowledged that large-scale settlements consisted of a number of inhabited zones and that these settlements did not constitute a single group that had been reconfigured by a chief, although there is no clear picture of Yayoi society on which this assumption is based. Focusing on this aspect, this paper attempts to advance an explanation by applying a model to regions throughout the Japanese archipelago based on an analysis of the establishment of, and changes to, inhabited zone distribution patterns in the Kinki region.An analysis of distribution patterns revealed the following types: Type A1 ― formed by a number of compound-type settlements within an area of approximately 10 square kilometers; Type A2 ― a single settlement; and Type B ― a distribution of only small and medium-sized settlements. Type B was the main type in central Kinki during Early Yayoi, and while by Middle Yayoi many A1-type settlements were found in the lowlands, Type B predominated in regions with developed hilly and terraced terrain. Type A2 settlements also existed in the lowlands. In other words, by Middle Yayoi there were large differences in settlement distribution patterns caused by topographical conditions and other factors. The formation of many hierarchical square moated burial precincts of the kind typically found near Lake Kawachi developed in regions with a pattern of polynuclear settlements similar to the A1 pattern. The formation of many compound-type settlements is not connected to a simple hierarchical pattern centered on large-scale settlements. Subregional differences in settlement distribution had been eliminated by Late Yayoi, as on the whole the distribution of communities had become standardized. This settlement pattern with minimal regionality had become common by the Kofun period, and it is likely that during the Yayoi period gradual changes were underway to a Kofun period type of settlement pattern.This sort of diversity in settlement distribution patterns in the Kinki region naturally explains the differences in the conditions and periods of the formation of compound-type settlements in lowlands across the Japanese archipelago. Clearly identified settlement patterns noticeable for polynuclear combinations of medium-sized and small groups in Middle Yayoi are found only in northern Kyushu and in central Kinki. Basically, there were also huge differences in circumstances between regions that made the transition from the simple A2 distribution pattern to Kofun society and those that changed from a polynuclear society to Kofun society.

14C年代測定というと，縄文時代・弥生時代の資料が対象という印象が強いが，加速器質量分析法（AMS）の登場と較正曲線の整備とにより，古文書や古経典など歴史時代の和紙資料についても，14C年代測定を行うことが原理的に可能なものとなるに至った。しかしながら，古文書に限らず，考古学資料や歴史学資料について14C年代測定を行う本来の目的は，その資料が何らかの役割を持った道具として歴史の中に登場した年代を探究するところにあるはずである。14C年代測定によって得られる結果は，歴史学的に意味のある年代そのものではない。この自然科学的年代が，歴史学的年代を明らかにするための情報となりうるかが問題なのである。そこで本研究においては，まずは，書風や奥書・記述内容などから書写年代が判明している古文書・古経典・版本などについて14C年代測定を行った。奈良時代から江戸時代にかけての年代既知資料の測定結果から，和紙はいわゆるold wood effectによる年代のずれが小さく，古文書・古経典の書写年代を判定する上でAMS14C年代が有益な情報の一つとなることが示された。その上で，書写年代の明らかにされていない和紙資料についても14C年代測定を行った。特に古筆切とよばれる古写本の断簡についての測定である。平安・鎌倉時代に書写された物語や家集の写本で，完本の形で現存しているものは極めて稀であるが，こうした断簡の形ではかなりの量が現在まで伝わっている。古筆切は，稀少な写本の内容や筆跡を一部分ながらも伝えるものであり，大変高い史料的価値を有するものである。しかし，古筆切の中には，その美しい筆跡を手本とした後世の臨書や，掛け軸などにするために作製された偽物なども多く含まれている。それゆえ，こうした問題を有する古筆切に焦点をあて，書風・字形・筆勢など書跡史学的な視点に，AMS14C年代測定法という自然科学的視点を加え，書写年代の吟味を行った。, When one hears the term carbon-14 dating there is a strong tendency to associate it with materials from the Jomon and Yayoi periods. However, the arrival of the AMS (accelerator mass spectrometry) technique and the establishment of calibration curves has led to the possibility in principle of applying carbon-14 dating to Japanese paper such as old documents and sutras from the historical period. However, the primary objective of carbon-14 dating old documents as well as archaeological materials and historical materials is to uncover the dates when these materials which served as some tool or other appeared in history. Results obtained from carbon-14 dating are not historically significant dates in themselves. The question is whether or not these scientific dates can provide information that will lead to the identification of historical dates.The research detailed here involved the carbon-14 dating of old documents, sutras and woodblock prints for which we know the dates for when they were copied from the style of writing, date inscriptions and contents. The results obtained from taking measurements of materials with known dates ranging from the Nara period through the Edo period revealed that in the case of paper there is minimal discrepancy between dates caused by the so-called old wood effect. Thus, it showed that AMS carbon-14 dating provides a useful source of information for determining the dates for when old documents and sutras were copied. We also took carbon-14 measurements of Japanese paper for which the dates of when they were copied are unknown. In particular, we took measurements of fragments of old copies. These are copies of tales and private poetry anthologies from the Heian and Kamakura periods for which survival of the originals to the present day is extremely scarce, although considerable quantities of them as pieces of manuscript have been passed down to the present day. As pieces of manuscripts with parts of rare content and handwriting they have extremely high historical value. However, these old pieces of manuscript include many later copies made by copying beautiful handwriting and fakes produced for making hanging scrolls. It is for this reason that we investigated the dates for when they were copied focusing on such problematic pieces of manuscripts by adding the scientific method of AMS carbon-14 dating to the method of studying the history of handwriting that considers aspects such as writing styles, character formation and brushstroke pressure.

独立棟持柱建物は，Ⅰ類）居住域に伴う場合と，Ⅱ類）墓域に伴う場合がある。Ⅰ類にはＡ類）竪穴住居と混在する，Ｂ類）特定の場所を占める，Ｃ類）区画に伴う，という三つのパターンがある。Ａ類からＣ類への流れは，共同体的施設から首長居館の施設への変貌を示すもので，古墳時代へと溝や塀で囲まれ秘儀的性格を強めて首長に独占されていった。弥生土器などの絵画に描かれた独立棟持柱建物の特殊な装飾，柱穴などから出土した遺物からすると，この種の建物に祭殿としての役割があったことは間違いない。問題は祭儀の内容だが，Ⅱ類にそれを解く手がかりがある。北部九州地方では，弥生中期初頭から宗廟的性格をもつ大型建物が墓域に伴う。中期後半になると，楽浪郡を通じた漢文化の影響により，大型建物は王権形成に不可欠な祖霊祭祀の役割を強めた。福岡県平原遺跡１号墓は，墓坑上に祖霊祭祀のための独立棟持柱建物がある。建物は本州・四国型であるので，近畿地方から導入されたと考えられる。したがって，近畿地方の独立棟持柱建物には，祖霊祭祀の施設としての役割があったとみなせる。ところが，近畿地方でこの種の建物は墓に伴わない。近畿地方では祖霊を居住域の独立棟持柱建物に招いて祭ったのであり，王権の形成が未熟な弥生中期の近畿地方では，墳墓で祖霊を祭ることはなかった。しかし，弥生後期終末の奈良県ホケノ山墳丘墓の墓坑上には独立棟持柱建物が建っている。畿内地方の王権形成期に，北部九州からいわば逆輸入されたのである。南関東地方のこの種の建物も祖霊祭祀の役割をもつが，それは在地の伝統を引いていた。独立棟持柱建物の役割の一つは祖霊祭祀であるという点で共通している一方，その系譜や展開は縄文文化の伝統，漢文化との関係，王権の位相などに応じて三地域で三様だった。, In buildings with freestanding munamochibashira (gable end ridge-bearing pillars), the munamochibashira supporting the ridge in the center of the roof are hottatebashira (earthfast posts) situated some distance from the gable side. Up until Middle Yayoi, these buildings were communal in character, but in late Yayoi and the beginning of the Kofun period they were enclosed by trenches or walls, had a secretive aspect and were used exclusively by chiefs. Based on special decorations of these buildings in pictures incised on Yayoi pottery as well as relics excavated from post holes, it would appear that this type of building served as a shrine.Since in northern Kyushu large buildings where ancestors were worshipped were found along with burial precincts in early Middle Yayoi, we know that from early on rites for the spirits of ancestors were held in these large buildings adjoining cemeteries. In the No.1 tomb at the Hirabaru Site in Fukuoka Prefecture there is a building for ancestor ritual with freestanding munamochibashira on top of the burial chamber. Since the building is in the Honshu and Shikoku style, it follows that it was introduced from the Kinki region. We may assume, therefore, that buildings with freestanding munamochibashira in the Kinki region were used for ancestor ritual.However, this type of building found in the Kinki region is not found alongside burial precincts. In this region, people worshipped their ancestors in buildings with freestanding munamochibashira located within inhabited zones. Nonetheless, at the Mount Hokeno tumulus in Nara Prefecture dating from the end of Late Yayoi, there is a building with freestanding munamochibashira on top of a burial chamber, which was introduced from northern Kyushu at the time of the establishment of imperial authority in the Kinai region. In southern Kanto this type of building also performed a similar role, although it inherited local traditions. Although buildings with freestanding munamochibashira have the role of ancestor ritual in common, their development differed in each of the three regions.

大規模集落には三つの類型があり，中期Ⅰ～中期Ⅲにかけて集住複合型，中期Ⅳに集住単純型，後期に分散複合型が現れる。集住複合型は自然成長的にではなく，多数の自立的な単位が集合して，当初から大規模な集落として成立した。それは“諸生産”を可能にするためであり，朝日遺跡では生業・手工業生産も集約化されて構成単位の多数性も大小の区画により整序された。自立的な単位が占地する小区画が大区画によってまとまる重層的な構成は墓域のまとまりと調和しており，大形方形周溝墓を核とする規模格差による構造化は高い統合度を現わしている。朝日遺跡が10km圏を超えてさまざまな影響を与えた背景こそ，多種多様な系譜をもつ諸要素を統合し融合させたからであり，それも“諸生産”の一部であった。集住単純型は人口動態の大規模変動に対応したものである。集住複合型の解体は凹線紋系土器の波及に示される《外圧》によって引き起こされたのであり，諸集団の通過や再結集，再配置への通過点が集住単純型であった。移動の継起点ではあったが，“生と死”が結び合う集落としての自己完結性に乏しいために大形掘立柱建物を軸とする象徴空間を必要とした。分散複合型は，典型的には環濠集落群として，あるいは環濠集落と非環濠集落からなる１km圏程度のまとまりとして構成される自立的な集落の結合体であり，単体としての大規模集落ではない。中期Ⅳ以降の集団再編成の中で，集落間分業の進展と集団間の序列化の中核になった。以上の経緯をたどって推移する大規模集落とは，離合集散を続ける集団のその時々の固有の条件に対応した現れであった。, There are three types of large-scale Yayoi settlements: 1) compound-type settlements that existed from Middle I through Middle III; 2) the simple clusters of dwellings of Middle IV; and 3) scattered compound-type settlements in Late Yayoi.Compound-type settlements did not develop naturally, but were large settlements from the outset that were formed by the coming together of many independent units. This was to enable “various production.” At the Asahi Site, the many units that were production collectives producing daily necessities and handcrafts were also organized in blocks of varying sizes. Large blocks with a stratified structure formed by bringing together independent units occupying small blocks are consistent with the organization of burial precincts. Structuring using differences in scale centered on large rectangular tomb mounds surrounded by a ditch is a manifestation of strong integration. It is precisely due to the various influences on the Asahi Site covering more than 10 kilometers that elements with a wide variety of genealogies were integrated, and this too was part of its “various production.”Simple clusters of dwellings came about in response to massive changes in population dynamics. The demise of compound-type settlements was brought about by “outside pressure” as indicated by the spread of combed-pattern pottery, and these simple clusters of dwellings were a point of transition for the passage, regrouping and relocation of various groups. Although they were sites of successive migration, because they were not self-contained settlements where "life and death" took place, they required symbolic spaces centered on buildings with large earthfast posts.Scattered compound-type settlements were typically moated settlements or a combination of independent settlements made up of a group of moated and non-moated settlements covering an area of around one kilometer. On their own they were not large settlements. When groups were being restructured after Middle IV, they formed the nucleus of advances in the division of labor between settlements and the creation of a hierarchy among groups.Large settlements, which changed in the ways described above, responded to the intermittent and inherent conditions of groups which continued to assemble and disperse.

中海の航行へのビジュアル性を意識した塩津丘陵遺跡群からは，弥生時代後期末の一大建物群が見つかっている。そこでは首長居宅と思われる布掘建物，各種製品を保管した高床倉庫群，手工業生産の「工房」，住まいである竪穴住居など，性格の異なった建物群が計画的に配置されていた。とくに，丘陵頂部の布掘建物を囲んで建設された30棟以上の高床倉庫群（一時期には10数棟）や，ひな壇状につくられた70以上の加工段群―17ヶ所から工具・未製品や炉壁・鍛造剥片などが出土―は，通常の農耕集落ではとうてい見られない。ここでは，少なくとも鉄器の鍛造や碧玉製品の製作があったが，予測される生産量の多さから，製品が広域に供給されたのはまず間違いない。そして，それらが交換された手工業製品の一大生産・交易センターだったのも動かない。周囲には水田稲作に適した平野はないし，隣接した丘陵には同時期の一大首長墓群―出雲東部～伯耆西部地域の集団的帰属意識を象徴する観念的・宗教的センター―が築造されている。加えて，短期間の開始と廃絶などからすれば，この非農耕集落の成立には荒島墳墓群に結集した広域首長層の政治意志が働いたとみたほうが理解しやすい。私は＜政治的・経済的・宗教的センター機能が一ヶ所に集められ，それらを担った人びとが集住した場＞を都市と概念づけるが，ほかの弥生都市にくらべると存続期間は短いものの，塩津丘陵遺跡群はまさにそれに該当する。, A complex of large buildings dating from the end of Late Yayoi has been found at the Shiotsu Hill Site complex with its vista of vessels plying Lake Nakaumi. The arrangement of buildings which are different in character includes a nunobori (trench foundations) building thought to be a chief’s dwelling, storehouses with raised floors where various types of products were stored, a “workshop” for producing handcrafts, and pit dwellings. The more than 30 storehouses with raised floors (over a dozen storehouses existed at any one time) encircling the nunobori building on the top of the hill, more than 70 work benches made in the shape of tiered stands ― tools, unfinished items, furnace walls and forged fragments have been excavated from 17 sites ― are not usually seen in agricultural settlements. At the very least it appears that iron implements were forged and items were made from jasper at this site, and judging from the large volume of output there can be no doubt that the products were supplied over a wide area. It is also certain that this was a large production and trading center for making wares and crafts exchanged for such items.There is no flat land suitable for wet rice cultivation nearby, and a cluster of large tombs for chiefs ― an ideological and religious center that symbolized a consciousness of group belonging in the area from east Izumo to west Hoki ― were built in the adjoining hillsides in the same period. What is more, in terms of the settlement’s beginning and demise within a short period of time, it is easy to conclude that the political will of regional chiefs who were brought together at the Arashima mound tombs played a part in the formation of this non-agricultural settlement. The author views the “gathering of political, economic and religious functions in one place and the place where the people responsible for such activities lived” as an urban center. Although this urban center did not continue for as long as other Yayoi urban centers, the Shiotsu Hill archaeological site complex indeed falls under this category.

