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The purpose of this paper is to investigate the role of CCTV, Close Circuit Television, in the police operations during the deadliest terror attacks in Norway; the 2011 Oslo bombing and subsequent Utøya shooting, Denmark; the 2015 Copenhagen Krudttønen Cultural Centre and Synagogue shootings and Sweden; the 2017 Stockholm truck attack. Specifically, this paper aims to explain in what capacity CCTV has contributed to the police operations during the three attacks, as well as to investigate which problems have been noted with CCTV during the police operations. This study has been conducted through a qualitative content analysis to identify the prominent themes in which CCTV have been described in three after-action reports authored by each country’s national police agency. The study finds that the main contribution of CCTV lies in tracking and identifying a moving perpetrator, capturing pictures and film of the perpetrator which can be shared to police personnel as well as the public and as a whole contributing to further investigative measures. The problems with CCTV described in the reports are mainly that privately owned CCTV-cameras can be hard to locate, that CCTV film takes time to secure and analyze and that the quality of the film can vary greatly. In conclusion, the study suggests that the police forces should install more of their own controllable and actively monitored cameras to allow for more actionable use during terror attacks and other incidents. These cameras should be combined with AI software to further enhance the capability of the cameras and their operators.

The aim of this research paper was to examine and understand how Russia contributed to be exacerbating the situation in Syria, leading it from peaceful protests demanding freedom, justice, and a better social and economic life, to a devastating civil war that took and displaced the lives of millions around the world. It seeks to answer why Russia chose to militarily engage in the conflict that began on March 15, 2011. The thesis explores Russian´s methodology in exerting influence and navigating global power structures becomes apparent. The theoretical framework includes realism to analyze Russian´s intentions, with elements of self-interest, balance of power, and security dilemma. Additionally, social constructivism is used to illustrate how identities and norms influenced the course of events. In conclusion, the thesis determines that Russia viewed the crisis as an opportunity to benefit its own interests and increase its power. There are many other significant geopolitical actors, including the USA, China, Turkey, and Iran, that have a history of utilizing international crises to advance their own strategic goals. Despite the actions of these countries, the focus remains on Russia.

Terrorism och bekämpningen av den är ett alltid lika relevant ämne. Efter den 11 september 2001 var det en stor uppslutning bland det internationella samfundet och det slöts flera överenskommelser både i Förenta nationerna och senare även på EU-nivå. Det är dessa överenskommelser som lade grunden till den svenska lagstiftningen mot terrorism. De senaste åren har Sverige valt en ny metod i kampen mot terrorism. Denna metod är att utöka kriminaliseringen för att kunna förhindra fler terrorhandlingar i framtiden. Det som är unikt med de senaste kriminaliseringarna är att regeringen numera kriminaliserat både samröre med en terroristorganisation och deltagande i en terroristorganisation. Brotten la-des till i terroristbrottslagen. Rekvisiten till dessa brott är väldigt brett formulerade och därför finns det en stor mängd handlingar som potentiellt skulle kunna inkluderas i brotten. Båda dessa brott är väldigt lika sett till sina rekvisit och det har framförts kritik från flera remissinstanser om det verkligen finns ett behov av att ha båda brotten. Vidare har det även framförts kritik mot deltagandebrottet, då regeringen behövde ändra grundlagen för att införa detta brott. Amnesty som var remissinstans menade att deltagandebrottet var för otydligt formulerat. Detta menar Amnesty gör det svårt att förutse exakt vilka handlingar som är kriminaliserade, vilket går emot förutsebarhetsprincipen och legalitets-principen. Amnesty menade även att lagförslaget genom sin försvarlighetsbedömning riskerade att leda till politisk styrning av domstolarna. Slutligen var Amnesty även kritiska till att den nuvarande regeringen gått vidare med lagförslaget trots Lagrådets avrådan. Syftet med denna uppsats är att undersöka om det finns några tydliga skillnader mellan brotten samröre med en terroristorganisation och deltagande i en terroristorganisation. Det undersöks även om Amnesty har fog för den kritik som de riktat mot lagförslaget. Uppsatsen kommer fram till att det finns några små s, Terrorism and the struggle against it are always relevant topics. After the terror attacks on the 11th of September 2001 the international community rallied together against international terrorism. Both the United Nations and the European Union came to several agreements among themselves to fight terrorism. These agreements and conventions laid the groundwork for the Swedish legislation on the subject. In recent years, the Swedish government have chosen a new method to fight terrorism. This method is to increase and widen the number of actions that are considered criminal. With the goal of preventing terror attacks in the future. The unique part of the latest legislation is the introduction of two new crimes to the Terrorist Offence act. These two crimes are associa-tion with a terrorist organisation and participation in a terrorist organisa-tion. The definitions of these crimes are very wide and there is therefore hard to know exactly which acts that are considered illegal. These two crimes’ requirements are also very similar and there has been criticism from the consultations bodies that question the need to have both crimes. There has also been criticism against the crime of participation in a terror-ist organisation. This criticism stems from the government needing to change the constitution to be able to implement the crime. Amnesty inter-national, that was one of the consultation bodies was critical against how vague the definition of the crimes was. Amnesty therefore says that it would be hard to anticipate if a certain act would be illegal. This would go against the principle of Nulla poena sine lege certa. The law introduces an assessment that lets the judge dismiss the case if the actions are deemed excusable. Amnesty international is worried that this could lead to political interference from both foreign powers and domestic entities. Lastly, Am-nesty is critical towards the government for continuing with the legislation even though the Council on Legisl

We utilized Confirmatory Factor Analysis (CFA) to investigate the correlational and bidirectional relationship between corruption control and terrorism control in 65 developing countries panel data from year 2000 to 2019. Significance of various parameters of observed indicators has also been empirically assessed in this research that redefine the latent variables of corruption control and terrorism control. Our empirical findings support the idea that unchecked corrupt activities sustain and spread terrorism, especially in areas where formal economic and political frameworks are weak or nonexistent. The findings clearly indicate that ineffective corruption control in developing countries lead to reduced control over terrorism. Furthermore, our study empirically shows that terrorist acts are predominantly concentrated in regions plagued by internal and external conflicts. Countries with significant military involvement in politics face a higher threat of terrorist activities. Additionally, an efficient, active, and impartial judiciary is crucial for combating corruption at all levels. The findings of this research underscore the critical need for governments in every developing country to implement economic reforms anchored in incentives to stabilize and regulate the political economy. Effectively controlling corrupt activities and terrorism offers the potential to facilitate the efficient allocation of resources and promote sustained economic growth in these nations.

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism.

This research paper examines the role of mens rea and actus reus in determination of terrorism charges in a case. In spite of substantial worldwide comprehensive efforts to curb the menace of terrorism, on the legal side there is still a gap. There is no universally accepted definition of this term. In Pakistan, the broad and ambiguous definition of terrorism in the ATA has led legal jurisprudence to overlaps with regular penal laws. There have been two approaches developed under ATLs: one, the mens rea-based approach; and second, the actus reus-based approach. This study discovers the use of these two approaches in execution and prosecution of ATLs. This research uses a comprehensive analysis of existing legal scholarship, judicial opinions, and landmark case-laws. It concludes that mens rea-based approach can significantly enhance the precision and fairness in determination whether a case falls under terrorism laws or not. &nbsp

This article examines the appeal of Serbian nationalist ideology among the contemporary far right. We argue that the discursive othering of Bosnian Muslims as “Turks” as well as the Serbian grand narrative presenting the Bosnian War as a civilizational struggle between Christian Europe and Islam are uniquely resonant with the popular anti-Muslim and xenophobic discourses that are mobilizing right-wing extremists across the globe. Through an analysis of Serbian and far-right discourses, we demonstrate how the patterns of representation that were used to incite and justify the violence committed against Bosnian Muslims in the 1990s are being exported to remote corners of the world via the internet, where they merge with extraneous Islamophobic and racist ideologies to inspire a new generation of extremism, hatred, and violence.

Media exposure to graphic images of violence has proliferated in contemporary society, particularly with the advent of social media. Extensive exposure to media coverage immediately after the 9/11 attacks and the Boston Marathon bombings (BMB) was associated with more early traumatic stress symptoms; in fact, several hours of BMB-related daily media exposure was a stronger correlate of distress than being directly exposed to the bombings themselves. Researchers have replicated these findings across different traumatic events, extending this work to document that exposure to graphic images is independently and significantly associated with stress symptoms and poorer functioning. The media exposure-distress association also appears to be cyclical over time, with increased exposure predicting greater distress and greater distress predicting more media exposure following subsequent tragedies. The war in Israel and Gaza, which began on October 7, 2023, provides a current, real-time context to further explore these issues as journalists often share graphic images of death and destruction, making media-based graphic images once again ubiquitous and potentially challenging public well-being. For individuals sharing an identity with the victims or otherwise feeling emotionally connected to the Middle East, it may be difficult to avoid viewing these images. Through a review of research on the association between exposure to graphic images and public health, we discuss differing views on the societal implications of viewing such images and advocate for media literacy campaigns to educate the public to identify mis/disinformation and understand the risks of viewing and sharing graphic images with others.

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism.

The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), established in 1979 to safeguard Iran's theocratic regime, operates independently from the nation's regular military. It focuses on both domestic security and foreign missions, notably through its specialized Quds Force. Over the years, the IRGC has evolved into a formidable force engaged in global acts of terrorism and espionage. The downing of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752 in January 2020, orchestrated by the IRGC, has been officially classified as an act of terrorism by the Superior Court of Ontario, Canada. This incident exemplifies the criteria set under the European Union's 'Common Position 931' (CP931) for designating entities as terrorist organizations. CP931 mandates EU member states to enforce specific measures against groups involved in terrorism, incorporating a dual-step verification process: an initial decision by a competent national authority regarding the entity's involvement in terrorism, followed by a confirmation from the European Council. This process underscores the requirement for decisions to be both recent and legally robust, and it accommodates considerations for entities based outside of EU states. The judicial ruling by the Ontario Superior Court of Justice, asserting the IRGC's deliberate terrorist actions in the PS752 tragedy, aligns with the stipulations of CP931, positioning the IRGC as a viable candidate for inclusion on the EU's terrorist list.

This paper critically investigated the impact of insecurity on school attendance. It also examined the socio-economic consequences of insecurity and terrorism on children’s access to education following the SDG goal of education for all by 2063. The study adopted secondary sources of data collection from relevant and related documents, including the United Nations and its sub-agencies such as UNESCO and UNICEF and other extant literature. Data was thematically analysed. The findings showed that insecurity has a lasting impact on learners’ behaviour, emotions, mental health, academic performance, and stability at school.  Maintaining that the culmination of these factors leads to school hedging by school-age children. Also, the study revealed that insecurity and kidnapping incidents can exacerbate and sustain the dynasty of poverty since education is one of the ways of breaking the chains of poverty, stating the need for targeted policy interventions to increase school enrolment and reduce the number of out-of-school children. It also confirmed that insecurity leads to a significant loss of human capital development and reduces a nation’s ability to build a skilled and competitive workforce.  Mitigating insecurity, closing the gap of gender equality, granting scholarships, therapy sessions and infrastructure development among others were identified as factors that would improve school enrolment and attendance. The study recommends the importance of holistic efforts: the society, government, international organizations, civil society organizations and all stakeholders of peace and security to work in tandem towards the realization of peace and security and a safe and conducive learning environment for every child.

Objective: This research aims to investigate and analyze the assimilation models of ex-offenders of terrorism and identify the factors that drive them to participate willingly in the process of social reintegration. Theoretical Framework: Using the segmented assimilation theory developed by Porter and Zou, this study examines the movement of former convicts through various institutions and social and economic activities has led to their acceptance by society or if they need to follow a different trajectory. Method: A qualitative descriptive ap proach, coupled with the phenomenological method, was employed to gain profound insights into the lived experience of 15 former convicts hailing from diverse districts and cities in Central Java, Indonesia. To collect the data, we conduct interviews individually and in group to gain extensive their trajectory experiences for peace. Results and Discussion: The results of the study indicate that two trajectory models occur in society as a way of returning former terrorists to a peaceful path: (a) the independent model and (b) the institutional model. The independent model focuses on individual roles and initiatives in the ex-offender communicating with the community through family, friends, or community leaders and religious paths to gain the trust of the intended social community. Research Implications: This study provides valuable insights into the mechanisms of social reintegration for ex-offenders of terrorism, highlighting the importance of both individual initiatives and institutional support in facilitating successful assimilation into society. Originality/Value: The study offers an original contribution to the field by examining the specific assimilation trajectories of ex-terrorists, providing a nuanced understanding of the social reintegration process and identifying key factors that influence successful reintegration.

This research paper examines the role of mens rea and actus reus in determination of terrorism charges in a case. In spite of substantial worldwide comprehensive efforts to curb the menace of terrorism, on the legal side there is still a gap. There is no universally accepted definition of this term. In Pakistan, the broad and ambiguous definition of terrorism in the ATA has led legal jurisprudence to overlaps with regular penal laws. There have been two approaches developed under ATLs: one, the mens rea-based approach; and second, the actus reus-based approach. This study discovers the use of these two approaches in execution and prosecution of ATLs. This research uses a comprehensive analysis of existing legal scholarship, judicial opinions, and landmark case-laws. It concludes that mens rea-based approach can significantly enhance the precision and fairness in determination whether a case falls under terrorism laws or not. &nbsp