本論文では、都市民俗学の立場から、喫茶店、とりわけそこで行なわれるモーニング（朝食を、自宅ではなく、喫茶店のモーニングセット〈モーニングサービス〉でとる習慣）という事象に注目し、記述と問題点の整理を行なった。本論中で行ないえた指摘は、およそ次のとおりである。（１）モーニングが行なわれる理由は、①労力の軽減、②単身者の便宜、③コミュニケーション、のうちのどれか、あるいはそれらの複合に求められる。（２）日本におけるモーニングは、豊橋以西の、中京圏、阪神圏、中四国のそれぞれ都市部、とりわけ工業地帯の下町的な地域に分布しているものと見ることができる。（３）モーニングは、一九六〇年代後半から行なわれるようになっていると見られる。その場合、喫茶店経営者側は、出勤前のサラリーマンへのサービスを意図してモーニングセット／サービスを開始したのであったが、これが地域で受容される際には、地の生活者、とりわけ女性たちの井戸端会議の場としての機能を果たすようになっている。（４）アジア的視野で眺めた場合、都市社会においては、朝食を外食するほうが一般的だといってよいくらいの状況が展開されており、日本のモーニングには、アジア都市社会に共通する生活文化としての性格が存在するといっても過言ではない。（５）モーニングの場は、他者と他者とが場を共有しながら、そこでさまざまな言葉を交わす公共圏であるが、そこで語られるのは、決して論理的に整理された明晰な言葉ではない。むしろ、モーニングの場は、そうした論理的な言葉で形成される「市民的公共圏」からは排除される言説あるいは人々が交流する場として存在するのであり、この空間は市民的公共圏に対する「もう一つの公共圏」として位置づけることができる。, In the study of folklore, i.e., in the study of urban folklore, there is a growing accumulation of studies on various types of living space that exist in the city. However, there have not yet been any folklore studies made on the subject of the coffee house. The coffee house is, needless to say, a place to eat and drink, but from the point of view of folklore studies, it can be pointed out that there is more to the coffee house than its role in providing a place for eating and drinking.This paper focuses on the coffee house, especially on the phenomenon of the “morning set” (the habit of eating the “morning set” at a coffee house instead of having breakfast at home), defining the phenomenon and arranging the issues. The comments made in the paper are as follows.1) The reasons that people have a “morning set” are one or more of the following: a) to save effort, b) because it is convenient for single people, and c) for communication.2) The “morning set” in Japan can be seen in urban areas west of Toyohashi, i.e., in cities in the Chukyo (Nagoya), Hanshin (Osaka and Kobe), or Chushikoku (Chugoku and Shikoku) regions, particularly in the old downtown areas of industrial zones.3) The “morning set” is thought to have come into existence in the late 1960s. At that time, the coffee house owners had begun providing the “morning set” or “morning service” for salaried workers who stopped by on their way to work; however, as the idea was accepted into the community it began to serve as a meeting place for the people, especially women, of the community to get together and talk.4) If we look at the whole of Asia, in urban society it is almost more widespread to take breakfast outside the home, and it can be said that the Japanese “morning set” contains an aspect of life and culture that is universal all across Asian urban communities.5) The venue of the “morning set” is a communal space where strangers share the same space and exchange words with each other, but the words that are exchanged there are never theoretically sound, clearly defined logical arguments. Rather, in the case of the “morning”, the coffee house exists as a place to meet people and exchange opinions that are excluded from the “citizens' communal space” which is made up of logical arguments. Therefore, one might regard the “morning set” venue as “another communal space” as compared to the “citizen's space”.

各市町村における従軍者記念誌は、日露戦争終結直後、戦死者が忘却されていくことを嘆いて作られた。だが第一次大戦後、主に在郷軍人会市町村分会によって作られた記念誌は、そのような後ろ向きの意図ではなく、ある積極的な政治的意図、すなわち過去の栄光の記録・記憶化を通じて軍人という自己の存在意義を再確認し、反軍平和思想の盛んだった社会に訴えていくために作られていった。そのような記念誌の中で日清・日露の追憶を語った老兵たちは、戦死者の壮絶な死を語って戦争の「記憶」に具体性を与えて、人々の共感を呼び起こす役回りを演じた。そうした語りのあり方は「郷土の英雄」を求める人々の心情にもかなうものだった。老兵たちが自己の従軍体験を語る際、確かに悲惨な体験も語ったものの、基本的には名誉心充足の機会として戦争を描いていた。そのような従軍者たちの「語り」を彼らの〝郷土〟が一書に編む時、彼らが国家の大きな歴史に占めた位置、役割の説明が熱心に行われた。それは戦死者の死の〝意味〟を明らかにし、ひいては戦争自体の持つ価値を地域ぐるみで再確認、受容することに他ならなかった。以上の過程を通じて、満州事変勃発以前から満州は「血をもって購った」土地であり、したがってその権益は擁護されるべきという論理や「社会主義共産主義」の脅威が市町村という末端レベルで繰り返し確認されていった。満州事変に際して軍、在郷軍人会などが国民の支持を調達する際、日露戦争の「記憶」を強調したことは周知のことだが、本稿が掲げた諸事例は、そのような「記憶」が当時の社会において具体的にいつから、どのようにして共有化されていったのかを示すものである。, This paper examines the contents of “Memorial Journals of Men in Service” which were published in the various cities and villages before WW II, These memorial journals were created in large numbers mainly by the community posts of the Civilian Militia (Zaigo Gunjin Kai) after WW I with the highly political intention of reconfirming military servicemen's sense of raison d'etre through recording and committing to memory past glories and making an appeal to society in this age of anti-militaristic peace-seekers.The old soldiers who disclosed their memoirs of the Sino-Japanese and the Russo-Japanese Wars in these memorial journals took on the role of storytellers, telling stories of the heroic deaths of fallen soldiers and giving concrete detail to “memories” of war so as to draw sympathy from readers. This type of storytelling suited well the sentiment of the people who sought to find “heroes from their own hometown”. When these old soldiers reminisced about their time in service, it is true they spoke also of horrible experiences, however they basically portrayed war as an opportunity to satisfy one's sense of honor. When these “stories” by the former servicemen were edited in their “hometowns”, the editors avidly sought to make clear the positions and roles that these storytellers had occupied in the large sweep of history. This was done in order to make clear the “significance” of the deaths of those who died but, at the same time, it also was a way for the entire society to reconfirm and accept the values that war proposed to the state and to individuals.Through the above process, the logic that Manchuria was, even before the Manchurian Incident broke out, land “paid for with blood” and that interests in the region should therefore be protected, as well as the threat of socialism and communism, were repeatedly confirmed at the endmost level of society, in the communities. It is well known that in order to gather the people's support, at the outburst of the Manchurian Incident, the military and the Civilian Militia emphasized the people's “memories” of the Russo-Japanese War. The various examples given in this paper offer insights on details as to when such “memories” began to be shared by the communities of the time.

本稿は明治から大正にかけての東京の観光及び東京人の行楽について考察したものである。東京は江戸の時代から現代に至るまで、観光地しての側面を持ち、多くの人々が訪れているが、ここでは、観光地東京を考察するための主たる資料として、東京の案内書を利用した。明治期の東京の案内書出版には何回かの波があった。最初は明治四年における大区小区制の実施、ついで同十一年における郡区町村制に伴う東京の一五区六郡改変時、そしてもっとも多くの案内書が出版されたとみられるのが、二十二年の東海道線の開通と翌二十三年の第三回内国勧業博覧会である。明治四十年には東京勧業博覧会が開催されるが、この時東京市は大冊の『東京案内』上下二冊と、携行用の『東京遊覧案内』を出版している。なお前者は近代東京の地誌として現在も高く評価されている。以上の案内書の出版時期と一時的に多くの観光客が訪れた時期とほぼ合致しているようだが、明治も後期になると一週間前後東京に滞在する観光客が増加した。それは地方から東京に定住した親類や、下宿した子供のところに泊まるようになったためである。さらに東海道線の開通により東京以西からの観光客も増加したであろう。明治三十年代後半からは東京住民のための行楽案内が出版されるようになった。近世以来の行楽地は近代にも利用されたが、市街地の発展により「情緒」のないものとなり、地方からの定住者も新たな行楽地を求めだした。こうした時期に国木田独歩の『武蔵野』が発表され、大町桂月は『東京遊行記』を著している。大正期に入り田山花袋が『東京の近郊』『一日の行楽』を出版するに及んで、現在の中央線・京王線を中心とした東京西部が「武蔵野」として注目され、行楽地として発展していった。江戸の文人墨客が作り上げた行楽地に対抗するように、新しい知識人が行楽地を作り上げていったわけである。, This paper addresses sightseeing in Tokyo and excursions by the people of Tokyo in the Meiji and Taisho periods. From the time Tokyo was known as Edo right up to the present, the city has always had a role as a tourist city and has attracted many visitors. In conducting a study on this subject, this paper used as its main source material guidebooks of Tokyo.In the Meiji period, there were several peaks in the publication of Tokyo guidebooks. The major peaks were in 1871 and 1878 when there were changes in administrative districts, in 1889 when the Japan National Railroad's Tokaido line went into full service, and the following year 1890 when the Third National Industrial Exhibition was held in Tokyo. Not too many guidebooks were published in 1907 when the Tokyo Industrial Exhibition was held, but the city of Tokyo published its “Tokyo Annai (Tokyo guidebook)” in two volumes and the portable “Tokyo Yuuran Annai (Tokyo sightseeing guidebook)”.The publication of guidebooks due to changes in administrative districts was not related to an increase in tourists; guidebooks were published at the time of industrial exhibitions in anticipation of a temporary influx of tourists. Although the number of tourists visiting Tokyo would have increased yearly if there had not been any special event, these exhibitions provided publicity as to the actual state of Tokyo to wide areas and promoted an increase in tourists during normal times. In addition, it is thought that the start of service of the Tokaido line led to the increase in tourists from areas west of Tokyo.Towards the end of the Meiji period, there also seems to be an increase in tourists who stayed in Tokyo for about a week. This was because tourists could by then stay with relatives who had moved to Tokyo from the provinces and had settled down there or with children who lived and studied in Tokyo.Starting around the early 1900s, guidebooks on places to visit for people living in Tokyo were also published. Locations for excursions dating back to the Edo period continued to be used in modern times, but their number decreased as some disappeared or lost their value as places to visit due to urban development. People who had come from the provinces and settled in Tokyo also used the traditional excursion spots from the Edo period, but started also to look for new places to visit. It was during these times that KUNIKIDA Doppo's “Musashino” was published and OMACHI Keigetsu wrote his “Tokyo Yugyoki (Record of travels in Tokyo)”.In the Taisho period, TAYAMA Katai published “Tokyo no Kinko (Suburbs of Tokyo)” and “Ichinichi no Koraku (One-day excursion),” and the area around the western part of Tokyo came to be well known as “Musashino” and developed into a place to visit on excursions. As if to compete against the sightseeing spots created by the writers and artists (intellectuals) of the Edo period, the new generation of intellectuals created in their turn new places to visit.

本稿は，捺印された文書が漆紙文書として確認できるか否かという問題について，平城宮跡出土の資料を例示して検討を試みたものである。漆紙文書において印影が検出される可能性は従来から指摘されている。断片的にしか残されていない文書の作成・伝達過程を明かにする上で，印影は重要な情報を提供するはずであり，注意深く観察する必要がある。特に諸国からもたらされた京進文書が出土する可能性の高い都城遺跡では，このことを念頭に置かねばならない。この観点からみて，平城宮第259次調査において，造酒司南を通る宮内道路の側溝から出土した漆紙文書は注目すべき資料である。この資料は界線，書体などの特徴から京進文書であると考えられるが，文書の書かれた面に茶褐色の方格状を呈する幅約２mmの線が認められる。この部分には顔料は観察されず，この方格線が印影の一部であると認定する積極的な根拠はない。しかし正倉院文書の中の，諸国で作成した帳簿類にみえる印影の例と比較した場合，文書の内容，形態からみて国印が捺されていたとみた方が自然であり，方格線そのものの形態や，その位置からみても国印の印影であると考えて矛盾はない。今後，類例を検出することで，本例の資料的価値を確認していくとともに，「出土印影」をも古印研究の素材として提供していくことが課題となる。, This paper shows a study on a subject as to the possibility of confirming a sealed document in case of an Urushigami-monjo that I made by presenting materials excavated at the Heijōkyū ruins.A possibility that seal marks are detected on Urushigami-monjo has been so far pointed out. When we clarify the processes of preparation and transmission of a document such as Urushigami-monjo which remains only in the form of fragmentary pieces, seal marks surely provide important information and require close observation. In particular, we must bear in mind this fact when checking the capital city ruins where the documents sent from provinces to the central government are excavated with a higher possibility.From this viewpoint, the Urushigami-monjo excavated from a ditch for the road passing the Sake-no-tsukasa office on its southern side in the 259th survey of Heijōkyū is a noteworthy material. This material is considered to be a document received from a province judging from the characteristics such as demarcation line and character style, and a brown line which is about 2mm wide and represents a square shape is observed on the surface bearing a description. No pigment is observed in this portion, and there is no positive evidence to determine that the square line comprises part of a seal mark. However, when compared with seal marks appearing on notes and slips prepared in various provinces and kept in Shōsō-in, it is natural to consider that a provincial seal was marked on this paper by judging the contents and style of the documents. The form of the square line and its position correctly indicates that the Urushigami-monjo bears a provincial seal.Confirmation of the value of this example as an analyzed material by detecting similar examples in future as well as the provision of the “excavated seal mark” as a material used in the study of old seals are our subjects.ll provide a clue in establishing a chronicle of the county seals., 一部非公開情報あり

本稿では、近世荷主の経営帳簿に記載された「着値」の概念に関する検討を手がかりに、遠隔地間取引をおこなう荷主の価格計算・損益管理の方式について実証的な考察をおこなった。従来の研究では、「着値」の概念やその市場取引において持つ機能について掘り下げた検討がなされてこなかった。紅花生産地帯である羽州村山郡の商人や豪農、京都紅花屋の経営文書の分析から、以下の諸点をあきらかにした。①着値とは、商品がある地点に到着する迄にかかった総経費を実際額面ないし単位あたり原価で示すもので、流通過程の諸段階において元値を厳密に示す概念であった。②着値は、市場における実際の売買交渉においては荷主にとっての損益ラインを示す単位あたり値段として機能した。③荷主は着値計算を基礎にそれに一定の利潤を上乗せした差値で市場に対する価格要求をおこない、仕切後は商品個々の着値と手取現金を比較し損益計算を実施していた。④経営を進展させていた豪農の場合、紅花の銘柄別・産地別あるいは出荷ルート別に損益計算をおこない、さらには中央―地方（産地）の市場相場変動をふまえながら利益予測をおこない出荷形態の選択をおこなうなどの損益管理を展開していた。⑤着値による原価表示・損益計算は村山郡のみならず全国の紅花荷主に共通した方式であった。また、この方式は村山郡の商人や豪農が実施した「のこぎり商い」の帰り荷についても採用されていたことが確認でき、遠隔地間取引における荷主の原価積算および損益記録の方法として広く通用していたことを指摘した。最後に本稿でおこなった考察は、（Ａ）世直し状況論において論点とされた豪農経営発展をめぐる「幕藩制的市場関係の規定性」の実態的な吟味、（Ｂ）幕藩制的市場における価格形成のヘゲモニーの実態的な検討、などの課題のための実証的な前提であり、方法的な視点であることを指摘した。, This paper deals with the concept of the “tsukine” price listed in the accounting books and business correspondence of local consignors in the Edo period as a key to studying the cost and profit-and-loss accounting methods used for shipped goods by consignors engaging in long-distance trade.In the accounting books of the merchants and wealthy farmers of the safflower producing district of Murayama in Dewa province and of safflower wholesalers in Kyoto are listed various prices pertaining to the product they handled: safflower. These prices include the “tsukine,” “sashine,” “shikirinedan,” and “tedorigenkin.” In order to conduct a detailed study about the actual state of buying and selling goods at the market and the significance of fluctuations in price for the people involved in the marketing, it is necessary to understand the meaning of each price and their relationship to each other. The “tsukine” refers to the cost incurred in bringing goods to a certain location. The “sashine” is the price suggested for sale by the consignor to the wholesaler and consists of a certain profit margin added to the “tsukine”. The “shikirinedan” is the price at which sales from the wholesaler to the buyer, in this case the safflower-dye artisans, is set. The “tedorigenkin” is the price obtained by subtracting the “bubikikosen” (wholesaler's commission) from the “shikirinedan” and is the net income of the consignor.The consignor kept a “tsukine-cho” (book of tsukine) on the product, i.e., safflower, and recorded the tsukine and tedorigenkin of each product, comparing and adding up the figures to determine his income. He also calculated income based on the brand and place of origin of the shipped products to determine his business strategy. Furthermore, studies revealed how the consignor anticipated changes in market prices in both the metropolis and the provinces and chose the most profitable type of shipping.These cost and profit-and-loss accounting methods used by the consignor were applied not only to safflower trading but also to trading in salt, cotton, wax-tree, and sugar. It can be assumed therefore that these methods were widely adopted by consignors as methods for cost and profit-and-loss accounting and recording profits., 一部非公開情報あり

村落の民俗誌について、膨大な数の報告があり、多くの議論がなされてきた。しかし、都市の民俗誌については、課題が多い。民俗学における都市の定義さえ不明なままである。また、都市民俗では、現代的側面、動態的側面を無視できない。従来の民俗的な調査では十分対応できない。その意味でも、これまでの民俗誌とは異なる視点から対応する必要がある。新たに調査項目を設定する前に、都市生活をまるごと描いた作品（モノグラフ）を確認、検討する必要がある。小論では、これらの資料群を「都市民俗生活誌」と呼ぶ。都市民俗生活誌は全国各地で編まれ、発行されているものの、その全体像は不明である。そこで、全国規模で都市民俗生活誌資料の確認と収集、検討を始めた。この作業のプロセス、およびフィールドワークの中で、都市や都市性を再考する必要を感じた。そこで、民俗学にとっての都市や都市性について再確認をする。そして、都市民俗生活誌のセールスポイントについての私見を述べる。小論では、都市生活の具体相を眺めながら、都市人の様々な心性を探る試みの前提を論じた。, Many monographs on folk society in Japan had been discribed and reserched. But, monographs on urban society weren't reserched yet in folklore-studies. So, I'm now in inquiry about them, all over the urban areas in Japan. In it's prosess, through many urban life records, I want to discuss on urban societies, urban areas and urbanity again. In this essey, I insisit on some next strong points about “Folk-Lifography on urban society”.1) Dicovery of urbanity.2) Synthesis on urban life.3) Movement of urban society.4) Stranger in urban society.5) Point of detailed view to urban life.6) Various types of urbanity.