This study aims to determine the validity of the presumption of innocence principle against perpetrators or suspected perpetrators of criminal acts of terrorism committed by law enforcement officials, especially Densus 88. This paper uses a statute approach and a conceptual approach. The results showed that the principle of presumption of innocence in handling criminal acts of terrorism is, in fact, still often ignored by law enforcement officials. Even the data obtained shows that several suspects/perpetrators have died during the legal process they underwent, as well as the actions of law enforcement officials who often commit acts that exceed limits and violate human rights. This principle needs to be implemented and strictly regulated in the Criminal Procedure Code as the master procedural law as well as in the law on the eradication of criminal acts of terrorism so that the strength and application of this principle increasingly get a place and position that can protect perpetrators/suspected perpetrators of criminal acts of terrorism., Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kekuatan asas praduga tak bersalah terhadap pelaku atau tersangka tindak pidana terorisme yang dilakukan oleh aparat penegak hukum, khususnya Densus 88. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach) dan pendekatan konseptual (conseptual approach). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa asas praduga tak bersalah dalam penanganan tindak pidana terorisme nyatanya masih sering diabaikan dan dilanggar oleh aparat penegak hukum. Bahkan dari data yang diperoleh, menunjukkan bahwa beberapa tersangka/pelaku telah meninggal dunia selama proses hukum yang mereka jalani serta tindakan aparat penegak hukum yang kerap melakukan perbuatan yang melampaui batas dan melanggar HAM. Diharapkan prinsip ini perlu diperkuat ke depan dan diatur secara ketat dalam KUHAP sebagai hukum acara induk maupun dalam undang-undang pemberantasan tindak pidana terorisme sehingga kekuatan dan penerapan asas ini semakin mendapatkan tempat dan kedudukan yang dapat melindungi pelaku/tersangka tindak pidana terorisme.

Den ökade hotbilden har gjort att nya frågor har väckts till liv i samhället. Efter en sammanställning gjord av MSB och Polisen är nöjesliv och offentliga miljöer särskilt utsatta gällande dödlighet i attentat. Nöjesliv och offentliga miljöer kan kopplas till olika typer av evenemang. Vid attentat har arrangör, kommun, polis, räddningstjänst och sjukvård olika funktioner men tillsammans kan de utgöra en säkerhetsorganisation inför upprättandet av ett evenemang. Tillsammans i säkerhetsorganisationen kan alla aktörer bidra med sakkunskaper inom respektive ämnesområde. Syftet med litteraturstudien har varit att undersöka människans beteendeskiljaktigheter mellan händelse av brand respektive attentat. Utöver beteende har också andra förutsättningar för att sätta sig i säkerhet undersökts. Avsikten med studien var att öka kunskapen och förståelsen av evenemangssäkerhet vid antagonistiska hot och terrorism i form av attentat i större folksamlingar. Evenemangssäkerhet innefattar samarbetspartner som polis, räddningstjänst, ambulans, evenemangsansvarig och övriga aktörer. Följande frågeställningar har ställt i studien: Vilka svårigheter möter man vid antagonistiska hot och större folksamlingar på evenemang? Hur skiljer sig beteendemönstret vid antagonistiska hot respektive brand? Kan beteendet påverka förmågan att söka sig till säkerhet? Finns det några brister vid planering av evenemang som påverkar säkerhetsförutsättningar som exempelvis inrymning, utrymning eller utestängning? Finns det tydliga åtgärder för att stärka säkerheten mot attentat på ett utomhusevenemang? Studien behandlar enbart evenemang utomhus och jämför mot inomhusförutsättningar när regelverk saknas för utomhusförutsättningar. Studien har avgränsats till evenemang med höga personantal eller persontätheter i offentliga miljöer som gator, torg och andra ytor där evenemang genomförs. Utöver de nämnda avgränsningarna har studien kompletterats med observationer från händelser genom historien via video oc, The increased threat level has raised new questions in society. According to a compilation made by MSB and the Police, public environment and entertainment are particularly vulnerable in term of mortality in attacks. Event and public environment can be linked to different types of events. In the event of an attack, the event organizer or manager, municipality, rescue service, police and ambulance have different functions. Together, they can form a security organization prior to the establishment of an event a thus contribute with expertise in their subject area. The purpose of the literature study has been to investigate the difference in human behavior between fire and attack events. In addition to behavior, other prerequisites for safety have been investigated. The purpose of the study was to increase the knowledge and understanding of event security in the event of antagonistic threats in the form of attacks in large crowds. Event security also includes partners such as the police, emergency services, ambulance, event manager and other stakeholders. The following questions have been posed in the study: What difficulties are encountered in the event of a attack and large crowd at events? How do behavioral pattern differ in the case of antagonistic threats versus fire that require safety measures. Can behavior affect the ability to seek safety? Are there any shortcomings in the planning of event that effect security conditions such as containment, evacuation, or exclusion? Are there clear measures to strengthen security against attacks at an outdoor event? The study only deals with outdoor events and compares only with indoor conditions as there are no regulations for outdoor. The study has been limited to events with high numbers or densities of people in public environments such as streets, squares, and other areas where events are held. In addition to the aforementioned limitations, the study has been supplemented with observation from events throughout history.

Syfte med denna magisteruppsats är att överskådligt undersöka hur polisprogrammen förlagda vid de fem olika lärosäten och högskolorna/universiteten i Sverige: Högskolan i Borås, Linnéuniversitetet i Växjö, Malmöuniversitetet, Södertörns högskola samt Umeå universitet utbildar polisstuderande inom diskriminering, extremism, fanatism, fundamentalism, hatbrott, hedersbrott, våldsbejakande grupperingar och terrorism. Vidare syftar denna magisteruppsats till att utreda hur utbildningarna för polisprogrammen skiljer sig åt när det gäller det valda områden. En enkätundersökning sändes till lärarna vid respektive lärosäte. Resultaten visar på varierande svar bland lärosäten men huvudresultat är att utbildning inom diskriminering, extremism, fanatism, fundamentalism, hatbrott, hedersbrott, våldsbejakande grupperingar och terrorism är bristfällig, mer utbildning behövs inom området., The purpose of this master's thesis is to clearly examine how the police educations located at the five different universities in Sweden: The University of Borås, Linnaeus University in Växjö, Malmö University, Södertörn University and Umeå University educate police students in discrimination, extremism, fanaticism, fundamentalism, hate crimes, honor crimes, violent groups and terrorism. Furthermore, this master's thesis aims to demonstrate how much the education for the police programs differs for the selected subject areas where a survey aimed at the teachers at the respective higher education institution was sent out and where it could be made visible to a large extent the varying answers together with the comparison of the course content from the respective higher education institution. The overall results of both my survey and also previous related research show that education in discrimination, extremism, fanaticism, fundamentalism, hate crimes, honor crimes, violent groups and terrorism is poor in the public sector in general and that more education is generally needed due to Sweden's changed demographics over time.

How incidents of mass violence are portrayed has great consequences for how the violence is understood and responded to, including whether it requires political attention. This article examines the portrayal of incel violence, a relatively new phenomenon of violence perpetrated by people who identify with the misogynistic worldview present in and perpetuated by incel online forums. It does so through placing this violence in comparison with Islamist violence and right-wing violence, both of which have shaped understandings of mass violence so far. By conducting this three-way comparison, this article investigates to what extent portrayals of incel violence align with media portrayals of other types of violence. This article finds that incel violence is portrayed in an overly personalised manner without much reference to the violence’s gendered socio-political context, hindering the possibility of incel violence being understood as political. Not only does this article helps understandings of incel violence per se but also provides insight into to what extent processes of politicisation and securitisation play a part in understandings of misogynistic violence.

How incidents of mass violence are portrayed has great consequences for how the violence is understood and responded to, including whether it requires political attention. This article examines the portrayal of incel violence, a relatively new phenomenon of violence perpetrated by people who identify with the misogynistic worldview present in and perpetuated by incel online forums. It does so through placing this violence in comparison with Islamist violence and right-wing violence, both of which have shaped understandings of mass violence so far. By conducting this three-way comparison, this article investigates to what extent portrayals of incel violence align with media portrayals of other types of violence. This article finds that incel violence is portrayed in an overly personalised manner without much reference to the violence’s gendered socio-political context, hindering the possibility of incel violence being understood as political. Not only does this article helps understandings of incel violence per se but also provides insight into to what extent processes of politicisation and securitisation play a part in understandings of misogynistic violence.

While there is a substantial research literature on Western ‘foreign fighters’ – those young men and women from Europe, North America, Australia and elsewhere who traveled to Syria and Iraq, from around 2011–2017, to join jihadist groups engaged in combat – there is a dearth of comparative studies examining the backgrounds of these fighters. National variations in the levels of recruitment have been measured and samples examined to determine the demographics of these fighters, indicating some national variations in who went, how, and maybe why. More fulsome comparative data is needed, however, to detect and measure such differences to gain insight into the factors conditioning the radicalization of these foreign fighters. Calling on original and unique datasets, this study presents the results of a comparative analysis of Canadian and Swedish foreign fighters. In each case the findings are compared with other domestic jihadists as well to delineate if those drawn to fight in Syria and Iraq differ. Clear differences emerge in the basic demographics of these national samples, highlighting some empirical and interpretive issues in need of further analysis.

How incidents of mass violence are portrayed has great consequences for how the violence is understood and responded to, including whether it requires political attention. This article examines the portrayal of incel violence, a relatively new phenomenon of violence perpetrated by people who identify with the misogynistic worldview present in and perpetuated by incel online forums. It does so through placing this violence in comparison with Islamist violence and right-wing violence, both of which have shaped understandings of mass violence so far. By conducting this three-way comparison, this article investigates to what extent portrayals of incel violence align with media portrayals of other types of violence. This article finds that incel violence is portrayed in an overly personalised manner without much reference to the violence’s gendered socio-political context, hindering the possibility of incel violence being understood as political. Not only does this article helps understandings of incel violence per se but also provides insight into to what extent processes of politicisation and securitisation play a part in understandings of misogynistic violence.

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism.

Terrorism is a global problem that has a negative effect on people’s lives all around the world. News media has a big part in how society understands terrorism and therefore it is important to examine how they report and portray terrorists. Using Sjoberg and Gentry’s Beyond Mothers, Monsters, Whores: Thinking about Women’s Violence in Global Politics this essay examines how news media portrays men and women in terrorist organisations, and if the mother-, monster-, whore narratives can be found. The method of textual analysis was adopted to analyse news articles from papers from around the world. The findings show that there is a significant difference in how female terrorists are portrayed versus male terrorists. The findings also show that writers most commonly depict female terrorists as monsters, this indicates that the monster narrative is the most common one found in news articles. This knowledge is important because it improves our understandings of why we view female terrorists the way we do.

This article investigates the complex dynamics between climate change and political violence, emphasizing their multifaceted relationship. Resorting to the three-pillar model distilled from the climate-conflict literature, it explores how climate change interacts with existing socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities, amplifying the risk of conflict. Focusing on Indonesia as a case study, the article examines the intersection of climate exposure, sociopolitical fragility, and terrorism. The country's exposure to sea-level rise, flooding, and water stress heightens concerns over food and water security, while the persistent threat of religiously motivated terrorism exacerbates the complexity. As global climate change accelerates, the potential for increased political violence grows. Mitigating these vulnerabilities and strengthening governance will be essential for Indonesia's resilience in the face of climate change. Keywords: Climate change, Political violence, terrorism, Indonesia Artikel ini menyelidiki dinamika yang rumit antara perubahan iklim dan kekerasan politik, dengan menekankan pada hubungan multi- dimensi yang dimiliki. Artikel ini meneliti bagaimana interaksi antara perubahan iklim dan kerentanan sosial ekonomi serta politik yang ada dapat memperbesar resiko konflik yang terjadi dengan menggunakan model tiga pilar yang didapatkan dari literatur tentang iklim dan konflik. Indonesia sebagai fokus dari studi kasus, artikel ini meneliti hubungan antara paparan iklim, kerapuhan sosial politik, dan terorisme. Paparan negara terhadap kenaikan permukaan air laut, banjir, dan kelangkaan air meningkatkan kekhawatiran terhadap ketersediaan pangan dan air, sementara ancaman terorisme yang terus berlanjut turut memperumit keadaan. Seiring dengan percepatan perubahan iklim global, potensi kekerasan politik yang terjadi turut meningkat. Upaya mitigasi terhadap kerentanan ini dan dengan memperkuat pengelolaan yang dilakukan akan menjadi penting untuk Indonesia dalam

This study analyzes Sweden's national strategy against violent extremism and terrorism with a focus on the principles of deterrence through tactical denial, strategic denial, and the society’s resilience. Given the rising terrorism threat and the unique challenges faced by small states, this theory-consuming case study examines how well adapted the Swedish strategy is in the perspective of deterrence by denial with the help of a theoretical framework. The study highlights how specific security measures, interagency cooperation, and technological advancements contribute to tactical deterrence. It also discusses political and social reforms and international cooperations that support strategic deterrence. The importance of the society’s resilience through public education and victim support structures, to enhance recovery and resistance against terrorist threats, is studied. The result of the study shows that the Swedish strategy is well structured to deter terrorism but that there are certain areas, specifically in cost-effectiveness, where improvements can be made.

The purpose of this paper is to study how the discourse on risk, threat and national security has developed over time within the context of Swedish print news media. The articles we look at are from 1992-2023, and originate from four of Sweden’s largest national newspapers (Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Expressen, Svenska Dagbladet). By mapping out when and where something or someone is described as a “threat to national security”, and by whom, we want to analyze how the perceived threats against Sweden as a nation has changed and been communicated over time. Other than the foundational theory package that is media logic, our theoretical framework includes Ulrich Beck’s concept of risk and risk society, Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman’s propaganda model and the theory of securitization as laid out by the Copenhagen school. Earlier works we have built upon include (among many others) Bakir & Kitzinger’s extensive research on mediated risk, as well as Westberg’s interesting analysis of Sweden’s COVID-19 strategy and its elements of public shaming. Our study is a quantitative content analysis of a body of 301 articles, with occasional qualitative dives into specific parts of the material to give further context. The media archive and search engine Retriever was used to find every article from the four papers within the chosen timespan containing the phrases “hot mot rikets säkerhet”. (threat to national security) and “hot mot Sveriges säkerhet” (threat to Sweden’s security). The contents of the articles were encoded into several categories pertaining to our four questions, and graphed out to see patterns of frequency over time. We found a clear and dramatic increase in “threat reporting” from all four newspapers starting in 2017, peaking in 2019 and continuing at a higher level than before. A whole two-thirds of the 301 articles were published in or after 2017. The 2019 peak largely centers on the case of several imams accused of being security threats, which Ex