道祖神は境界の神であるとする認識は広い。しかし、そのような視点のみによって、民間伝承として全国に伝承されている道祖神の、多様な習俗のあり方が十分に説明されたわけではない。特に都市における道祖神信仰はほとんど視野に入っていなかった。しかし、文献上にみられるのは都市の道祖神信仰である。中世以前は京の都を中心とするが、近世城下町においても盛んに道祖神の祭りが行われている。十九世紀初頭の民間伝承を記録した『諸国風俗問状答』にみられる秋田・長岡の道祖神祭りには、城下町の空間と階層に基づく道祖神祭りのあり方が明確に見られる。これは信州松本あるいは松代においても同様であり、道祖神の信仰が人々の生活と密着していたということができる。そこにみられるのは必ずしも境を閉じて外来のものを遮り止める機能だけではない。境を開く機能を持ち、家の繁栄と生活の安泰を祈る対象でもあった。このような機能を持つようになったのは、境界神が男女双体の神と認識されるようになった結果である。記紀神話においては必ずしも性的な認識がなく、単神として記録されている境界神に性的要素が付加されることにより、境界において閉じる機能を発揮するのではなく、開く機能を発揮する神と考えられるようになった。これはまた佐倍乃加美と呼ばれていた神に、「道祖」の文字が当てられ、さらに「道祖神」と表記され、これがドウソジンと音読みされる契機になった。そのことによって、境界性に制約されることなく、様々な要素を付加されやすくなったということができるであろう。現在でも、都市においては道祖神信仰は再生産されている。, Dosojin (a wayside Deity) are considered gods of the border. However, this viewpoint alone has not been enough to sufficiently explain the diverse customs that have been handed down in folklore regarding dosojin.In particular, previous studies had barely included within their scope dosojin-worship in the cities. However, documents point precisely to dosojin-worship in the cities. Before mediaeval times, the capital of Kyoto was the center of activities, but, in the Edo period, there were also a great number of dosojin festivals. In the “Shokoku Fuzoku Toijokotae (Answers to questions regarding customs of the regions)”, which records folklore from the early nineteenth century, the dosojin festivals of Akita and Nagaoka clearly reveal how dosojin festivals were conducted, based on the space and hierarchy of the castle towns. This holds true for the cities of Matsumoto and Matsushiro in Shinshu and it can be concluded that the worship of dosojin was closely related to the lives of the people. The function of the dosojin in this respect was not necessarily just closing the border and keeping outsiders form entering. The dosojin also had the function of opening the boundary and was the object of prayers for household prosperity and secure life.The dosojin came to take on these functions after these border deities came to be given the shape of a double deity with both a male and female body. In the mythology found in the Kojiki and the Nihonshoki, the border deities did not necessarily have any gender and were single-bodied. As these deities acquired sexual characteristics, they came to be regarded as not closing the border but opening it.A deity originally called “Saeno kami” came to be given the characters for “doso” and later for “dosojin,” which led to the pronunciation “do-so-jin”. It can be said that, as a result, these deities no longer needed to be restricted to the border and could take on various functions. Even today, dosojin-worship in the cities is repeatedly regenerated.

城郭プランは権力構造とどのように連関してできあがったのか。この問題を解くために、きわめて特徴的な城郭プランをもった南九州に焦点をあてて検討を行った。まず鹿児島県知覧城を事例に南九州の戦国期城郭の分立構造を把握した。そして城内に多数の武家屋敷が凝集し、それが近世の麓集落の直接の母胎になったことを確認した。ついで熊本県人吉城を事例に知覧城で確認した城郭構造ができあがった要因を検討した。この議論を進める上で重要なのは人吉城の城郭遺跡が完全な形で残されており、踏査を行うことで把握可能であったことである。そして『相良氏文書』や『八代日記』などの良好な史料を基盤として勝俣鎮夫と服部英雄が深めた戦国期相良氏の権力構造の問題を踏査成果とあわせることで再検討できたことである。この結果、人吉城の分立的な城郭プランは地形要因だけではなく、築城主体の権力構造の特色を反映してできたと結論づけた。そしてこうした築城主体の権力構造と城郭プランとの相関関係は日本列島の城郭・城下を遺跡に即して分析する都市空間研究を進める上で、重要な視座となることを指摘した。, What rules were followed in drawing up castle plans? Seeking to answer this question, the author focuses on the south Kyushu region, which has very distinctive castle plans. Using Chiran Castle in Kagoshima Prefecture as an example, he outlines the “separated structure” of castles in south Kyushu in the Sengoku period. He also confirms that a large number of samurai houses were concentrated inside the castle which served as the origins of the “fumoto” villages of modern times.Next, the author looks to Hitoyoshi Castle in Kumamoto Prefecture to examine the factors that make up the castle structure that were confirmed with Chiran Castle. An important factor that made this study possible was the fact that the site of Hitoyoshi Castle remain in their entirety and could therefore be investigated. The results of the investigations could then be combined with the research conducted by KATSUMATA Shizuo and HATTORI Hideo on the power structure of the Sagara clan in the Sengoku (Warring States) era based on excellent historical materials like the “Sagarashi Monjo” and “Yatsushiro Nikki”.As a result, the author concludes that the castle plan of Hitoyoshi Castle was influenced not only by geographical factors but also by regulations stemming from the power structure of the owner of the castle. It is demonstrated, therefore, that such an interrelationship between the power structure of the owner of the castle and the castle plan provides an important frame of reference in the study of urban landscape through the analysis of castles and castle towns in the Japanese islands.

発掘調査によって出土する古代の印章のほとんどは私印であるが，これまで官司・寺社印に比して専論も皆無に等しく，不明な点が少なくなかった。本稿では奈良・平安時代の現存する文書の印影22例，出土品・伝世品など138例，鋳型片２例，印影のある土器・瓦片５例等から，古代の私印の形態・内容・用途・機能について検討を行った。形態では，莟鈕有孔で印面の大きさがほぼ１寸５分以内のものが多く，印文は１文字が圧倒的に多い。印文は所有者の名前から取られる場合が多いが，純然たる吉祥句や成語から採ったものもあり，私印押捺の意味は，文書内容の証明と偽造・抹消・改竄の防止であり，印文の内容というより，印が押捺されていること自体に意義があるということになろう。なお，私印には家印と個人印とがあるが，当然のことながら家印は貴族階級に限られるものであり，正倉院文書にみられるような下級官人などが差出す文書に押捺されるのは個人印しか有り得ないわけだから，家印と個人印の違いは，本質的にそれほど厳密なものものではなく，機能や押捺方法にもほとんど差異はないとみてよい。いまひとつ私印には呪術性及び祭祀的な役割がある。私印を神仏に奉納することの意味は，宝物・財物の奉納というにとどまらず，自らの土地・財物に関するすべての権限を神仏に委ねることを意味したと考えられる。瓦・粘土板・土器等に私印を押捺したものは，墨書・刻書土器と同様，集落内における祭祀行為に伴うもので，日常什器とは異なる非日常の標識を施すことであり，祭祀に用いる土器を日常什器と区別し，疫神・崇り神・悪霊・鬼等を含んだ意味においての「神仏」に属する器であることを示したもので，神仏に対して祭祀の主体者を明示するものであったと考えられる。, Most private seals of old times excavated in surveys are private ones. Very few papers on private seals have been published till date in comparison with papers related to seals of government shrines and temples so that many points have been left unknown. This paper covers a study on the form, contents, usage and functions of private seals of old times, conducted by evaluating 22 pieces of seal marks contained in the existing documents of the Nara and Heian eras, 138 pieces of excavated goods and objects handed down through generations, 2 pieces of broken molds and 5 pieces of earthen pots bearing seal marks and tiles bearing seal marks.Concerning the shapes, many seals are of ganchū-yūkō (莟鈕有孔) type and have seal faces with an approximate size of 4.5cm or less. The number of the characters engraved in seals is one in almost all cases. Seal descriptions are chosen from the name of the owner in many cases, but, some were adopted from lucky phrases or idioms. The purposes of the use of private seals are proving the contents of documents and preventing forgery, erasure and willful alteration. This means that a greater importance is placed on seal marking itself rather than on the contents of seal inscription.Private seals are classified into family seals and personal seals. Naturally the family seal was used only in noble society, and lower class government servants put only personal seals in the documents that they presented as shown in the Shōsō-in Documents. Therefore, essentially it can be considered that there are no strict difference between family seals and personal seals and no difference in the functions and sealing methods.Private seals play another role that is related to incantation and religious rites. The objective of dedicating a private seal to Gods and Buddah is considered to have meant not only a dedication of treasures and properties but also entrusting all rights related to land and properties to Gods and Buddah. Seal marks impressed on tiles, clay plates and earthen wares are associated with religious rites held in a community as in the case of earthen wares which bear inscriptions in Japanese ink and engraved inscriptions. The seal marks are intended to discriminate the earthen wares for religious rites from the earthen ware used daily, indicating that the wares are instruments which belong to Gods and Buddah including evil spirits and demons and that the person who handles the wares is regarded as the master of religious rites.

本稿は，延暦15年（796）の越前国坂井郡符に捺された「坂井郡印」の印影を検出し，新たな郡印資料を提示すると同時に，古代の「坂井郡印」の変遷を追うことで，古代郡印の編年作業を試みるものである。坂井郡印が捺された文書については，天平宝字２年（758），宝亀11年（780），延暦15年（796）の３時期のものがこれまで知られているが，今回そのすべての印影を確認することができた。それによると，前二者の文書の印影はいずれも楷書体であり，延暦15年の坂井郡符に至ってはじめて篆書体の印影があらわれることがわかる。このことから，坂井郡印が，宝亀11年から延暦15年の16年の間に，楷書体の郡印から篆書体の郡印への改鋳が行われたことが明らかになった。郡印の改鋳時期については従来ほとんど検討されてこなかったが，今回はじめてその具体的な時期がしぼり込めたことになる。本稿では，あわせて延暦年間（８世紀末～９世紀初頭）の郡印の印影を二つ紹介する（近江国愛智郡印，大和国山辺郡印）。これらはいずれも篆書体であり，さきの坂井郡印での検討をもふまえると，延暦年間にはすでに篆書体の郡印が全国的にあらわれていたことが想定できる。以上の検討は，郡印の編年を考える上で一つの指標となるであろう。, This paper has been prepared with the objective of identifying the Sakai (坂井) County Seal mark of the Document of Sakai County in the Echizen Province dated the 15th year of Enryaku (A.D. 796) to present new materials associated with the county seals and follow at the same time the change of the Sakai County Seals in the olden time, thus developing the work to clarify a chronological change of the Seals. Concerning the documents wherein the Sakai County Seals was marked, all that are known to date are the documents created in the three stages of the 2nd year of Tenpyohōji (A.D. 758) the 11th year of Hōki (A.D. 780) and the 15th year of Enryaku. However, all the seal marks have been identified this time.According to the achievement, the seal marks put in both the former two documents have the Kaisyo style (楷書 printed style), indicating that seal marks having a Tensyo style (篆書 seal character style) began to be used only after the Document of Sakai County dated the 15th year of Enryaku was created. This has made it clear that the Sakai County Seal was recast to have a Tensyo style instead of a Kaisyo style during the 16 years from the 11th year of Hoki (A.D. 780) to the 15th year of Enryaku. The recasting time of county seals have been scarcely studied conventionally, but our recent study has succeeded, for the first time, in identifying the real recasting time. Also introduced in this paper are the seal marks of the county seals of the era of Enryaku (the end of the 8th century to the beginning of the 9th century), which are the seal marks of Echi (愛智) County in Ōmi Province and Yamabe (山辺) County in Yamato Province. Both of these seal marks have the Tensyo style, and therefore, based on the study on the said Sakai County Seal, it is assumed that county seals of the Tensyo style were already used nationwide in the era of Enryaku. The study outlined here will provide a clue in establishing a chronicle of the county seals.

天平７年（735）年「相摸国封戸租交易帳」を扱った研究は多く，欠佚部の復原についても，幾つかの考察がある。しかし，従来の復原は，「交易帳」残存部の数値の加減乗除から欠佚部を「虫食い算」で求めるにとどまり，そこに押印されている「相摸国印」や料紙の問題を考察に用いてはいない。「交易帳」の写真版や料紙に関する詳細なデーターが公開された今日，国印の位置や料紙の寸法，料紙に残る書き直し痕などに注目する必要がある。そのことによって，従来の復原案を確認，あるいは訂正するとともに，新たな復原を提示することができ，その中で不明であった封戸主を推定することも可能である。また，書き直し痕を分析することにより，この「交易帳」の作成段階をめぐる，国衙レベルか郡・郷レベルかの議論は，前者が妥当であると確定される。「交易帳」に見る数値は，国衙の調整操作による結果であり，「交易帳」の数値から郡の自律性を過大に評価することはできない。むしろ，国衙レベルによる封戸の管理に着目すべきものとなる。, A large number of studies deale with “the Books of trading fuko-so (封戸租) in Sagami province” for the 7th year of Tempyō (A.D. 735), a list which shows ownership of rice fields and rice field tax when the rice field tax of fuko in Sagami Province was exchanged for a cloth and so on, in some observations, restoration of missing portions of the list have been attempted.However, the conventional methods of restoration have estimated only missing portions of “the books” by calculating the numerical value of remainder, not observed the “Sagami kokuin” (相模国印) and charge papers.Now, the pictures of “the books” and detailed date of charge papers are made public, so that it is necessary to pay attention to where province seals were put, the size of charge papers and the rewriting marks on charge papers. By so doing the conventional restoration plan becomes possible to be confirmed or to be corrected, and a new restoration plan is able to present, also the owner of fuko who has not been identified can be assumed.An analysis of rewritten marks decides a question that “the books” were prepared on the level of a provincial government office, not on the level of a county or an area. The numerals appearing on “the books” were determined by a provincial government office, and the autonomy of a county cannot be evaluated excessively from the numerals shown on “the books”. Conversely, the control of fuko on the level of a provincial government office deserves attention.

古代においても，私印は文書に捺されるのが最も普通の用途である。ところがまれに，焼成前の土器に捺した事例が見られる。生産窯や貢納主体の国や郡を表示するために印を土器や瓦に捺す例は少なくないが，私印を捺すという行為には，全く別の目的があったと考えられる。こうした数少ない事例のうち，三重県で報告された「寳」「桑名国依」の印を押したと見られる土器を調査したところ，印の文字に似せた陰刻とは考えにくく，前者は名前の１文字を採った印，後者は姓名ともに刻した印を捺したものと判断された。これらの印は，文書を取り扱える立場の地方官人層の所有物と見るのが妥当で，彼等が土器の生産段階のある時期に，特定の土器を選別して私印を捺していたものと考えられる。それは生産管理のために印を捺すよりも，私物であることを表示するために名前を墨書するのに類似した行為である。このような土器墨書は，祭祀や呪術に使う土器であることを表示したものという見解が出されている。これに関連した事例として注目すべきは，京都府で報告された製塩土器の中に私印を捺した事例である。製塩土器は消耗品で，長期に渡って所有するために捺印をしたとは考えにくい。むしろこの印は，中身の塩を生産の段階で弁別しておく必要があったから捺されたものと考えられる。すなわちこの場合は，首長層が祭祀などの特定目的のために生産した塩を表示するために捺したものと考えられるのである。同様に，祭祀などに用いるために特に発注した土器に対して，ほかの土器と区別するために私印を捺すということが古代には行われたのではないかと考えられる。また，その背景には，印自体に神秘性を見る古代人の意識をうかがうことができるだろう。, Strange wares are excavated from ruins of Nara-Heian era (8―9th century) in rare cases. Personal seals were affixed on the wares as on documents. From an observation of two samples “Takara” (寶) and “Kuwana-no-Kuniyori” (桑名国依) excavated in Mie Prefecture, the seals are not seal-imitated carvings, but real seal marks. As if seen with sealing on paper, ancient Japanese sometimes put seals on wares.Many of the Chinese characters sealed on wares and roof tiles indicated either a kiln or a district, “Kuni” (国) or “Ko'ori” (郡). But, personal seals essentially indicate only a “name of a person”, so that the purpose of affixing must have been different. These seal marks only showed their original owners. These seals, usually made of bronze, are a necessity of local government officials, who are local leaders on the other hand. Therefore, name-sealing is similar to putting a signature, but it showed the owner's power more proudly. An earthen ware stay of salt-making ware, excavated from a seaside ruin in Kyōto Prefecture, provides an important hint. This article of consumption also bears personal seals, which show a fact that the important thing is not the ware, but the contents, salt in this case. Salt was the necessity of the religious rite and sorcery.I think this salt must be separated from others since it is used on a special stage for a sacred purpose. In the same way, name-sealed wares were made for special purposes, probably in some religious services, for example, in serving sacred food. And this act indicates a possibility that the ancient Japanese people regarded the bronze seal itself as a sort of religious object.

日本古代の文書行政の実態を知る上で極めて重要な史料と位置づけられている正倉院文書には，周知のように実に多種の古代印が押されている。本稿では，その中から，特に東大寺内の組織運営システムと密接にかかわると考えられる「東大寺印」と「造東寺印」を取り上げ，これまで主に個々の文書の接続関係や内容から検討されてきた正倉院文書に，印影の考察から，新たな分析視角を与えることを試みる。正倉院文書中に見られる「東大寺印」は現在三種が確認できるが，そのうち，古代印と認められるものは二種である。また，同じく「造東寺印」も二種を確認したが，古代印と断定できるものは一種のみであった。このことを前提として，「東大寺印」「造東寺印」の変遷と両印の関係を示すと以下のようになる。天平宝字５年末までに鋳造された「東大寺印」は，宝亀２年に他の寺印が官鋳で頒下されるに伴って，改鋳されることとなる。一方「造東寺印」も天平勝宝４年10月から宝亀２年９月の間は少なくとも存在していることが確認される。造東大寺司の作成する文書にはこの両印がいずれも使用されているが，造東大寺司では，寺内に伝達する文書には「造東寺印」を押印し，寺外に伝達する文書には「東大寺印」を押印するという，文書行政上の使い分けを行っていたと考えられる。なお，天平勝宝４年以降，造東大寺司と東大寺三綱は，互いに往復する文書にそれぞれの東大寺内での所属名を冠した印を用いており，造東大寺司と三綱が同居する東大寺はその内部において，少なくとも奈良時代中葉以降は，それぞれの所属の印を用いた文書による組織運営システムを確立しつつあったことが窺われるのである。, The Shōsō-In Documents (正倉院文書), classified as extremely important materials for ascertaining the actual state of the documentary governance of Japan in old times, bear a variety of old seals as already known to the people concerned. This paper discusses, among others, the “Tōdaiji Seal” (東大寺印) and the “Zōtōji Seal” (造東寺印) which are considered to have had a close relationship particularly with the management system of Tōdaiji Temple, trying to give a new perspective over the Shōsō-in Documents, so far studied principally with respect to mutual positional relationship of the contexts of individual documents separated into a plural number of sheets, from the viewpoint of studies on seal marks.Three types of “Tōdaiji Seals” appearing in the Shōsō-in Documents were already identified, and two of the said three are ascertained as old seal marks. Identically, three type of “Zōtōji Seals” were also identified, but only one type was determined as an old time seal. Based on this fact, the changes and mutual relationship of both the “Tōdaiji Seals” and “Zōtōji Seals” can be confirmed as shown below.The Tōdaiji Seal, cast at and before the end of the 5th year of Tempyōhōji (A.D.761), was recast simultaneously with the seal marks of other temples were cast officially and issued in the 2nd year of Hōki (A.D.771). The presence of the Zōtōji Seal during the period from the October of the 4th year of Tempyōshōhō (A.D.751) to September of the 2nd year of Hōki (A.D.771) was confirmed, but it is considered that the office of Zōtōdaiji-shi (造東大寺司) used the Zōtōji Seal in their internal documents while putting the Tōdaiji Seal in the documents issued outside the temple.In addition, after the 4th year of Tempyōshōhō, the officials of Zōtōdaiji-shi and Sangō (三綱) of Tōdaiji Temple used in their mutually exchanged documents the seals bearing their sections to which they belonged. This shows that after the middle of the Nara era, a administrative system using official documents affixed with seals was being established in Tōdaiji Temple including the offices of Zōtōdaiji-shi and Sangō managing household of Tōdaiji Temple.

本稿は，日本古代の史料に押捺された印影を主に収録した摸古印譜（日本古印譜）について，その系譜を明らかにすることを目的とした調査の中間報告である。今回は特に日本古印の研究の基礎を築きその後の日本古印譜作成に大きな影響を与えた藤貞幹が登場する以前の時期に焦点をあてて調査を行なった。近世にいたり古印への関心が高まった背景には，古文書への関心の高まり，篆刻界における復古体の流行，さらには朝廷内における朝儀復興の動きといったことが考えられよう。現在確認される最古の日本古印譜は，松崎祐之作成の『印譜』であるが，この存在はあまり知られることはなかったらしく，以後の日本古印譜にも影響を与えた形跡を見出せない。次に挙げられるのが，藤原惺窩が輯し成慶が増補したと伝えられる印譜であるが，現在，管見の限りではあるものの，成慶が作成した印譜の転写本以外にはこの印譜を発見することはできなかった。伝惺窩作成印譜と成慶作成印譜とは元来別のものであったと考えられるが，成慶作成印譜が転写を重ねるうちに伝惺窩作成印譜と混同されるようになったのではなかろうか。ちなみに伝惺窩作成印譜は実際には惺窩作ではなく，後に仮託されたものと想像される。篆刻家高芙蓉が作成したとされる古印譜もかつて存在したらしいが，今に伝わらず，後世の印譜に引用された印影によって，その内容をうかがうことができるのみである。それによれば，芙蓉作成印譜の中には明らかに偽印と見做される印影も含まれていた。藤貞幹が日本古印譜を作成する以前には以上のような印譜が存在しており，それらが貞幹の印譜研究に与えた影響は大きいと考えられる。, This paper is an interim report of my survey conducted to clarify the genealogy of Nippon Koinpu or a seal mark book which records seal marks impressed on historical materials of old ages of Japan as main contents. I conducted this survey recently, especially focusing on the era prior to the time when TŌ, Teikan appeared, who provided a basis for studies on old seals of Japan and gave much influence on the subsequent preparation of books on Japanese seal marks of old times.The background for the people's increasing interest in old seals in the early modern ages is considered to be based on the trend where the interest in old documents increased, old styles became popular in the seal engraving field, and ancient ceremonies were revived in the Imperial Court. The oldest Koinpu of Japan, so far as I confirmed, is the one prepared by MATSUZAKI, Sukeyuki. However, its presence was not well known to the public at that time, and I could not find any influence of his book on the later Koinpu of Japan. The Koinpu produced next was the one that Later Koinpu producers regarded it was edited by FUJIWARA, Seika, and enlarged by Jōkei. Based on my limited knowledge, only a transcribed copy of the book prepared by Jōkei was found, leaving all others unlocated. I consider that the Koinpu prepared by Seika and the one prepared by Jōkei are really different from each other. However, I suppose that Jōkei's Koinpu was confused with Seika's Koinpu while the former was being transcribed repeatedly. I assume that Seika's Koinpu was not prepared by him actually, but it was regarded as his work afterwards. An old Koinpu reportedly prepared by a seal engraver, KŌ, Fuyō, might exist in the past, but it is lost presently.Only the seal marks quoted in Koinpu of later ages allows the contents to be understood. According to them, the Koinpu produced by Fuyō contained some seal marks that are clearly judged as false marks. These Koinpu existed before TŌ, Teikan produced Koinpu, and I consider that such books have given a great influence on Teikan's study on seal marks.

大宝４（704）年に初めて全国一斉に鋳造された国印は，その印影を正倉院文書や正倉院に伝わる麻布などに残すのみで，国印そのものはその後に改鋳されたものも含め一点も現存しない。しかし歴史博物館における展示では，残された印影の展示という従来の方法から一歩踏み込んで，現存しない国印を復原して展示するという課題が存した。本稿はこうした資料的制約のもとで試みられた，信濃国印の復原制作の報告である。まず印文について，信濃国印の印影は，正倉院文書には残されておらず，麻布や布袴などに残るのみである。文書に残された印影と異なり，布類に残された印影は布の伸縮などの問題もあり，印面の大きさや印文の字体などの確定には困難な側面もある。複数の印影をトレースしたり，薄れて不明な部分を補ったりする必要もある。そこで，信濃国の場合について布類の印影を検討すると，天平11年に捺されたものと天平宝字８年に捺されたものの印文を異にする二種類があり，大宝４年初鋳の国印は天平宝字年間頃に改鋳されたこと，この頃には大和国印も改鋳されたことがわかった。次に，印字体の大きさや形状をいかに復原するかというより困難な課題があった。形状や大きさでは，印面の大きさは延喜式の規定を念頭に現存する官印とりわけ倉印や郡印を参考にし，印面の彫りの深さや字の太さという点は，彫りの深い法隆寺印を参考にした。なお，鋳造技術の復原的検討という課題については，金属成分比や制作技法についての実験的検討という手法を採ることができず，現在の精密鋳造技術によって実施するなど今後に残された課題も多い。, Concerning the province seals which were cast for the first time in the 4th year of Taihō (A.D. 704), their seal marks only remain on the Shōsō-in Documents (正倉院文書) and the flax cloth inherited in Shōsō-in, and even one piece of the province seals themselves including the ones recast later does not exist presently. However, as to the the exhibition in a historical museum, there is a problem of restoring province seals which do not exist actually and exhibiting them by going forward to from the previous method of exhibiting only the seal marks which exist. This paper is a report on how the seal of Shinano Province which does not exist actually is restored and exhibited under the condition that the required materials are limited.As regards the descriptions on seals, any seal mark of the seal of Shinano Province does not remain in the Shōsō-in Documents, but seal marks remain only on flax cloths and pleated skirts made of cloth. Different from the seal marks left on documents, the seal marks remaining on cloths are susceptible to the shrinkage of cloth and other conditions, so that there are some aspects where it is difficult to determine the size of seal surface and the style of letters for descriptions on seal surface. In some cases, it is necessary to trace a plural number of seal marks or make up for the portion where letters faded and became illegible. A check of seal marks impressed on cloths in the case of Shinano province has disclosed that there are two types of seal marks, that is, those impressed in the 11th year of Tempyō (A.D. 739) and those impressed in the 8th year of Tempyōhōji (A.D. 764), and that the Province seal first cast in the 4th year of Taiho was recast around the era of Tempyōhōji and the seal of Yamato Province was also recast at approximately the same time.Further, there is also a more difficult problem―how to restore the sizes and shapes of impressed letters. When determining the shapes and sizes, the existing official seals, namely, a warehouse seal and a county seal were used as references with the rules of the Engi-shiki (延喜式) in mind for the size of seal surface, and the seal of Hōryūji Temple (法隆寺) was used as a reference for the depth of grooves of seal surface and the thickness of letters. In addition, in solving the problem of making a reproductive study of casting technique, the method to make an experimental study with respect to metallic composition rates and manufacturing techniques could not be adopted, and the current fine-casting technique was used instead, which poses a problem to be solved in future.

古代銅印は，近年発掘調査による出土例が増加している文字資料の一つである。銅印については，これまでさまざまな視点からの集成作業や研究が行われてきたが，考古資料としての位置付けは必ずしも充分に果たされているとはいいがたい。そこで本稿では発掘調査による出土例をもとに，古代銅印の考古資料としての評価の方途を探ることとしたい。古代銅印とは，主として奈良・平安時代に属するものを指すが，その編年的位置付けにはなお多くの課題を残している。出土資料では私印の範疇に属するものが大半を占めているが，考古学的観察を通じていくつかの特徴を指摘することができる。その形態には大別して「弧鈕」と「莟鈕」があるが，鈕孔の有無や基部の装飾の相違などによってさらに細分が可能である。印面には基本的に氏もしくは名の一部が刻まれたものと思われるが，一字印のなかには複数の資料で同一の文字を有する例が認められる。出土遺跡は関東・中部地方を中心としてほぼ全国に及び，遺跡の性格には都城跡・官衙跡・寺院跡・集落跡・祭祀跡など多様なものがある。銅印の出土状況には，竪穴住居跡から検出されたものや，一部には人為的な埋置を想定されるものが認められている。さらに鋳造痕跡をとどめる資料やいくつかの遺跡における鋳型の出土によって，これまで推定の域を出ることがなかった古代銅印製作の技術的過程や鋳造遺跡の実態に迫る手がかりを得ることが可能となった。出土銅印のなかには赤色顔料の付着が認められるものがあり，実際に押捺に供された可能性を持つものの存在を想定させるが，今後は観念的側面を含めた多様な存在形態の可能性を視野に入れつつ，他の文字資料を含めた律令的文字文化全体の展開のなかで評価を推し進める必要があろう。, The bronze seal of old times is one of the materials to study letters which are found many times in recent researches by excavation. Collection work and studies have been conducted so far on bronze seals from various viewpoints. However, we cannot necessarily say that the positioning of bronze seals as Archaeological materials was conducted in a sufficient manner. For this reason, based on samples found in excavating surveys, the author intends to explore a method to evaluate bronze seals of old times as Archaeological materials. The bronze seals of old times means the bronze seals which were mainly created in the eras of Nara and Heian, but there are still many assignments unsolved with respect to their positioning in chronological sequence. A large percentage of excavated materials falls into the genre of private seals, but archaeological observations help point out some characteristics. The forms of bronze seals are roughly classified as “ko-chu”（弧鈕）and“gan-chū”（莟鈕）, and a further minute classification is possible according to the presence of “chū-kō”（鈕孔） and the difference in decorations at the base of a seal. Essentially the family name or part of the personal name is considered to have been engraved in the seal surface. Concerning one-character seals, a plural number of materials bear the same letter. The ruins where such seals were excavated range from the districts of Kantō and Chūbu, covering almost all the areas of the national land. The kinds of the related ruins are the ruins of capital city, government offices, temples, communities, and sites for religious rites. Some bronze seals were found from pit dwellings, and in some cases, seals were intentionally buried. Excavation of materials which have casting marks on themselves and casting molds from some ruins has provided clues for determining technical processes for manufacture of bronze seals and casting ruins which were left unconfirmed previously. Red pigment is deposited on some excavated seals, which permits an assumption that the seals actually used for seal marking really existed. In the future, it will be necessary to promote evaluations all through the development of the entire culture of letters based on Ritsuryō（律令）system including other materials related to letters in other fields, with a perspective of the possibility that bronze seals existed in various forms including conceptional aspects.

公印のうち，郡印は令文に規定がないものの，その印の規格は印影・出土印・伝世印を通じて，平均方１寸５分程度（約4.5cm）であり，国印（方２寸，約６cm）と郷印（方１寸，約３cm）の中間の大きさといってよい。しかも年代の明確な文書に押された郡印の印影に基づいて編年的に並べてみると，天平20年（748）の山背国宇治郡印が篆書体であり，天平勝宝から天平宝字年間（757～765）にかけて楷書体（天平神護２年〈766〉の「足羽郡印」楷書体例あり），その後はすべて篆書体を呈している。この時期は国印の改鋳時期でもあるが，国印の改鋳は書体の変更にまでは及んでいない。郡印の篆書体から楷書体への変化は，次のように説明できるであろう。そもそも篆書体は，中国の秦代に始皇帝によって“皇帝の書”と位置づけられ，臣下の用いる隷書体と区別されたものである。天平勝宝～天平宝字年間は，藤原朝臣仲麻呂（恵美押勝）が絶大な権力を握り，中国にならった諸改革を実施したのは周知のとおりである。仲麻呂の印に対する執着の強さは，印影を伝える藤原氏の家印が，他の私印では例をみない公印並みの典型的な篆書体であり，また自ら恵美家印を公印と認めさせたりした施策などからも明らかである。仲麻呂が，皇帝の書体である篆書体は専ら八省印や国印（クニノミコトモチとしての国司の使用印）に用いるものとし，一方郡印は中国で臣下の用いる隷書体から発展した楷書体に限定し，地方社会において国印と明確に識別させた施策であると推測できる。仲麻呂政権の崩壊とともに，宝亀５年（774）以降の郡印が再び篆書体に戻る傾向は，この推測を裏付けているであろう。これらの印影に基づく郡印の編年に，これまで年代不明とされた出土・伝世の郡印をあてはめた時に，はじめて妥当な年代を与えることができることも証明した。これらの作業は，印影・出土印・伝世印を総合的に検討するとした“日本古代印集成”の研究目的にかなうものであるといえる。, The particulars of the County Seals（郡印）, among official seals, were not stipulated in any government rule, but the length of their sides was about 4.5cm in average, an intermediate size between the side length of about 6cm of the Province Seal（国印）and the side length of about 3cm of the Village Seal（郷印）, regardless of the types of measured items, that is, seal marks, excavated seals or, inherited, handed down through generations seals. When the County Seals impressed on the documents having definite dates are identified according to a chronological sequence, it has been confirmed that the Uji County Seal of Yamashiro Province used in the 20th year of Tempyō（A.D.748） was of a Tensho style（篆書）, a Kaisho style（楷書）was adopted from Tempyōshōhō era to Tempyōhōji era（A.D.749～765）, and all seals had the Tensho style thereafter. This period is the time when the government seals were recast, but the recasting of the Province Seals did not involve any change in the character style. The change in the use of the Kaisho style instead of the Tensho style can be explained as stated below. The Tensho style was originally determined as the“character style of the Emperor” by Shih-Huang-Ti of Ch'in Dynasty of China, and was distinguished from the、Reisho style（隷書）used by subjects. It is well known that duringthe era from Tempyōshōhō to Tempyōhōji, Fujiwara-no-Nakamaro（Emi-no-Oshikatsu) had extraordinarily powerful rights, enforcing various innovations by following the precedentsof China. The intensity of Nakamaro's persistence in his seals was evident because the family seal of Fujiwaras had a typical Tensho style which is quite unusual compared with any other private seal, and he issued a policy to have the seal of Emi family accepted as an official seal. Nakamaro decided that the Tensho style as a style peculiar to an Emperor should be exclusively used as Seals of Eight Ministries（八省印）or a Province Seal. On the other hand, the County Seal was limited to have only a Kaisho style which was developed from the Reisho style used by the subjects in China. The policy was assumed to have been taken to clearly discriminate a County Seal from a Province Seal in local communities. This assumption will be attested by the fact that along with the collapse of the government of Nakamaro, the County Seal created after the 5th year ofHōki（A.D.774） took a Tensho style again. It was also proved that when the year of creation of a County Seal was determined based on these seal marks, a reasonable year can be given only after excavated and inherited County Seals whose eras were unknown to date are referred to. Only these kinds of work can satisfythe purposes of study for “Nippon Kodai-in Shūsei”（『日本古代印集成』）which was intended to make an overall evaluation of seal marks, excavated seals and inherited seals.