Den ökade hotbilden har gjort att nya frågor har väckts till liv i samhället. Efter en sammanställning gjord av MSB och Polisen är nöjesliv och offentliga miljöer särskilt utsatta gällande dödlighet i attentat. Nöjesliv och offentliga miljöer kan kopplas till olika typer av evenemang. Vid attentat har arrangör, kommun, polis, räddningstjänst och sjukvård olika funktioner men tillsammans kan de utgöra en säkerhetsorganisation inför upprättandet av ett evenemang. Tillsammans i säkerhetsorganisationen kan alla aktörer bidra med sakkunskaper inom respektive ämnesområde. Syftet med litteraturstudien har varit att undersöka människans beteendeskiljaktigheter mellan händelse av brand respektive attentat. Utöver beteende har också andra förutsättningar för att sätta sig i säkerhet undersökts. Avsikten med studien var att öka kunskapen och förståelsen av evenemangssäkerhet vid antagonistiska hot och terrorism i form av attentat i större folksamlingar. Evenemangssäkerhet innefattar samarbetspartner som polis, räddningstjänst, ambulans, evenemangsansvarig och övriga aktörer. Följande frågeställningar har ställt i studien: Vilka svårigheter möter man vid antagonistiska hot och större folksamlingar på evenemang? Hur skiljer sig beteendemönstret vid antagonistiska hot respektive brand? Kan beteendet påverka förmågan att söka sig till säkerhet? Finns det några brister vid planering av evenemang som påverkar säkerhetsförutsättningar som exempelvis inrymning, utrymning eller utestängning? Finns det tydliga åtgärder för att stärka säkerheten mot attentat på ett utomhusevenemang? Studien behandlar enbart evenemang utomhus och jämför mot inomhusförutsättningar när regelverk saknas för utomhusförutsättningar. Studien har avgränsats till evenemang med höga personantal eller persontätheter i offentliga miljöer som gator, torg och andra ytor där evenemang genomförs. Utöver de nämnda avgränsningarna har studien kompletterats med observationer från händelser genom historien via video oc, The increased threat level has raised new questions in society. According to a compilation made by MSB and the Police, public environment and entertainment are particularly vulnerable in term of mortality in attacks. Event and public environment can be linked to different types of events. In the event of an attack, the event organizer or manager, municipality, rescue service, police and ambulance have different functions. Together, they can form a security organization prior to the establishment of an event a thus contribute with expertise in their subject area. The purpose of the literature study has been to investigate the difference in human behavior between fire and attack events. In addition to behavior, other prerequisites for safety have been investigated. The purpose of the study was to increase the knowledge and understanding of event security in the event of antagonistic threats in the form of attacks in large crowds. Event security also includes partners such as the police, emergency services, ambulance, event manager and other stakeholders. The following questions have been posed in the study: What difficulties are encountered in the event of a attack and large crowd at events? How do behavioral pattern differ in the case of antagonistic threats versus fire that require safety measures. Can behavior affect the ability to seek safety? Are there any shortcomings in the planning of event that effect security conditions such as containment, evacuation, or exclusion? Are there clear measures to strengthen security against attacks at an outdoor event? The study only deals with outdoor events and compares only with indoor conditions as there are no regulations for outdoor. The study has been limited to events with high numbers or densities of people in public environments such as streets, squares, and other areas where events are held. In addition to the aforementioned limitations, the study has been supplemented with observation from events throughout history.

This article investigates the complex dynamics between climate change and political violence, emphasizing their multifaceted relationship. Resorting to the three-pillar model distilled from the climate-conflict literature, it explores how climate change interacts with existing socioeconomic and political vulnerabilities, amplifying the risk of conflict. Focusing on Indonesia as a case study, the article examines the intersection of climate exposure, sociopolitical fragility, and terrorism. The country's exposure to sea-level rise, flooding, and water stress heightens concerns over food and water security, while the persistent threat of religiously motivated terrorism exacerbates the complexity. As global climate change accelerates, the potential for increased political violence grows. Mitigating these vulnerabilities and strengthening governance will be essential for Indonesia's resilience in the face of climate change. Keywords: Climate change, Political violence, terrorism, Indonesia Artikel ini menyelidiki dinamika yang rumit antara perubahan iklim dan kekerasan politik, dengan menekankan pada hubungan multi- dimensi yang dimiliki. Artikel ini meneliti bagaimana interaksi antara perubahan iklim dan kerentanan sosial ekonomi serta politik yang ada dapat memperbesar resiko konflik yang terjadi dengan menggunakan model tiga pilar yang didapatkan dari literatur tentang iklim dan konflik. Indonesia sebagai fokus dari studi kasus, artikel ini meneliti hubungan antara paparan iklim, kerapuhan sosial politik, dan terorisme. Paparan negara terhadap kenaikan permukaan air laut, banjir, dan kelangkaan air meningkatkan kekhawatiran terhadap ketersediaan pangan dan air, sementara ancaman terorisme yang terus berlanjut turut memperumit keadaan. Seiring dengan percepatan perubahan iklim global, potensi kekerasan politik yang terjadi turut meningkat. Upaya mitigasi terhadap kerentanan ini dan dengan memperkuat pengelolaan yang dilakukan akan menjadi penting untuk Indonesia dalam

This study aims to determine the validity of the presumption of innocence principle against perpetrators or suspected perpetrators of criminal acts of terrorism committed by law enforcement officials, especially Densus 88. This paper uses a statute approach and a conceptual approach. The results showed that the principle of presumption of innocence in handling criminal acts of terrorism is, in fact, still often ignored by law enforcement officials. Even the data obtained shows that several suspects/perpetrators have died during the legal process they underwent, as well as the actions of law enforcement officials who often commit acts that exceed limits and violate human rights. This principle needs to be implemented and strictly regulated in the Criminal Procedure Code as the master procedural law as well as in the law on the eradication of criminal acts of terrorism so that the strength and application of this principle increasingly get a place and position that can protect perpetrators/suspected perpetrators of criminal acts of terrorism., Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui kekuatan asas praduga tak bersalah terhadap pelaku atau tersangka tindak pidana terorisme yang dilakukan oleh aparat penegak hukum, khususnya Densus 88. Tulisan ini menggunakan pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach) dan pendekatan konseptual (conseptual approach). Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa asas praduga tak bersalah dalam penanganan tindak pidana terorisme nyatanya masih sering diabaikan dan dilanggar oleh aparat penegak hukum. Bahkan dari data yang diperoleh, menunjukkan bahwa beberapa tersangka/pelaku telah meninggal dunia selama proses hukum yang mereka jalani serta tindakan aparat penegak hukum yang kerap melakukan perbuatan yang melampaui batas dan melanggar HAM. Diharapkan prinsip ini perlu diperkuat ke depan dan diatur secara ketat dalam KUHAP sebagai hukum acara induk maupun dalam undang-undang pemberantasan tindak pidana terorisme sehingga kekuatan dan penerapan asas ini semakin mendapatkan tempat dan kedudukan yang dapat melindungi pelaku/tersangka tindak pidana terorisme.