日本古代の印章は，印影や現存印を含めても相当数にのぼり，大きく官印と私印，寺社印の三つに分類できる。そのうち，官印には法令に規定のある公印とそれ以外に分けられ，私印も家印と個人印に分けられる。ただ，印の押し方は公文書・私文書を問わず，同じように，文字のあるところに全面に押されている。貞観年間になると，それまで私文書にしか押されなかった私印が封家の発給する文書にも押されるようになった。現存の古文書などから使われ方を見ると，寺社印と家印は公印的に用いられることが多いが，私印は様々である。特に，公的家を持ちうる貴族層では，家印と個人印の区別がつきにくい。中には，個人の名前を刻した印を家印として用いた例もあって，厳密に個人印と家印を峻別することは困難である。一方，私印に刻する文字は，名前か名前の一部，それに「印」等の文字を入れて刻するのが一般的である。しかし，平安時代中期になると，中には自分の気に入った吉祥句や成語などを選んで刻し，それを使うことで特定の個人や家などを差す例も存在している。そのような私印をここでは，「遊印」と呼んだ。こうした一般的な印の使い方以外に，信仰に用いるものもある。９世紀頃から印を一種の呪物として土中に埋めることがあったようである。この方向が進んで，平安時代後期以降になり，印鑰社とか，仏像の手に印章を持ったりするのが現われてくるようである。使われ方は異なっているが，こういった印を信仰に用いる例は，３世紀頃の中国にもあったようで，民間道教的祭祀の中に見ることができる。日本の古代に見える信仰に用いられた印は，こうした中国の民間の祭祀が間接的に影響を与えた可能性が存在するようである。, There are a considerable number of seals and seal marks of old times used in Japan including existing seals and they are largely classified into the three types, that is, government seals (官印), private seals (私印) and seals of shrines and temples. Government seals consist of official seals used according to laws and regulations and other seals while private seals are divided into family seals and personal seals. However, the way of putting a seal is identical for both official documents and private documents―the seal was impressed on the entire surface where letters are written. In the era of Jogan, private seals that had been formerly used only in private documents were put on the documents presented to officials either.According to the existing old documents, seals of shrines and temples were used officially in many cases, but the manner to use private seals varied considerably. Especially among the nobility who were able to have public houses, it is not easy to discriminate family seals from private seals. There are examples where a seal bearing a personal name was used as a family seal.Meanwhile, the letters engraved on private seals generally bore the personal name or part of the name to which a letter such as “seal” was added. However, in the middle of Heian era, there were some examples where favorite lucky phrases or idioms were selected as engraved inscriptions which served to identify particular persons and families. This kind of private seal was called “Yu-in” (遊印). In addition to the seals used generally in this way, some were used for religious purposes. From around the 9th century, it appears that there was a custom that seals were buried as a fetish in the ground. This custom progressed so that in and after the last half Heian era, In'yakusha shrines (印鑰社) and images of Buddah with a seal in hand came into existence. Although used in different ways, the presence of the example to use such seals on religious occasions seems to have been seen around the 3rd century also in China, just as done by the public in religious rites of Taoism. It is possible that the seals used in religious rites in old times in Japan were indirectly influenced by public religious rites in China.

和紙の当初の製法は溜漉法で，原料の繊維は予め短く切断された後，臼などで搗かれてから使用されていた。繊維を短くし，フィブリルを発生させることによって，しなやかで，よく結合しあう繊維に変えていたのである。一方，現在の手漉和紙では流漉法を主流とし，原料の持ち味をなるべく損なわないように生かして使っている。紙を特徴づける普遍的で客観的な基準を導きだすための準備として，ここでは，紙の代表的な原料の繊維の形態の特徴をまとめた，標準となる写真資料を作成した。その際，原料の持ち味を生かして漉いた紙（コウゾ，クワ，ガンピ，ミツマタ，竹，稲わら）のみならず，古代の溜漉法に準じて原料を処理してから漉いた紙（アサ，カラムシ，コウゾ，クワ，ガンピ，クララ）の繊維も試料とし，原料本来の形態の特徴が繊維の切断・叩解などの処置を経た後，どの程度まで残っているのかにも注目している。偏光顕微鏡での単ニコル・直交ニコル下の観察と合わせて，染色後の繊維の観察も含めた。これらの繊維の形態の特徴が，紙から繊維を採取することなく，紙表面を観察することのみでどこまで読み取れるかの検討も行なっている。また，試料を採取せずに行なえる方法の検討の一環として，紙の特徴（厚みの均一性，糸の目・簀の目の有無とその間隔，繊維の分散の様子など）の記録に関し，画像瞬間校正紙の可能性とその限界を調べた。, Washi was at first produced by the tamezuki method, and the fibers of the raw material had been cut short and pounded in a mortar. Cutting the fibers short and producing a fibrillation made the fibers pliant and cohesive. Nowadays however washi is mostly produced by the nagashizuki method, and the characteristic features of the raw material are retained as far as possible. As a preliminary study to find out a general and objective standard to characterize different papers, the writer has here compiled photographic data showing the standard characteristics of paper-making fibers. Samples of fibers were taken not only from papers for which the special features of the raw material had been respected (paper mulberry, mulberry, gampi, mitsumata, bamboo, rice straw), but also from papers for which the raw material had been treated according to the ancient tamezuki method (hemp, ramie, paper mulberry, mulberry, gampi, kurard). We examined if the characteristics of the original material remained or not after the fibers had been cut and pounded. Fibers were observed using a polarizing microscope, under one nicol and crossed nicols. Observations were also made after the fibers had been dyed. We also studied how far the characteristic features of these fibers can be recognized from the surface observation of the paper, without taking samples of fiber. As part of the consideration of methods that do not involve sampling, a study was made of the possibilities and limitations of an instant image proof paper with regard to the recording of the paper characteristics (thickness uniformity, presence of laid lines or chain lines and their spacing, distribution of the fibers, etc).

本稿は修訂の上『国立歴史民俗博物館資料目録[１]田中穣氏旧蔵典籍古文書目録[古文書・記録類編]』（国立歴史民俗博物館、2000年）に解題として再録されている

三井寺切は，料紙両面に異なる筆跡の書をもつ古筆切である。片面には草書で仏書が書かれており，もう片面には『李善注文選』の一部分が楷書で書かれている。草書の仏書は，円珍（智証大師）の手になるものとされており，平安時代の書風を持っている。料紙表面の状態と書跡とから判断すると，『李善注文選』側のほうが仏書よりも先に書かれたものであると判断できる。本研究では，この『李善注文選』が書写された年代を明らかにするべく加速器質量分析法による¹⁴Ｃ年代測定を行った。その結果，2σで666～776［cal AD］という較正年代が得られ，この古筆切が奈良時代以前に書写された『李善注文選』写本の断簡であることが示された。現存する最古の『文選』写本は，平安鎌倉時代の残欠本であり，奈良時代では正倉院文書と平城宮跡出土木簡に一部分が書写されたものが残されているにすぎない。それゆえ，奈良時代以前の書写年代をもつ本古筆切は最古級の『文選』写本の断簡であることになる。, Miidera-gire is an ancient Japanese paper sheet with different calligraphies on both sides. On one side, a part of a Buddhist scripture has been written in cursive hand of Heian period (about 9th–12th century) . The other side has a part of Monzen-chu ( an anthology of Chinese literary works) . The paleographical style of Monzen-chu seemed to be older than that of the Buddhist scripture and was similar to some Chinese manuscripts written in the Tang Dynasty ( AD 618–907) . However, amid these elegant calligraphies, many copies and counterfeits written several centuries later are in circulation. We, therefore, measured the radiocarbon age of Miidera-gire by accelerator mass spectrometry. The calibrated radiocarbon age indicated 666–776［ cal AD］ (2σ error) . It concluded that the Monzen-chu was written first on the obverse side, and the Buddhist scripture was written on the reverse side long afterwards. Because only a few incomplete books of Monzen written from the 9th century onwards remain, this calligraphy is one of the oldest examples among the extant manuscripts of Monzen.

学校博物館は学校内に存在する施設で，一般の博物館と同様に資料の収集，保管，展示，公開などの役割を果たしうる。しかしその歴史や実態の理解は，研究者や学芸員の間で進んでいるとは言えず，そこに所在する学校資料と同じく学校博物館はいまや亡失の危機にある。一方で，学校現場ではいまも学校博物館は活用され，設立もなされている。そんな中，ごく近年になって，学校資料や学校博物館にかかる活動をおこなう研究者や学芸員の存在が多数顕在化しており，学校博物館は新たな局面を迎えている。そこで本稿では，改めて学校博物館の基礎データを収集し，学校博物館の歴史と特徴を社会的状況や学校現場，博物館関係者などの諸点から明らかにすることを試み，あわせて学校博物館への今後の関わり方を検討した。結果として，学校博物館は近代的学校制度導入の頃から現在にいたるまで多数設立され続け，またその時々の社会状況や学校の特色などに応じて，すべての学校種で設立がみられたことを確認した。そして学校博物館の歴史を9期に区分し，第1期：学校博物館の萌第，第2期：学校博物館論の出現，第3期：通俗教育と郷土教育の学校博物館増加，第4期：郷土教育による学校博物館と学校博物館論の発展，第5期：理工系学校博物館の新設，第6期：人文系学校博物館の発展，第7期：人文系博物館の増加と学校博物館論の停滞，第8期：学校博物館論の停滞と記録されなくなる学校博物館，第9期：学校博物館の新たな展開とまとめた。これら各期の学校博物館の動向を踏まえた上で，本稿では，学校博物館の特徴を「継続性と即応性」という観点から捉え直すことを提案し，学校だけではなく，一般の博物館そして地域社会との連携の仕組みを構築することが今後重要なあり方であると指摘した。, A school museum is an institution that exists within a school and, like a general museum, has several functions such as collect, store, exhibit and publicize cultural properties. However, in recent years, some problems have arisen in the operation of these museums, and in some cases the intention of their existence is not fully recognized by the school. The reasons for this are complex, but one of the main reasons is that, due to the systematic and regular transfer of school teachers, information on the establishment and role of school museums is not properly passed on to their successors within each school. Therefore, the purpose of this paper is to investigate the historical background of the establishment of school museums in Japan and the significance of their existence. After that, the characteristics of school museums that differ from those of ordinary museums will be clarified. In conclusion, since school museums play a role not only for school education but also for regional development and as a device to keep the memory of the region alive, it will be important to create a mechanism for cooperation among schools, regional organizations, and regional museums for its appropriate operation. In addition, this paper proposes that we should not be concerned only with “continuity” as in the case of ordinary museums, but should also emphasize the “readiness” of school museums, which are established and operate when the need arises, and consider how they should be managed based on this characteristic.

歴史的な種々の琉球漆器の漆膜を科学分析すると日本産や中国産のウルシ Toxicodendron vernicifluum の木から得られる漆液を利用したものだけでなくベトナム産ハゼノキ Toxicodendron succedanea から得られるアンナン漆液が使われていた。また事例は少ないがタイ産やミャンマー産のウルシ Gluta usitata の樹液を利用した漆器もあった。漆器は器物に単に漆液を塗り作られるのでなく，素地・木地を選び，下地を整え，漆で中塗り上塗りを行い，必要に応じて加飾を施し，美しい漆器になる。歴史的な漆器は，かつては地元の漆液を使い，木胎となる木材及び下地材を選び使われてきたが，時代の推移や経済の発展に伴い漆の原料や漆材料を遠方から入手して漆器が作られるようになった。このようなことから漆器の素地，下地及び上塗りの構造とそれらの材料を調べた。すなわち歴史的な琉球漆器がどんな種類の漆液を用い，中塗り，上塗りにどのような漆を用い，漆器が作られているかを種々の科学分析で調べ，漆器の塗装材料と塗装構造を明らかにしてきた。科学分析法としては熱分解―GC/MS(ガスクロマトグラフ/質量分析)法，クロスセクション法及び蛍光X線分析を用い，更に顕微IR(赤外線吸収)スペクトル，Sr(ストロンチウム)同位体比分析，放射性炭素14年代測定法及び木胎の樹種同定法などの分析法を駆使して漆に関わる材料情報を収集し，どんな技術で漆器が作られたかを研究してきた。我々はこれまでいろいろな科学分析で種々の琉球漆器の塗膜を分析評価する case study 研究をしてきた。本総説では，これまでの研究成果をとりまとめ，歴史的な琉球漆器がどんな漆を使い，どのような漆材料を選び，どんな塗装構造で作られたかを総合的に考察した。, Lacquer is a unique process in Asia that uses sap tapped from lacquer trees grown wild or cultivated in areas of East Asia such as Japan, China and Korea, and from the Ryukyu Islands to Southeast Asian countries such as Myanmar, Thailand, Laos, Cambodia, and Vietnam. It has been used to prepare crafts or wares for more than 8000 years. The surfaces of objects made of wood, bamboo, cloth, paper, porcelain, leather, and metal are coated with lacquer sap not only for protection but also for esthetic effect. Despite differences in the nations, languages, and customs in Asian countries, the interlinked lacquer cultures demonstrate interrelations and are also part of modern life.Okinawa, located in southernmost Japan, has a nearly 500-years history as the Ryukyu Kingdom and has a Ryukyu lacquer culture with its own characteristics. During its history, the Ryukyu Kingdom maintained good relations with both China and Japan and also traded with Southeast Asian countries. Ryukyu people actively imported neighboring countries’ cultures and technology via trade activities and formed a new culture characterized by complex cultural elements. Therefore, we find similar materials and techniques in the lacquer crafts to those of Chinese, Japanese, and Southeast Asian countries. That is, the history of Ryukyu lacquerwares overlaps with the history of the Ryukyu Kingdom, and clarification of Ryukyu lacquer crafts will increase understanding of the history and culture of Okinawa. In addition, identification of lacquer species is important in the conservation and restoration of valuable ancient Ryukyu lacquerwares.We analyzed many kinds of Ryukyu lacquerwares belonging to the Urasoe Art Museum by Py-GC/ MS, and detected urushiol and/or laccol pyrolysis products, suggesting that the laquerwares were prepared using the lacquer sap from Toxicodendron vernicifluum and/or Toxicodendron succedanea. Many of our research results have shown that analytical pyrolysis is an effective method for characterization of lacquer films. Moreover, microscopy and cross-section studies demonstrated that the lacquers had a multi-layer coating structure. X-ray analytical microscopy was carried out directly on the surface of lacquerwares to determine the presence of different pigments. The analysis results on Ryukyu lacquerwares based on our research papers revealed that lacquer sap tapped from Toxicodendron vernicifluum and/or Toxicodendron succedanea lacquer trees grown on the Asian continent were used alone and/or combined as a coating material. Ryukyu was an independent kingdom at same points in its history and traded very actively with surrounding countries. Analysis of the results of our research confirmed that Ryukyu people efficiently used the imported coating materials alone or in combination to make lacquerwares using many techniques, such as mitsuda-e, haku-e, chinkin, urushi-e, raden and/ or tsuikin decorating techniques in Ryukyu lacquerwares. These investigations provide scientific support for the conservators, restorers, and archaeologists of lacquer.