The issue of terrorism has cost Nigeria as a nation a lot and is calling for serious attention; such that insistent attacks on the Nigerian populace by terrorist groups are threatening the security of the country, among others. Hence, this study attempts to explore the viewpoints of employees of NGOs on the social issues that have fueled the increase and effects of terrorism in Nigeria as well as the possible consequences the findings have regarding international social work in Nigerian local communities. The Qualitative research method was used, which involved the use of in-depth interviews for data collection, and the relative deprivation theory served as the theoretical base for the data analysis. It was revealed from the findings that social issues like unemployment, poverty, illiteracy, corruption, religious extremism, and ethnicity problems, among others, could be attributed to terrorism increase; while poverty, internal displacement, and high rate of citizen deaths were some of its main effects in Nigeria. Furthermore, the study indicated that there is an urgent need for the competency of international social workers to combat the root causes of terrorism and its calamitous impacts in Nigeria. However, the study recommends that international social workers who intend to work in Nigeria must collaborate with the Nigerian government or its agencies and understand and learn about the social and cultural intricacies of working in Nigeria for effective practice.

Terror attacks against diplomatic missions is a phenomenon that has occurred frequently in the last 50 years and can be seen as a threat to peace. The conflict transition from interstate to intrastate has created a larger share of non-government actors who do not have a rational reason to follow the agreement that has been made on the state level. This paper has aimed to study the phenomenon of terrorist attacks against diplomatic missions over a 50-year time and chart if the global north or south have been more exposed. The paper has also approached the question of the relationship between state´s participation in conflicts and their exposure to attacks against their diplomatic missions. The result finds that more attacks happen in the global south, but the attacks are aimed against missions sent by the global north. There also exists a relationship between participation in conflicts and exposure to terrorist attacks against diplomatic missions. However, this relation becomes clear for observations where a country has been highly active in conflicts, there is no larger difference between non-active countries and countries with only a few participations in conflict.

Sammanfattning Introduktion: Sverige befinner sig under våren 2024 på nivå fyra av en femgradig skala avseende risken för terroristattentat i samhället, vilket är ett högt hot. Ambulans, polis och räddningstjänst är samhällsaktörer som inom ramen för sina ansvarsområden förväntas agera skyndsamt vid allvarliga händelser i samhället. Insatser som sker relaterat till terroristattacker eller pågående dödligt våld [PDV] händelser framkommer som särskilt komplexa och riskfyllda. Det övergripande syftet med litteraturöversikten är att undersöka vilka säkerhetsrelaterade utmaningar som prehospital personal identifierar gällande insatser under terrordåd och PDV-situationer. Vilka faktorer identifieras i forskningen av prehospital personal kunna påverka deras förmåga att agera i dessa situationer? Vilka framgångsfaktorer och utmaningar framkommer i vetenskaplig litteratur gällande prehospitala insatser vid terrordåd och PDV situationer? Metod: En scoping review utfördes (översiktsstudie). Urvalet av artiklar vid en scoping review genomförs utifrån breda kriterier. Litteratursökningen till studien genomfördes genom att söka i databaserna Scopus, Web of science och Cinahl. Även snöbollsurval tillämpades i processen av att finna relevant material till studien. Både kvalitativa och kvantitativa studier inkluderades i analysen. För analys av data användes grundläggande kvalitativ innehållsanalys där tema och underkategorier identifierades. Resultat: Totalt 28 artiklar inkluderades och analyserades. Resultatet organiserades i fyra övergripande teman. Temana som bildades var kommunikation, kompetens, ledarskap samt känslor och upplevelser. Inom varje tema bildades underkategorier. Faktorer som identifierats som viktiga för insatspersonal är god kommunikation inom och mellan organisationer. Brist på kommunikation försvårar koordinering och samverkan under insatser. Även god planering samt kompetenshöjande aktiviteter för personal är viktigt för säkerheten och för att effekt

Terrorism poses a great threat for societies all over the globe. Research on the phenomenon of terrorism used to be predominantly focused on men, and if women's participation was recognized, they were oftentimes not seen as active agents of terrorism. Reasons for that are found in the stereotypical assumption that women are generally passive and/or nurturing. Not acknowleding the participation of women in terrorism is dangerous, as terrorist groups have become increasingly aware of the stereotypes and untilize them to their advantage. Therefore, this thesis aims to map the existing research on women in far-right, and Islamist terrorism, focusing on their roles and motivations. This is done by conduction a scoping review based on 19 English-language peer-reviewed articles, utilizing five online databases. The results show that even though women are holding a variety of active roles in both types of terrorism, the most prominent role is still that of the mother and wife. Research on women in Islamist terrorism illustrates a great variety of motivations, dividing between Western and non-Western women. Research on women in far-right terrorism, on the other hand, only offers indirect knowledge about their motivations. Nevertheless, the results illustrate that women are driven to participate in terrorist groups by shared ideologies and belifes, similar to men. Despite limitations, such as resorting to Western-centric research, or the challenging use of terminologies and definitions, the review holds interesting implications for future research and prevention of (female) terroism. The importance of recognizing women as valid agents of terrorism is emphasized.

Almost ten years have passed since incels came on the map. Incel, a portmanteau of the words involuntary and celibate, is a motley, like-minded group of young men with the commonality that they cannot achieve a (sexual) relationship with a woman. Since 2014, more than 100 different individuals have been either killed or injured in the incel uprising against women's oppression of men. Misogyny and self-hatred permeate the incelosphere and affect their understanding of the world. From a bluepilled rejection of the truth to a blackpilled understanding of a matriarchy that can only be escaped through suicide or the extermination of women. The purpose of this thesis is to investigate how responses to perceived strains are expressed in the incel forum Incels.is and how this can be seen in the light of radicalization. Based on a theoretical thematic analysis strategy, 339 collected threads from the forum form the foundation for an analysis based on a perceived strain-related radicalization framework. The framework is created based on Robert K. Merton's five responses to strains and Brian Van Brunt and Chris Taylor's Incel description of the radicalization funnel model. The study revealed that incels exhibit responses relating to four out of the five types of responses to perceived strains. The perceived responses to strains also show signs that incels on Incels.is is located throughout all eight stages of The Incel Funnel. Comments and postings have demonstrated signs of varying degrees of radicalization as responses to perceived strains. However, this study can only provide insights into the investigated part of incels.is, and not make any definitive conclusions about the members of the incelosphere as a whole.