本稿の目的は、古琉球期に王権と不可分に生成された一次史料(金石文)の分析を軸として王権の支配理念を析出するとともに、それを手がかりとして、王権と「周縁」(周辺と辺縁)の諸島との関係性を明らかにすることであり、以下のような結論を得た。尚泰久代に東アジアの普遍的な仏教・儒教イデオロギーによる支配理念が形成された。その担い手は儒仏一致を基本とする京都五山系の禅僧であった。この段階では王位継承が不安定で、君臣関係も未成熟であり、「周縁」諸島の支配も緩やかだった。それゆえ、尚泰久は琉球国中山王・大世主という制度的・実体的地位だけでなく、法王・〈皇帝〉・〈天子〉としての理念的地位を標榜し、沖縄島内外の統合を図った。尚泰久代に形成された支配理念は、第二尚氏王朝への移行後も、しばらくは王権のあり方を規定した。尚真代の前半においては、禅僧による王権の称揚が一段と進み、王の「皇帝」(帝王)や「天子」としての理念的地位が明示されるに至った。尚真代の後半には、奄美諸島の大島・喜界島に中央集権支配が及び、その〈周辺〉化が進展した。さらに先島の武力制圧を契機として、宮古諸島は〈辺縁〉から〈周辺〉への移行が進み、八重山諸島は〈辺縁〉に位置づけられた。尚真の武断的な姿勢は、王権の最盛期を現出させたが、従来の仏教・儒教イデオロギーにもとづく支配理念とは相反するものであり、それに代わって琉球独自の神祇イデオロギーが支配理念の中核を占めることとなった。尚真代から尚清代にかけて、太陽思想の高揚が図られ、太陽神は聞得大君を媒介として王に武力を授ける存在となり、「島討ち」「国討ち」の「おもろ」が創作された。儒学思想における舜帝は、琉球独自の「天」観念と結合して「舜天」となり、王統の始祖と位置づけられた。従来の「天下」「上国」という観念も、儒学的なものから琉球独自のものへと変容をとげた。こうした支配理念の転換を支えたのは、琉球人による官人組織と聞得大君を頂点とする神女組織であり、その表現手段として選択されたのが「かな文字」であった。, This paper seeks to identify the ruling philosophy of the royal authority through an analysis of primary historical materials, including kinseki-bun (ancient inscriptions on monuments) that were created as integral elements of the royal authority in the Old Ryukyu Period. This is taken as the key to clarifying the relationship between the royal authority and the various “periphery” (peripheral and border) islands. This paper reached the following conclusions.The ruling philosophy was formulated based on Buddhist and Confucian ideologies that were widespread in East Asia during the era of Sho Taikyu. The carriers of this philosophy were Zen priests of Kyoto Gozan who took the convergence of Buddhism and Confucianism to be the basis of the philosophy. At this stage, there was instability surrounding the succession to the throne, the relationship between the ruler and the ruled had not yet evolved, and control of the “periphery” islands remained moderate. Furthermore, in addition to claiming to be the Ryukyu-koku Chuzan-o (King of Chuzan of the State of Ryukyu) and the Oho-yononushi, Sho Taikyu also declared himself to hold the idealistic position of Houou (Imperial Holiness), Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate). He also tried to gradually integrate the islands inside and outside Okinawa.The ruling philosophy that took shape in the era of Sho Taikyu took hold as the established ideal royal authority for a period of time and remained in place even after the transition to the Second Sho-shi Dynasty. In the first half of Sho Shin’s reign, the Zen priests further glorified the royal authority, and the idealistic position of the Emperor as Koutei (Emperor or King of Kings), Teio (Monarch), and Tenshi (Emperor with a heavenly mandate) became well defined.In the latter half of Sho Shin’s reign, centralized rule developed again on both Oshima Island of the Amami Islands and on Kikaijima Island, and further expanded to the periphery. In addition, following the military suppression of the Sakishima Islands, the Miyako Islands transitioned from border to periphery islands, and the Yaeyama Islands were positioned as a border island. Sho Shin’s militaristic stance, which marked the highest stage of development of the royal authority, stood in contrast to the ruling philosophy based on the traditional ideologies of Buddhism and Confucianism. Instead, Ryukyu’s unique Jingi ideology became the core of the ruling philosophy.During the period stretching from Sho Shin’s reign to Sho Sei’s reign, the Taiyo ideology was promoted and the Taiyoshin (the sun god) came to be considered the only power to bestow military power on the King through Kikoe-ogimi (the royal priestess), and the [Omoro] of [island conqueror] [country conqueror] was created. In Confucian thought, the Shun Emperor combined with the unique Ryukyu idea of ten (heaven), and became shunten, and was positioned as the earliest ancestor of the royal line. The traditional ideas of tenka (ruling power) and jokoku (province of the highest rank) also transformed from Confucian concepts into unique Ryukyu concepts. It was the Kannin (government officials) system overseen by the people of Ryukyu and the Noro (female priestess) system that considered Kikoe-ogimi to be the highest rank that supported this transformation in the ruling philosophy, and Kanji characters were selected to express this.

本論文では，縄文時代の漆文化の起源をめぐる研究史について，1926年から2010年代まで歴史を整理した。縄文時代の編年的な位置づけが定まらない1930年代には，是川遺跡に代表される縄文時代晩期の東北地方の漆文化は，平泉文化の影響を受けて成立したものという考えがあった。1940年代に唐古遺跡で弥生時代の漆文化の存在が確認されて以降，中国の漢文化の影響を受けた弥生文化から伝わったという意見もあった。1960年代以降，照葉樹林文化論の提唱を受け，縄文時代の漆文化は大陸から各種の栽培植物とともに伝わったという見方も広がった。1980年代には，中国新石器文化と縄文文化との共通の起源を想定する共通起源説も登場した。これらはいずれも縄文時代の漆文化を列島外から来たとする伝播論である。一方，加茂遺跡の縄文時代前期の漆器の出土を考慮して，1960年代には縄文時代の漆文化自生説も登場する。その後，1990年代には縄文文化の独自性や縄文時代の漆文化の成熟度を重視する研究者から，自生説が主張されるようになる。2000年の垣ノ島B遺跡の発見，2007年の鳥浜貝塚の最古のウルシ材の存在の確認によって，縄文時代の漆文化自生説は力を増した。しかし，垣ノ島B遺跡の年代は信頼性が担保されていないこと，また垣ノ島B遺跡の事例を除外すると，中国の河姆渡文化の漆製品は日本列島の縄文時代早期末の漆器と同等かそれ以上の古さを持っていることを年代学的に検証し，改めて縄文時代の漆文化の起源が大陸からの伝来であった可能性を考慮する必要性があることを論じた。, This paper discusses the history of research conducted from 1926 to the 2010s concerning the origin of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period. In the 1930s, when the chronological position of the Jomon period was undecided, there was a theory that the lacquer culture in the Tohoku region at the end of the Jomon period, which is represented by the Korekawa Site, was established under the influence of the Hiraizumi Culture. The existence of a lacquer culture in the Yayoi period confirmed at the Karako Site in the 1940s led to the view that it was brought from the Yayoi period under the influence of the Chinese Han Culture. Beginning in the 1960s, as the theory of East Asia broadleaved evergreen forest culture was advocated, and there was a widespread view that the lacquer culture in the Jomon period was brought from Mainland China along with various cultivated plants. In the 1980s, the common origin theory, which hypothesized a common origin of the Chinese Neolithic culture and Jomon culture, also appeared. Diffusion theories argued that the lacquer culture in the Jomon period was brought from outside the Japanese archipelago. In contrast, in consideration of the excavation at the Kamo Site of lacquerware made during the early Jomon period, the “indigenous” theory of lacquer culture in the Jomon period also appeared in the 1960s. Then, in the 1990s, researchers who focused on the uniqueness of Jomon culture and the maturity of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period began to advocate the “indigenous” theory. The discovery of the Kakinoshima B Site in 2000 and the confirmation of the existence of the oldest lacquer tree remain at the Torihama shell mound in 2007 strengthened the theory of indigenous lacquer culture in the Jomon period. However, the reliability of the dating of the Kakinoshima B Site is not guaranteed. Moreover, excluding the case of the Kakinoshima B Site, this paper argues that it is essential to chronologically verify that the lacquerware products of the Hemudu Culture in China are as old or older than the lacquerware products made at the end of the Jomon period in Japan and reconsider the possibility that the origin of the lacquer culture in the Jomon period may have been brought from Mainland China.

本論は先島諸島と奄美地域で出土する貿易陶磁の数量分析データに基づき，各遺跡の出土量の消長や種別の変化に言及し，琉球列島の南北における貿易陶磁の動態を論じたものである。別稿の報告において，貿易陶磁の編年に基づきⅠ～Ⅵ期，小期を含め7段階に時期区分を行ったが，それぞれの遺跡をこの時期区分に照らし，先島諸島における以下の4つの画期を想定した。1：貿易陶磁の出土量が増加する13世紀後半，2：貿易陶磁の出土量がさらに増加し，主体が白磁から青磁に変換する14世紀後半，3：遺跡により出土量の増減に特徴がみられる15世紀後半，4：一部の遺跡を除き多くの遺跡において出土量が激減する16世紀初頭～前半である。これらの画期を踏まえて先島諸島の貿易陶磁の様相をみていくと，貿易陶磁が一定量出土する時期が沖縄諸島に比べて1世紀以上遅れることが明らかとなった。また，13世紀後半～14世紀前半に浦口窯系白磁・ビロースクタイプI・II類など福建産粗製白磁が主体的に出土し，14世紀後半に白磁と青磁の劇的な逆転現象が起きる。以上の先島諸島における貿易陶磁の画期と様相は，これまで琉球列島として一括りで捉えられてきた様相とは大きく異なるものである。この画期と様相は，先島諸島特有の「細胞群のように連結する石垣による屋敷割」をもつムラの成立・形成過程と関連することが予想される。, This paper discusses the dynamics of the ceramics trade in the northern and southern parts of the Ryukyu Islands based on an analysis of the quantity of traded ceramics excavated from the Sakishima Islands and the Amami region. This paper also considers the fluctuations in the quantity of ceramic wares excavated from each site and the changes in classification. In a separate report, this period was classified into seven stages. Periods from one to six （I–VI) are based on the chronology of the ceramics trade and include the Shoki period. However, each ruin site was examined with reference to the classification of eras, and the following four transition eras in the Sakishima Islands were identified. Period one （I) encompasses the latter half of the 13th century and is characterized by an increase in the quantity of excavated ceramics. Period two （II) encompasses the latter half of the 14th century and is characterized by a further increase in the volume of excavated ceramics. In addition, during this period, the primary form of ceramic wares shifts from white porcelain to celadon. Period three （III) encompasses the latter half of the 15th century and is characterized by fluctuations in the quantity of excavated ceramic wares at each ruin site. Period four (IV) encompasses the first half of the 16th century and is characterized by a sharp decrease in the quantity of ceramics excavated at the majority of ruin sites.An examination of aspects of traded ceramics in the Sakishima Islands during these transition eras reveals that the excavation period of traded ceramics predates the excavation of ceramics on the Okinawa Islands by over a century. Furthermore, from the latter half of the 13th century to the first half of the 14th century, the primary type of porcelain that was excavated was crudely manufactured white porcelain made in Fujian Province, including Uraguchi kiln white porcelain and types one and two of Birosuku porcelain. Also, in the latter half of the 14th century, the primary type of porcelain that was produced shows a dramatic shift from white porcelain to celadon.The abovementioned transitional eras, as well as the nature of the traded ceramics in the Sakishima Islands, differ significantly from the aspects that have conventionally been associated with the Ryukyu Islands. It can be assumed that these transition eras and aspects are related to the establishment and formation of villages with “residential divisions based on Ishigaki stone walls connected like saibogun (cell groups),” which are characteristic of the Sakishima Islands.

本報告で取り扱う十六世紀末から十七世紀にかけての時代、現在のベトナムには大越があり、黎朝の皇帝がハノイにあった。しかし、皇帝には実権がなく、ベトナム北部では鄭氏、中南部では広南阮氏が黎氏を名目上の皇帝にいただきながら実質支配を行っていた。両氏とも対外的には自国を安南国と称し、我が国ともそれぞれ文書を往復し交易を行っていた。これらの文書には、特異な形状の花押印を捺したものも多い。同じ漢字文化圏の文書の中でも、それらの形状は一際目を引くものである。既発表の拙稿では、安南から送られた文書だけを対象として各通を分類してその様式論を述べるにとどまったが、本稿では、このような文書様式が成立した背景を明らかにしていきたいと考えている。そのため、本稿では、外交文書のなかでも国家間のやり取りに用いられた国書三十通を分析対象にして、東アジアを中心とする漢字文化圏の文書体系の中に安南文書を位置づけることを試みてみたい。国書三十通は、発給者により鄭氏と広南阮氏のものに分けられる。さらに差出と充所の関係で整理すると、A国主から国主充、B国主から臣下充、C臣下から国主充、D臣下から臣下充、E国主から国充の五つに分類できる。これらを一通ずつ読み解きながら検討を加えていきたい。結論として、安南の国書は、東アジアで通用している書式外交文書といえるものであり、かつ、その多くが奥上に「書」を大字で表すという様式も、東アジアで多用された文書様式の一類型といえよう。特異な形態の花押印などから、一見すると際だった様式にみえる安南の国書であるが、大枠では東アジア漢字文化圏の常識的な国書の様式の範疇に収まるものと考えられる。, In the period between the end of the 16th and 17th century, which is covered in this report, Vietnam was known as Dai Viet, and the Emperor of the Le dynasty resided in Hanoi. However, the Emperor did not have any real power, and the actual power was held by the Trinh lords in northern Vietnam and the Nguyen lords in central and southern Vietnam, while Le served as Emperor in name only. Both families referred externally to their country as Annam, and the Japanese exchanged documents and conducted trade with both.In these documents, there are numerous Kao (花押) stamps with unusual shapes. Even among the countries that used Chinese characters, these shapes draw particular attention. In a manuscript previously published by the author, each document sent from Annam was classified, and the style was stated. In this paper, the author would like to clarify the background of establishing this document style. To that end, from among the diplomacy documents, the analytical target of this paper will be the 30 diplomatic messages sent by the head of state that were used in exchanges between the countries. Through their analysis, an attempt will be made to position the Annam documents within the documentary system of the countries using Chinese characters in and around East Asia.The 30 diplomatic messages sent by the head of the state can be divided into those that were sent by Trinh and those that were sent by Nguyen. Furthermore, by organizing the relationship between the sender and the receiver, they are divided into five categories, namely, a) from King to King, b) from King to vassal, c) from vassal to King, d) from vassal to vassal, and E) from King to country. A detailed commentary and study of these documents will be included.In conclusion, the Annam documents were diplomacy documents that were circulated in east Asia in the prescribed form, and many of them were in the documentary style that was frequently used in East Asia, wherein “Sho” (書) is written in large lettering at the top of the rear side. Based on the Kao stamps with unusual shapes, these Annam diplomatic messages may at first appear to have an unusual style. However, they likely fit into the general framework of typical diplomatic message formats employed in the countries using Chinese characters in East Asia.

本稿は、日本と明朝との交流に使われた航路のうち、南海路を考察対象とするものである。日明航路は、東シナ海を横断する「大洋路」と「南島路」があり、これに接続する国内航路として「中国海路」と「南海路」がある。南海路は、南九州から九州東岸を北上し、豊後水道を横断して四国に渡り、土佐国沿岸を経て、紀伊水道から畿内の堺へと至る航路であり、一六世紀中葉に日本に来航した鄭舜功の『日本一鑑』では「夷海右道」として記されている。南海路は、一五世紀後期の応仁度遣明船が帰路に使用してから注目されるようになるが、実際は遣明船以前からの利用が史料から確認できる。ただし、瀬戸内海を通過する中国海路と比較すると、南海路は、距離も長く時間もかかるうえに、室戸岬や足摺岬を迂回し、太平洋に直面する土佐湾を航行するという自然条件の厳しさもあったため、中国海路の沿線が不安定化した場合や、政治的な背景がある場合に限って利用されることが多かった。本稿では、これまで断片的に蓄積されてきた南海路にかかる研究史を整理した上で、南海路を利用した遣明船について個別に取り上げ、南海路の港町との関係等に注目しながら考察をした。対象とする遣明船は、応仁度船、文明八年度船、同一五年度船、明応度船、永正度船、大永度船、天文一三年度船である。, This paper examines the South Sea Route (Nankairo), one of the routes used for exchange between Ming China and Japan. Ships traveling between Ming China and Japan sailed either the Ocean Route or the South Island Route crossing the East China Sea and then traveled either the Chugoku Sea Route or the South Sea Route through the territorial waters of Japan. Those choosing the South Sea Route traveled north from southern Kyushu along the east coast of Kyushu, went through the Bungo Channel to Shikoku, and ran along the coast of Tosa Province and the Kii Channel to Sakai in the Kinai Region. This Route was called “Yihai Youdao” in Riben Yijian(A Mirror of Japan) by Zheng Shungong, who visited Japan in the mid-16th century.The South Sea Route became widely known after it was used by the Onin Mission to Ming China in the late 15th century though historical records indicate that it had been used before the Ming period. Compared to the Chugoku Sea Route through the Seto Inland Sea, the South Sea Route was longer and slower and went through harsh conditions while going around Cape Muroto and Cape Ashizuri and crossing the Gulf of Tosa on the Pacific Ocean. Therefore, the South Sea Route was only used under certain circumstances, such as when the coastal areas flanking the Chugoku Sea Route became unstable or when there were political reasons for doing so. This paper reviews the fragmentary discoveries made in previous studies on the South Sea Route and then examines individual ships carrying Japanese missions through the South Sea Route to Ming China with focus on their relationships with port towns along the route. The Japanese missions to Ming China examined in this paper include the Onin Mission, the Bunmei 8 Mission, the Bunmei 15 Mission, the Meio Mission, the Eisho Mission, the Daiei Mission, and the Tenbun 13 Mission.

現在の文献史学研究において，日宋・日元貿易期(10世紀末～14世紀半ば)の日本と中国を結ぶ幹線航路が，博多―舟山群島―明州(慶元)・杭州という「大洋路」とも呼ばれる東シナ海横断ルートであるという点は，現存史料による限り動かし難い結論であろう。ところが，14世紀中葉の元明交代期になると，文献史料のなかに(博多―)肥後高瀬―薩摩―琉球―福建という，南西諸島を経由して中国東南部の福建地域とつながる「南島路」とでも呼ぶべき航路に関する記録があらわれる。本稿では，南西諸島を含む日本列島と中国の間でおこなわれた硫黄交易史の視野を主軸としつつ，文献史学・考古学双方の成果をすりあわせることにより，この「南島路」の一側面を考察した。そして，その結果，沖縄の硫黄鳥島が中国向けの硫黄鉱山として従来考えられているよりも古くから稼働し始めていた可能性や，その島で産出された硫黄が沖縄島に分立した諸王権と明王朝との政治・経済関係の形成の初発の時点においても軍需物資として重要な役割を演じていた可能性などを推定した。, As far as existing historical records are concerned, present-day philological historians cannot escape the conclusion that the East China Sea Route, also known as the Ocean Route, running from Hakata through the Zhoushan Islands and Mingzhou (Qingyuan) to Hangzhou was the main sea route between Japan and China in the Song and Yuan periods (from the late 10th to the mid-14th century). However, during the transition from the Yuan to the Ming Dynasty in the mid-14th century, the so-called South Island Route connecting Japan to Fujian in southeast China through a group of islands in southwest Japan, or more specifically, running (from Hakata) through Takase in Higo Province, Satsuma, and Ryukyu to Fujian, started to appear in historical records.This paper examines an aspect of this South Island Route by comparing philological findings with archaeological findings mainly from the viewpoint of the history of sulfur trade between the Japanese Isles, especially the southwest islands, and China. As a result, this paper makes the following assumptions: (1) the sulfur mines in Io-torishima Island in Okinawa may have been put into operation earlier than previously thought to export sulfur to China; and (2) the sulfur produced in the island may have played an important role as an essential military material in the initial stage of establishing political and economic relations between sovereign authorities in Okinawa Island and the Ming Dynasty.

本稿は、芝居町の絵図を比較検討することで、まとまった文書が得られにくい茶屋や役者の居宅、芝居関係者に関する情報を集積し、絵図の資料的活用を図るものである。弘化三年に刊行された「人呼子鳥若三町」は、天保改革の芝居統制の一環として猿若町へ移転させられた芝居町の絵図が、同じく厳しい統制下にあった錦絵という形で出版された点で、大きな反響を呼び、以降断続的ではあるが追随作品が出された。本稿二節では猿若町に先行する芝居町の絵図として、文化から天保にかけて小本の形で出された劇書のシリーズを紹介し、猿若町絵図に踏襲された特徴をまとめた。つづく三節では、猿若町移転および絵図に関する記事を時系列で並べて整理し、天保から文久までの絵図の特徴と、絵図刊行の意味合いの変遷を追った。三節の整理を通じて得られた情報の活用を試みたのが四節で、まず「懐溜諸屑」に貼りこまれた町内の商店や茶屋の一枚摺に情報を付加し、その生業の具象化を図った。つぎに絵図の比較検討の過程で得られた情報を織り交ぜながら、芝居町特有の存在である芝居茶屋や座元、出方といった芸能者以外の芝居関係者が劇場経営にどのように関わっていたのかを、中村座の例をもって示し、こうした事例の蓄積から、化政期と同じ状況にあった移転後の劇場経営について具体的に述べた。本稿の成果は、猿若町移転やその影響について述べた数多くの先行研究において、補助資料とばかりとらえられてきた絵図を断続的ながらも年代順に追って印刷物の一ジャンルとして整理し、位置付けを図ったことにある。また、その過程で得られた情報を、文書や一枚摺といった資料と照合することで、芝居町に関わる多様な人々や彼らが担った職分を明らかにしたことも成果といえる。, This paper compares illustrations of shibaimachi (the Edo theater district) in order to make use of illustrations as historical documents and thereby gather information about teahouses, actors’ homes, and people in the theater industry that cannot readily be obtained from printed materials.Hitoyobukotori Wakasanchō was published in the third year of the Kōka era (1846), and since part of the Tenpō Reforms regulating theater involved relocating shibaimachi to Saruwaka-cho, printing these images as nishiki-e ― which were subject to the same strict regulations as the theater ― was very well-received and led to the production of further works thereafter, though intermittently. The second section of this paper introduces a series of theater-related documents published from the Bunka to Tenpō periods as small book-form illustrations of shibaimachi before it moved to Saruwaka-cho, and identifies features that would be emulated in Saruwaka-cho illustrations.The third section chronologically charts the relocation to Saruwaka-cho along with articles about the illustrations, looking for key features of illustrations from the Tenpō to Bunkyū periods as well as changes in the significance of the publication of illustrations.The fourth section applies the results of this analysis, first assigning additional information to the ichimaizuri (single page prints) of tea houses and shops in the district as seen in Futokoroni-tamaru- Morokuzu (“A Scrapbook of Odds and Ends”) with the purpose of providing a concrete image of what it was like to work there. Then, weaving together information obtained in the process of comparing the illustrations, the example of Nakamura-ze is used to show how theater teahouses, theater owners, ushers, and other unique participants in the theater industry besides the performers themselves were involved in running the theater.Specific examples from the cases covered so far are used to give a sense of what theater management was like after the relocation, though still in the same conditions as in the Bunka-Bunsei period.This paper’s contribution is to establish a genre of printed materials made up of the illustrations used as reference documents in much of the preceding research on the move to Saruwaka-cho and its influencing factors, locating the illustrations in the chronological order in which they were produced, albeit intermittently. Additionally, by comparing this information with other materials such as written documents and ichimaizuri, this paper reveals the various people involved in shibaimachi and the duties they carried out.

本論文は，まず開港以来，日本の漁民が朝鮮漁民と出会ってからお互いに認識するようになった両国の漁業技術上の差異を確認し，こうした両国の漁業技術的差が選好の魚種の違いに基づいていたという点を究明する。そして特定の魚種に対する両国の異なる選好が両国間の自然環境と経済水準ではなく，魚の象徴的意味とその歴史的形成過程に関連していることをマダイとグチ(韓国名：チョウギ)を例に説明する。最後に特定の魚種に対する民族的選好が植民地朝鮮の漁業(と漁業技術)の展開過程に及ぼした影響を分析する。, The purpose of this paper is two fold : to illustrate the differences in Japanese and Korean fisheries techniques since the opening of ports when the fishermen of both countries first encountered and became aware of each other and to clarify the characteristics of Japanese and Korean fisheries techniques that were determined by the different fish preferences between the two countries. Additionally, by using the examples of red sea bream and silver jewfish (chougi in Korean), this study revealed that ethnic differences in preferences for fish species were formed by both the symbolic meaning of fish and the historical process whereby those symbols assigned to specific meaning instead of the natural environment or the economic standards. Furthermore, this paper analyzes that the preferences for specific fish species affected the development of distinct fisheries techniques in the colonial Korea.

本稿では神事における廃務の検討から、天皇の在り方や朝廷の神祇祭祀の理念に対する姿勢の変化を検討する。廃務は本来儀制令に日蝕や国忌で行うものとして規定されたものだが、九世紀前半以降神事でも廃務がみられるようになる。この神事廃務は『延喜式』の規定から、諸司致斎の際に行われるものと考えられる。そして令制当初から行われていたものではなく、弘仁期に始められたものと考えられる。また従来は、祈年・月次祭における神祇令の百官供奉規定が積極的に評価され、そこから班幣の意義を見出そうという研究がされてきたが、八世紀段階の百官供奉規定に実態はなく、弘仁期に至ってその具体化が図られた。また、少なくとも祈年・月次祭での祝詞宣読は、百官の一体性形成のための演出という面が強いということを指摘した。神祇祭祀は本来の令理念としては天皇・臣下が一体となるというものであり、天皇はその統括者だった。弘仁期以降の理念具体化において、廃務は天皇・臣下が一体となるという理念を象徴するものと言えよう。しかしその具体化が思うように進まない中、特に宇多朝以降、廃務を行わない、即ち天皇・臣下全体の一体性形成を目的としない御願祭祀の創始・盛行によって、天皇は神祇祭祀の主宰者としての面を濃厚にしていく。本稿ではその背景として、従来から指摘されてきた天皇の「家」の整備に加え、九世紀後半から十世紀前半での親族意識の変化による天皇の家筋の形成を想定した。たとえ天皇であっても自身の家筋の繁栄祈願を第一義とする御願祭祀では、百官や諸国との一体性は求められない。天皇が天下を一元的に支配するという絶対的な統括者としての要素は神祇祭祀から希薄化し、神々のような宗教的・超越的他者にその地位を保証された、中世天皇としての要素を濃厚にしていくのである。, In this paper I will examine changes in the conception of the monarch and the attitude of the court towards rituals for kami through an analysis of the practice of "interruption of service" (haimu 廃 務). While haimu was originally prescribed under the "Regulations for Ritual" as a rite to be carried out in case of solar eclipses or on the anniversary of the death of a monarch or consort (kokki 国忌), starting from the first half of the ninth century it started to be carried out also in occasion of rites for the kami. On the basis of regulations found in the Engishiki, this kind of haimu associated with rites for the kami is thought to have been carried out during the strict purification procedures (chisai 致斎) conducted by the various government bureaux before kami rites. These procedures were not in place from the establishment of the centralized administration system based on the ritsuryō legal codes, but are believed to have been enacted in the Kōnin era (810-824).In addition, scholars so far have interpreted the rules for officials' attendance in the "Regulations for Kami Rites" as being actively enacted in the case of Kinensai 祈年祭―a rite for the promotion of good harvest conducted every year on the fourth day of the second month―and Tsukinami no matsuri 月次祭―kami rituals performed on the sixth and twelfth month of the traditional luni-solar calendar, ―and have thus attempted to see the significance of the distribution of offerings to shrines that these rituals involved through those regulations. However, during the eighth century, the regulations for officials' attendance were not yet enacted, and it is only from the Kōnin era that their practical application was finally pursued. In addition, we have pointed out that at least in the case of the proclamation of the ritual prayers conducted during the Kinensai and Tsukinami no matsuri there was a strong performative aspect conceived to promote the creation of a sense of unity among the officials from the many government bureaux. Under the ritsuryō system, kami rituals were ideally conceived as a moment in which the monarch and their subjects would become one before the kami, with the monarch functioning at the overseer. It can be said that during the implementation of this ideal starting from the Kōnin era, haimu came to symbolize the unity between the monarch and his subjects in the act of praying to the kami. However, this process did not go as planned, and in particular after the rule of Uda tennō (r. 887-897), haimu was discontinued. In its stead, another aspect of the monarch, this time as the leader of the ritual, became more prominent with the inception and popularization of kami rites carried out as expression of the monarch's individual belief (gogan saishi 御願祭祀). In this paper, we have surmised as context for this change, in addition to the systematization of the tennō's family ― which has already been pointed out before, ― the establishment of a royal lineage based on a novel understanding of family relations that took root between the second half of the ninth century and the first half of the tenth century. If the primary goal of the ruler's prayers, as typified by gogan saishi, is the prosperity of his family lineage, they will not require unity between him, and the government officials and all the provinces of the ancient polity. The notion of the monarch as the one who rules the realm in a centralized fashion as the absolute overseer fades away from kami rituals, and in its place we see the establishment of a medieval conception of the monarch, in which he is guaranteed his position by the kami, now understood as religious and transcendent "others."

本稿は、品部・雑戸の系譜を引く雑工戸に焦点を当て、彼らに対する管理や収取のあり方がどのように変化していったのかを検討することで、寛平八年（八九六）に造兵司が兵庫寮へと統合されていくことの背景を明らかにしようとするものである。これまで、軍事関係の雑戸である雑工戸が『延喜式』にまで維持されるように、律令国家が彼らに対して強い関心を抱いていたとされながら、一方ではこれら雑工戸は造兵司に上番せず、在地で武器を生産し貢納していたとされ、相反する理解がなされてきた。このように造兵司が立脚する雑工戸への理解が曖昧であったために、なぜ造兵司が解体されて兵庫寮へと統合されたのかという問いにも、明確な解答が出されないままであった。その要因は、延喜兵庫式雑工戸条の内容分析の不足と、兵庫寮への統合までの造兵司の活動に対する検討の不足であった。そこで本稿では、こうした不足を補い、造兵司と雑工戸との関係性の変遷を整理して、造兵司解体の要因を探った。内容分析から、延喜兵庫式は雑工戸による在地での武器生産などは想定されておらず、延喜兵庫式が依然として中央に工人を上番させることを規定していた。次いで八・九世紀の造兵司について、先学の成果によりその中心的機能が軍需生産技術の再生産にあることを確認した。さらに史料から造兵司の活動をうかがうと、造兵司における技術伝習と、造兵司による雑工戸への管理とは、いずれも九世紀に衰退していた。その結果、造兵司は雑工戸への支配を放棄して、当時京内を中心に発達した雇用労働と、京畿内における手工業民の増加を背景に、必要な技術者・労働力を雇用する形態へと移行したのであり、大宝令以来雑工戸の管理を職務とした造兵司は解体され、工房機能が兵庫寮へと引き継がれたのであった。, In this paper, I will focus on zakkōko 雑工戸, groups of miscellaneous artisans descended from the shinabe 品部 and zakko 雑戸, groups of skilled workers in the Nara period. Through an examination of the changes in their management and recruitment, I will clarify the context that led to the integration of the Office of Weapon Manufacture into the Bureau of Military Storehouses in the eighth year of the Kanpyō era (896).Scholars have developed mutually incompatible understandings of this process. On one hand, it is thought that the zakkōko, made up of zakko who were involved in military affairs, was maintained until the Engishiki because the ritsuryō state had a strong interest in them; on the other hand, some think they were not made to serve in the Bureau of Military Storehouses and ended up producing weapons in the provinces as tribute. In this way, because there was only a vague understanding of the zakkōko on which the Office of Weapon Manufacture was based, scholars have been unable to provide a clear answer to the question of why the Office of Weapon Manufacture was dissolved and incorporated into the Bureau of Military Storehouses.I think there are two reasons for this. First, article 31 on the zakkōko from the "Procedures for the Bureau of Military Storehouses" in the Engishiki has not been properly analyzed; and second, the activities of Office of Weapon Manufacture up until into incorporation into the Bureau of Military Storehouses have not been sufficiently examined. Therefore, in this paper I will offer a corrective to these shortcomings by outlining the change in the relationship between the Office of Weapon Manufacture and the zakkōko, and by investigating the reasons that brought to the dissolution of the Office of Weapon Manufacture.From an analysis of the "Procedures for the Bureau of Military Storehouses" in the Engishiki it can be noted that there is no mention of the fact that the zakkōko would be engaged in the production of weapon in the provinces, and it is specified that, as it was also previously done, craftsmen would be made to serve in the center.Concerning the Office of Weapon Manufacture in the eighth and ninth centuries, I have corroborated the results of previous research by showing that its central function lay in the reproduction of manufacturing techniques for military supplies. In addition, the historical sources that record the activities of the Office of Weapon Manufacture show that the technical training within the office and its management of the zakkōko were in decline in the ninth century.As a result, the Office of Weapon Manufacture relinquished control over the zakkōko, and on the backdrop of the growth of the labor force in the capital and of the increase of people involved in handcraft manufacture in the central provinces, it switched to a system in which technicians and manpower would be hired as necessary. Thus, the Office of Weapon Manufacture, which since the emanation of the Taihō codes had been in charge of administering the zakkōko, was dissolved, and its function as a place of production was inherited by the Bureau of Military Storehouses.