Syfte med denna magisteruppsats är att överskådligt undersöka hur polisprogrammen förlagda vid de fem olika lärosäten och högskolorna/universiteten i Sverige: Högskolan i Borås, Linnéuniversitetet i Växjö, Malmöuniversitetet, Södertörns högskola samt Umeå universitet utbildar polisstuderande inom diskriminering, extremism, fanatism, fundamentalism, hatbrott, hedersbrott, våldsbejakande grupperingar och terrorism. Vidare syftar denna magisteruppsats till att utreda hur utbildningarna för polisprogrammen skiljer sig åt när det gäller det valda områden. En enkätundersökning sändes till lärarna vid respektive lärosäte. Resultaten visar på varierande svar bland lärosäten men huvudresultat är att utbildning inom diskriminering, extremism, fanatism, fundamentalism, hatbrott, hedersbrott, våldsbejakande grupperingar och terrorism är bristfällig, mer utbildning behövs inom området., The purpose of this master's thesis is to clearly examine how the police educations located at the five different universities in Sweden: The University of Borås, Linnaeus University in Växjö, Malmö University, Södertörn University and Umeå University educate police students in discrimination, extremism, fanaticism, fundamentalism, hate crimes, honor crimes, violent groups and terrorism. Furthermore, this master's thesis aims to demonstrate how much the education for the police programs differs for the selected subject areas where a survey aimed at the teachers at the respective higher education institution was sent out and where it could be made visible to a large extent the varying answers together with the comparison of the course content from the respective higher education institution. The overall results of both my survey and also previous related research show that education in discrimination, extremism, fanaticism, fundamentalism, hate crimes, honor crimes, violent groups and terrorism is poor in the public sector in general and that more education is generally needed due to Sweden's changed demographics over time.

Terrorism är ett komplext fenomen som idag är ett särskilt uppmärksammat ämne i massmedia. Denna studie ämnar undersöka framställningen av terrorism i svensk press samt hur framställningen förändrats över tid (1981–2020). Undersökningen präglas av ett socialkonstruktionistiskt perspektiv och använder sig av en kvalitativ diskursanalytisk ansats som utgår från Ernesto Laclau & Chantal Mouffes diskursteoretiska ramverk, med inslag av Carol Bacchis metod “What’s the problem represented to be?”. Materialet består av 118 debatt- och ledarartiklar från tre av Sveriges mest lästa tidningar: Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter och Svenska Dagbladet. Urvalet är resultatet av ett strategiskt urval ur en population om 1003 artiklar som behandlar terrorism. Resultatet tyder på att framställningen av terrorism, i de artiklar som utgör materialet, präglas av fem huvudsakliga diskurser: “den statsunderstödda terrorismen”, “auktoritära metoder och frihetskämpar”, “kriget mot terrorismen”, “rättssäkerheten” och “våldsbejakande extremism genom radikalisering”. De tre senast berör det underliggande temat demokrati och kampen mot den ofria världen, och konstruerar i enlighet med detta en antagonism mellan en föreställd demokratisk västvärld och den ofria världen vari positioneringen av Sverige blir mer enhetlig. Det sker också en individualisering och hegemonisering av terrorismen, som stegras i slutet av perioden, vari terrorismen gått från att vara inblandad i komplicerade konflikter mellan stater och koloniserade, till att utövas ensidigt av grupper och sedan till att handla om frustrerade ensamvargar. Det visar sig även att den svenska diskursen har flera likheter med den internationella diskursen, men att fördelningen i tid för de olika diskurserna skiljer sig åt och den svenska diskursens utveckling till dessa likheter inträffade något senare. Slutligen kunde vi även konstatera att rättssäkerhetsdiskursen är mer framträdande och präglar en större del av den svenska diskursen under de

The aim of this paper is to examine the way political parties use populist discourse on social media following a terrorist attack. I analyze what type of populist language is used, and which parties use it, with a theoretical framework of Jagers and Walgrave (2007) and Magin et al. (2024). This is done by studying the 2017 terrorist attack in Sweden as a selected case. All statements regarding the terrorist attack made by a Swedish Member of Parliament on Facebook in the week following the attack are coded into a dataset and the mean value for each party are compared. The main findings are that it is not the beforehand populist-coded party (the Sweden Democrats) that uses the most amount of populist language. It is, however, this party that uses the most anti-elite and exclusion as populist communications. I also argue that terrorism should be seen as a populist issue, meaning statements on this topic contain, on average, more populist characteristics than non-populist issues do. This study is made with a small sample size and I encourage others to recreate this study in i) a bigger scale and ii) other political contexts.

Since the extensive terrorist attacks against the USA on September 11, 2001, the war on terrorism has become an increasingly prevalent phenomenon. Despite the controversy surrounding warfare against terrorist organizations on foreign state territories, world-leading politicians have repeatedly attempted to legitimize and justify extensive military counteroperations by invoking the right to self-defense under the UN Charter. As the UN Charter is designed to regulate warfare between states, it may be considered outdated in relation to the contemporary issue of international terrorism. Following Hamas' terrorist attacks against Israel on October 7, 2023, we have witnessed significant devastation and a high number of civilian casualties in the Gaza Strip as a result of the counteroperation led by Israel with support from the USA. The purpose of this work is to investigate whether states have the right to self-defense against non-state actors outside their territory and how this right has changed since the September 11 attacks on the USA. The study also aims to clarify the extent to which armed self-defense against terrorist organizations can and has been justified by examining rhetorical strategies. This is to investigate and thoroughly discuss the consequences suffered by the civilian population as a result of an expanded right to self-defense. A critical discourse analysis, based on van Dijk's understanding of power dimensions, is the tool used in the study to examine the speeches of Presidents Bush, Biden, and Prime Minister Netanyahu. The results of this study show that used rhetorical strategies contribute to and enable the dehumanization of the civilian population living in territories where terrorist organizations operate, decrease ethical responsiveness towards the civilian population and enable physical attacks on a vulnerable population. Responsibility for the civilian population is shifted onto attacking terrorist organizations, indicating the need for cleare

How incidents of mass violence are portrayed has great consequences for how the violence is understood and responded to, including whether it requires political attention. This article examines the portrayal of incel violence, a relatively new phenomenon of violence perpetrated by people who identify with the misogynistic worldview present in and perpetuated by incel online forums. It does so through placing this violence in comparison with Islamist violence and right-wing violence, both of which have shaped understandings of mass violence so far. By conducting this three-way comparison, this article investigates to what extent portrayals of incel violence align with media portrayals of other types of violence. This article finds that incel violence is portrayed in an overly personalised manner without much reference to the violence’s gendered socio-political context, hindering the possibility of incel violence being understood as political. Not only does this article helps understandings of incel violence per se but also provides insight into to what extent processes of politicisation and securitisation play a part in understandings of misogynistic violence.