本論文では，『延喜式』の本文情報のデジタル化と流通の手法について検討を行った。とりわけTEI（Text Encoding Initiative）という，国際標準を適用し作成したデータについての説明を行い，さらにより広く日本の歴史資料のテクストデータ共有のありようについても述べた。なお，本研究についての具体的な内容については，すでにいくつかの国際会議等でも発表を行うとともに，論文化も予定されている。そのため，本論文では，これらの技術的側面には詳細に触れることなく，より歴史学の立場からの意義について検討を行った。筆者らはテクストデータの国際的流通と研究での高度活用を目指し，延喜式のTEIマークアップを行うこととした。TEI（Text Encoding Initiative）とは，人文学に関するテクスト資料を国際的に流通・共有・活用することを目指したプロジェクトであり，そこで作られた規格のことも呼称する。TEIは人文情報学研究の一つの手法として作られているため，歴史資料をどのように理解し，データを加えたかなどの情報をエレメント（タグ付の要素）によって記録することができる点が大きな利点である。このようなメリットに鑑み，筆者らはTEIによるデータ化を提案した。特に『延喜式』の量的なデータについてTEIによるマークアップをほどこし，トランザクショノグラフィの手法を用い，全体像を解析する可能性について，踏み込んだ検討を行ったほか，合わせてこれらのマークアップ手法を基盤データとして用いるためのマニュアルの作り方について検討を加えた。日本史研究の活性化という観点からは，このような歴史資料や研究手法の可視化は欠かすことができない。人文学や歴史学が「危機」と呼ばれる現在であるからこそ，基盤データを構築し，自由に流通し，様々な可能性を開く研究を検討することが求められる。, In this paper, we have examined the digitalization of the text information of Engishiki and strategies for its distribution. In particular, we have discussed the data obtained through the application of an international standard known as TEI (Text Encoding Initiative), and introduced ways to more broadly circulate the text data of Japanese historical materials.This paper we do not discuss in detail the technical aspects of our project, but we rather focus on its significance from the standpoint of historical research. Aiming to facilitate the practical use of the text data for international circulation and research, we have applied TEI markup to the Engishiki. TEI (Text Encoding Initiative) is a project intended to promote the international circulation and use of textual data in the humanities, and it's also called the standards developed within these project. Since TEI is a tool specifically developed for the digital humanities, it offers the advantage of allowing users to record information on one's understanding of historical materials through the use of "elements" (pieces of information to which a tag has been attached). Bearing such merits in mind, the authors have proposed a digitalization model based on TEI.In particular, we have applied TEI markup to quantitative data of Engishiki and ventured into an examination of the possibility of parsing an overall picture of the text through the use of a method known as "transactionography." In addition, we have also discussed ways of creating a manual on how to use these markups as information bases.The development of methods of visualization for historical materials and research methodologies is necessary in order to more active the research on Japanese history. At a time in which the humanities and history are said to be in "corner", it is all the more urgent to construct base information, distribute it freely, and devise new methods that can lead to new avenues for inquiry.

本稿は，『毎日新聞』の社会部記者であった内藤国夫（1937～1999年）を中心に，東大闘争の専従記者が「1968年」報道にいかに携わったのかを明らかにする。第1節では，運動学生の行動動機を顧みずに，かれらを「暴徒」と見なす全般的な報道の特徴を検討した。それをよく示すものが『山陽新聞』の改ざん事件と，内藤国夫が取材した王子デモ報道であった。この背景には，学生運動の「暴徒」観を根強く抱く編集幹部の存在が挙げられる。第2節では，大学担当記者になった内藤国夫が東大専従記者となり，大河内一男総長の辞意報道に及ぼした影響や，各社が集った東大記者クラブと取材班の陣容を整理した。第3節では，内藤の日頃の取材先を押さえた上で，東大専従記者と運動学生の緊張関係が高まった読売新聞記者「暴行」事件に焦点をあてた。この事件を契機に学生の新聞不信が激化したことと，内藤の学生のために取材をしているという「君らのため」観との間に乖離があることを示した。第4節では，安田講堂の攻防で時計台放送が投げかけた，記者たちにとって東大闘争と報道とは一体何であったのかという，内藤を含めた記者たちの主体性を突きつける問題を考察した。それとともに警察側のデモ現場での巧妙な潜入や学生対策の実態について言及した。内藤は，東京大学法学部の卒業生という利点をいかし，取材源に食い込み，多くのスクープをものにした。しかし，その取材現場では学生の「暴徒」観に象徴されるように，事実に向き合おうとする記者と報道機関の姿勢も問われていた。そして多様な事実を報じる回路を制約したのが，現場記者と編集幹部の認識の差であった。記事決定の裁量権をもつデスクや編集幹部の力関係の構造の下，「1968年」報道も多面的な現実を読者に報じる役割が妨げられていたのである。最後に東大闘争と学生運動における暴力の問題についても見通しを提示した。, This paper clarifies the extent of the involvement of specialist correspondents of the University of Tokyo Struggle in the "1968" report with a focus on Kunio Naito (1937-1999) who was the local news correspondent of Mainichi Shimbun.In the first section, the authors examine the characteristics of the general reports that regarded the students of the movement as "rioters" regardless of the motivations of their actions. This representation was amply demonstrated in the falsification incident pertaining to Sanyo Shimbun, and in the Oji demonstration report written by Kunio Naito. The strongly rooted bias of executive editors forms the background of this depiction of the agitated students.The second section of the paper is devoted to Kunio Naito, who was the reporter in charge of universities, and who became a specialist correspondent for the University of Tokyo. This section discusses Naito's influence on coverage of President Kazuo Okochi's resignation, and lists the lineup of the University of Tokyo Reporters' Club which comprises a gathering of all news organizations and of their crews.Section 3 delves into the incident of "assault" on a Yomiuri Shimbun reporter in which tensions between the University of Tokyo specialist correspondents and the students of the movement were heightened, and led to the restriction of daily coverage by Naito. In the wake of this incident, the students' distrust of newspapers intensified, demonstrating that there was a gap between Naito's opinion that his reporting was meant for the students and the perception of the students themselves.In section 4, the authors examine the issue of the independence of the reporters including Naito and attempt to ascertain what the University of Tokyo Struggle and its news coverage meant for the reporters. This concern is highlighted by the clock tower broadcast during the Yasuda Hall incident. Along with this event, the skillful infiltration of the police at the site of the demonstration and the realities of the student measures are also discussed.Naito exploited the advantage of being the University of Tokyo, Department of Law graduate, and secured several scoops by making inroads into the source of the news. However, as symbolized by the perception of the students as "rioters" at the site of the incidents, the attitude of the reporters who tried to face the facts and the press organizations is also questionable. Further, the course of the reporting of various facts was constrained by the mismatch between the perception of the site reporters and the editorial executives. Based on the structure of the power relationship at news organizations, in the case of the "1968" report too, reporting of the multifaceted reality to the readers was hindered by the authority of the desk and the editorial executives. Finally, the authors' opinions with regard to the problem of violence in the University of Tokyo Struggle and during the student movements are also presented in this paper.

本稿では，1960年代に拡大・多発した学生運動（1960年代学生運動）について，先行研究が大規模社会変動にたいする反応や挑戦としてのみ位置づける傾向にあったのにたいし，より多面的かつ立体的な1960年代学生運動像を提示することをめざし，新たな視角として，社会運動論の戦略・戦術分析を導入する。具体的には，本稿では，1968～1969年に東京大学で発生した東大闘争における戦略・戦術を検討する。その結果，次のことが明らかになった。第一に，東大闘争では直接行動戦略がとられ，さらに，それが非暴力よりも対抗暴力を志向していったために，腕力・体力の有無と闘争での優劣や闘争参加資格とが連関するようになっていた。第二に，東大闘争終盤においては，対抗暴力が軍事的な実力闘争へと傾斜し，闘争の軍事化が見られた。第三に，1960年代学生運動の直接行動戦略が対抗暴力を志向するものとなった要因には，新旧左翼運動が持っていた実力闘争志向や武装主義と，アジア，アフリカ，ラテンアメリカにおける脱植民地・独立運動に影響を受けた第三世界主義とがあった。また本稿では，今後の展開可能性として，軍事的男性性概念の導入によって，ジェンダー的観点からなされてきた1960年代学生運動論と本稿の知見が接続しうることを示す。ジェンダー的1960年代学生運動論では，1960年代学生運動における性別役割分業や女性性の周辺化が1970年代以降の女性解放運動に与えた影響にかんする知見が蓄積されてきた。軍事的男性性という観点から，1960年代学生運動における女性参加者の動機や経験にアプローチすることによって，1960年代学生運動の軍事化とそれが運動の展開過程にもたらした影響について，さらに新たな光を当てることが可能になるだろう。, This paper aims to present a more multifaceted and three-dimensional image of the student movements that were frequent and widespread in the 1960s, especially given the tendency of past research to positioning them solely as responses or challenges to large-scale social changes. To this end, this paper analyzed the strategies and tactics evinced in the social movements theories as a novel approach to the 1960s student movement. This paper particularly examines the strategies and tactics employed during the University of Tokyo Struggle that occurred between 1968 and 1969 at the University of Tokyo. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, direct action strategies were adopted in the University of Tokyo Struggle, which were inclined more toward counter-violence than non-violence. Thus, one's physical strength or stamina, his relative merits in the struggle, and his eligibility to participate in the conflict were linked. Second, in the final stages of the University of Tokyo Struggle, the counter-violence tilted toward a competent military battle, and the participants' practices was militarized. Next, two factors led the direct action strategy in the 1960s student movements to counter-violence. One was the tendency toward physical combats and militarization possessed by both new and old leftist movements, and the other was the participants' third worldism that was influenced by decolonization and independence endeavors that occurred in Asia, Africa, and Latin America.This paper further demonstrates that these findings could also contribute to the gender studies on the 1960s student movement by introducing the concept of military masculinity. The gender-based division of labor and the marginalization of women in the 1960s student movements exerted substantial influence on the women's liberation movement that began in the 1970s. Studies of the 1960s student movements from the perspective of gender theories have accumulated a body of knowledge that attest to this reality.The information contained in this paper can potentially be developed in several directions in the future. By approaching the motivations and experiences of the women participants in the 1960s student movements from the perspective of military masculinity, it will be possible to further illuminate the militarization of the 1960s student movements and the influence of such actions on the evolution of the movements.

1968～69年における日本大学学生運動は，全国学生総数が約100万人と言われたこの時代に，学内学生3万人の参加という空前絶後の対理事会大衆団交を実現し，東京大学全共闘運動とともに当該時期の全共闘型学生運動の双璧に位置付けられている。本稿は，日大全共闘運動の組織論・運動論の特質を考察した拙稿「「1968年」大学闘争が問うたもの―日大闘争の事例に即して」の続編であり，日大闘争の展開過程を基本的な事実，諸資料から確定するという課題を継続している。前稿は，日大全共闘が，大衆団交という場において勝利できる展望を有していた時期までを対象とした。本稿では1968年9月30日「9.30 団交」への過程を再検討したうえで，日大闘争の戦術を象徴する各学部・各校舎のバリケードが一斉に解除・強制撤去される69年2月～3月までの基本的な経緯を示しながら，日大全共闘の組織と運動の時期的変化を検討する。具体的には，第1節で9月初めのバリケード撤去の強制執行をめぐる攻防を契機として，全共闘への求心力が高まり，6月以来要望し続けてきた大衆団交実施の意義がさらに掘り下げられていく過程，第2節は，大衆団交と政府の政治的介入を経て，各組織レベルでいかなる総括が行われ，他方で運動面ではどのような模索が行われたのか，さらに教員層や親たちの動き，警察権や司法権関与の変化，卒業・疎開授業強行問題，東大闘争との連携など10月～12月期の動向を多面的に追求し，第3節で，年明け以降3月までのバリケード闘争の終焉までの過程とその後の闘争継続の要因を指摘する。日大闘争の全過程を対象とした唯一の研究として，日本大学新聞研究会『日大紛争の真相―民主化闘争への歩み―』などに依拠した小熊英二『１９６８【上】』第9章「日大闘争」がある。本稿は，新たに利用が可能となった当事者の一次資料を中心に分析した。, The Nihon University student movement of 1968-69 accomplished the first and probably the last mass bargaining with the institution's board of directors. Around 30,000 students within the campus participated in this action in an era when the total number of students nationwide was said to be approximately one million. It is positioned as one of the two most significant All-Campus Joint Struggle League student movements of that period along with the University of Tokyo All-Campus Joint Struggle League student movement. This paper is a sequel to the author's manuscript entitled "Questions Raised by the 1968 University Struggles-With the Nihon University Struggle as a Case Study," which examined the characteristics of the organizational and movement theories of the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League movement. This paper further continues discussion on ascertaining the development process of the Nihon University Struggle from basic facts and varied material resources. The previous paper targeted the period up to the time when the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League (Nichidai Zenkyoto) had the possibility of winning at the mass bargaining. In this paper, the authors reevaluate the process of the "9/30 Bargaining" on September 30, 1968. While describing the basic course of events that occurred until February- March 1969 when the barricades of each department and school building that symbolize the tactics of the Nihon University Struggle were lifted and forcibly removed, the paper examines the periodical changes in the Nihon University All-Campus Joint Struggle League organization and movement.Specifically, the first section contends with the enhancement of the unifying power of the All- Campus Joint Struggle League in the wake of the struggle surrounding the forcible execution of the removal of barricades in the beginning of September. It also deals with the process of further investigating the significance of the enforcement of mass bargaining that was continually being demanded since June. Section two presents a multifaceted exploration of the trends that became noticeable between October and December, including the implementation of all kinds of reviews at each organizational level after mass bargaining and the government's political intervention. This part of the paper also considers the types of exploration for a solution that occurred within the movement, the actions of faculty members and parents, the changes in police authority and jurisdictional involvement, the issues of graduation and enforcement of class evacuation, and the cooperation of other sections of society with the University of Tokyo Struggle. In section three, the authors discuss the course of the movement up to the demise of the barricade struggle from the beginning of the new year until the end of March and the factors that influenced the continuation of the struggle thereafter. As the only study that targets the entire process of the Nihon University Struggle, the authors refer to Chapter 9, entitled "Nihon University Struggle" in Eiji Oguma's "1968 (cited above)," which based on the Nihon University Newspaper Research Association for the study "The Truth of the Nihon University Struggle-Steps toward the Struggle for Democracy" among others. This paper presents an analysis based on primary sources that have become newly available for use that relate to the parties concerned.

現在，日本国内においては巨大地震，大津波，巨大台風，低気圧などによる大規模自然災害が頻発する傾向が見られ，災害の記録，記憶を伝承する資料展示施設の社会的必要性が以前にも増して高まっている。しかし，その一方で同様の施設設置に係る基本的な理念，展示デザインの基本的な方法論は確立されておらず，設置された施設は管理運営，展示デザイン上の問題を多く抱えており，かつ，この状況を打開する具体的な試みが行われないままに新たな施設が設置されている。本論においては，国内に存在する震災等の災害資料展示施設，類似施設を事例として，施設の設置段階，管理運営状況における問題，展示デザイン上の問題，課題を指摘し，その解決に向けた試みの事例として，リアス・アーク美術館常設展示『東日本大震災の記録と津波の災害史』設置に至る経緯を述べるとともに，同展示における展示手法を示し，あわせてその成果を基に，災害資料展示施設の存在意義と，設置の必要性を独自の視点から再定義しようとするものである。「災害資料展示，災害資料系博物館などを設置し，管理運営していくための普遍的ミッションをどのように設定するのか，人知を超えた自然の営み，現象に対して人間は今後どのように向き合っていくべきなのか」。この問いに対する答えを求めることは，本論によって到達するべき究極的な目標であり，本来ならば，導き出される答えは同テーマを論じるための基盤とされるべき理念とも言える。リアス・アーク美術館においては，この問いに対する答えを，東日本大震災の経験を通して研究，模索し，記録，調査を継続しつつその成果を展示，公開することで具現化している。本論においてはその理念を一つの事例として提示し，既存の博物館，あるいは博物館学芸員等の研究者に普及することで，今後新たに設置される災害資料展示の社会的機能を適正化する道筋を示そうとするものである。, Currently, in Japan, there is a trend of frequent large-scale natural disasters due to great earthquakes, large tsunamis, great typhoons, low atmospheric pressure, and other causes, and there is an increased social need for resource exhibit facilities to document the disaster and pass on the memory. However, a basic philosophy in establishing such facilities and a basic methodology of exhibit design have not been set, and established facilities have many problems in operation management and exhibit design. Further, additional facilities are being established without concrete attempts to resolve the situation.This paper examines disaster resource exhibit facilities of earthquakes and other disasters and points out problems in the establishment phase and operation management of the facility and problems and issues in exhibit design. Additionally, it presents the case of Rias Ark Museum of Art's permanent exhibition Documentary of East Japan Earthquake and Tsunami and History of Tsunami Disaster as an attempt at a solution, outlining the sequence of events leading up to its establishment and indicating the exhibition techniques used in this exhibition. Finally, this paper attempts to redefine the significance of the existence of disaster resource exhibit facilities and the necessity of establishing them, from a unique perspective based on the results arising from this exhibit."How will the universal mission be set for establishing disaster resource exhibits and disaster resource-related museums and managing their operation? How should humans go on to face works and phenomena of nature beyond human understanding?" Finding the answers to these questions is the ultimate goal to be attained by this paper, and it could be said that the answer arrived at is a philosophy which should be used as a base for debating this theme. At the Rias Ark Museum of Art, the answers to these questions are being made manifest through the experience of the Great East Japan Earthquake Disaster as it is studied and explored, continued to be recorded and investigated, and the results are exhibited and made public. This paper presents that philosophy as one case and attempts to indicate a path to optimize the social function of new disaster resource exhibits to be established in the future by disseminating it to existing museums or researchers such as museum curators.