542 p., La tesis se centra en dos aspectos de la relación entre la universidad y el grupo terrorista ETA desde la fundación de esta organización, en julio de 1959, y hasta su declaración de alto al fuego permanente en octubre de 2011. En primer lugar, se aborda el interés que ha tenido ETA en el ámbito universitario: qué clase de universidad quería, dentro de su proyecto político de una Euskal Herria libre, independiente y socialista, y cómo han llevado a cabo esa proyección. También se estudia la amenaza directa que sufrió una parte de la comunidad universitaria, donde alrededor de una veintena de profesores y alumnos tuvieron que llevar escolta o sufrir pintadas y acciones violentas en su contra. También se analizan los atentados directos que ETA ha producido dentro de los campus universitarios, destacando las cuatro bombas de gran potencia en la Universidad de Navarra entre 1980 y 2008, así como los asesinatos de Francisco Tomás y Valiente en su despacho de la Universidad Autónoma de Madrid en 1996 o el de Manuel Broseta en las inmediaciones del campus de la Universidad de Valencia en 1992. También se abordan otras víctimas que tenían una relación directa con la universidad. En segundo lugar, se estudia la reacción que, como agente social, tuvo la comunidad universitaria frente al terrorismo. Al igual que el resto de la sociedad, al principio esa reacción fue tímida y pobre, estuvo dominada por el silencio y el miedo, pero después se convirtió en punta de lanza del clamor ciudadano contra ETA. Se analizan además iniciativas surgidas en el ámbito universitario, aunque no fueran institucionales: plataformas como el Foro de Ermua o Basta Ya, ciclos, cátedras, homenajes y la actividad individual de miembros de la comunidad universitaria contra el terrorismo.

Even though violent attacks resulting in civilian fatalities can be seen as constituting failure on the part of the incumbent party to provide security to citizens, governments are not always punished electorally. Rather, at times, they appear to gain votes following terrorist attacks. Here we argue that political parties that can take advantage of their local presence to frame and communicate their narrative in response to terrorism, can better manage to avoid blame and even to emerge victorious in times of violent conflict. The AKP in Turkey is one such important example. Our statistical analyses of municipality-level aggregate election results show that the party not only maintained national incumbency, but even strengthened its predominance in the political system in the face of growing security threats. In municipalities where AKP controlled the local government and hence municipal resources, the party did not lose votes following terrorist attacks. This finding remains even when we consider past voting, regional variations, competitive districts, and ethnicity. Our argument that incumbents can avoid punishment through their capacity to reach out to voters at the local level is also supported by individual-level survey data and the comparison with neighboring municipalities. As such, we highlight how local government control can be consequential for national politics, including periods when security dominates the national agenda.

The changing nature of terrorism activities both in the developed and developing countries makes it imperative to fully tackle this problem. Fears of advancement in weapons by terrorists to chemical, biological and nuclear weapons continue to be on the rise. As such, despite formulation of numerous strategies, the states and regions remain vulnerable to future terrorist attacks. The objective of this study to explore the challenges encountered in counter terrorism strategies employed in Kenya. The study employed a desktop review and thematic analysis to provide a multi-dimensional exploration of the challenges confronting Kenya's efforts to counter terrorism. This approach not only contextualized the current state of counter-terrorism within the nation but also contributed to a more holistic comprehension of the intricate dynamics involved. The study revealed that the respondents encounter challenges in the fight against terrorism in Kenya. The study also found that the most faced challenge was inadequate training and inadequate funding in the security organizations. These tend to act as a limit barrier in not only acquiring but also utilizing modern terrorism equipment. However, unclear definition of law was the least experienced challenge showing that there were no legal barriers in the implementation of the counter terrorism strategies. The study recommends that the security agents should put measures to ensure increased public participation in countering terrorism. Additionally, the study recommends audit and scrutiny of the security agencies so as to ensure that they are well capable and trained for their respective positions.

The aim of this research paper was to examine and understand how Russia contributed to be exacerbating the situation in Syria, leading it from peaceful protests demanding freedom, justice, and a better social and economic life, to a devastating civil war that took and displaced the lives of millions around the world. It seeks to answer why Russia chose to militarily engage in the conflict that began on March 15, 2011. The thesis explores Russian´s methodology in exerting influence and navigating global power structures becomes apparent. The theoretical framework includes realism to analyze Russian´s intentions, with elements of self-interest, balance of power, and security dilemma. Additionally, social constructivism is used to illustrate how identities and norms influenced the course of events. In conclusion, the thesis determines that Russia viewed the crisis as an opportunity to benefit its own interests and increase its power. There are many other significant geopolitical actors, including the USA, China, Turkey, and Iran, that have a history of utilizing international crises to advance their own strategic goals. Despite the actions of these countries, the focus remains on Russia.

The changing nature of terrorism activities both in the developed and developing countries makes it imperative to fully tackle this problem. Fears of advancement in weapons by terrorists to chemical, biological and nuclear weapons continue to be on the rise. As such, despite formulation of numerous strategies, the states and regions remain vulnerable to future terrorist attacks. The objective of this study to explore the challenges encountered in counter terrorism strategies employed in Kenya. The study employed a desktop review and thematic analysis to provide a multi-dimensional exploration of the challenges confronting Kenya's efforts to counter terrorism. This approach not only contextualized the current state of counter-terrorism within the nation but also contributed to a more holistic comprehension of the intricate dynamics involved. The study revealed that the respondents encounter challenges in the fight against terrorism in Kenya. The study also found that the most faced challenge was inadequate training and inadequate funding in the security organizations. These tend to act as a limit barrier in not only acquiring but also utilizing modern terrorism equipment. However, unclear definition of law was the least experienced challenge showing that there were no legal barriers in the implementation of the counter terrorism strategies. The study recommends that the security agents should put measures to ensure increased public participation in countering terrorism. Additionally, the study recommends audit and scrutiny of the security agencies so as to ensure that they are well capable and trained for their respective positions.

One of the most troubling and controversial doctrines in Islam is that of jihad. Yet, in the West its meaning is unclear. Does it mean the struggle of the human soul to develop a wholesome spirituality, or is it more a struggle that results in terrorist attacks upon all who oppose Islam? Many politicians and academics in the West, along with many journalists and opinion-makers in the mainstream media insist that Islam, rightly understood, is a religion of peace. That means that Islamic jihadists who engage in wanton terrorism upon all who stand in their way are an aberration. They are interlopers and hijackers of this religion. This paper argues that the Qur’an, which Muslims insist is a timelessly relevant document, argues otherwise. So too does the Hadithic literature, which is also regarded as sacred in Islam, argue otherwise. Furthermore, Islamic theologians since the seventh century have insisted that jihad requires violent attacks upon the enemy. Only in the early twentieth century has a version of Islam emerged that is moderate in its orientation, and thereby stands opposed to militant jihad. Reformed Islam, a version of Islam that emerged in the late twentieth century, also stands opposed to militant jihad. Yet, the paper argues that far from being an aberration, fundamentalist Islam has a long pedigree within Islam and must be recognized as such. To do otherwise is to misunderstand the religion—and with misunderstandings come misapplications. When the nature of militant jihad is considered, especially as it has been presented in the Gaza Strip and Israel in recent days, careful and correct analyses of this religion are most important.

Rehabilitation programs for terrorists have gained notoriety. Some issues still require thorough investigation, such as the social support they receive. The present research aims to examine the attitudes towards rehabilitation programs for terrorist offenders and the mediating and moderating mechanisms underlying these attitudes. To this end, two studies were conducted: the first study evaluated the mediating mechanisms (negative feelings and threats; N = 407) and the second study analyzed the moderating mechanisms (social dominance orientation, system justification, and political orientation; N = 444). In both cases, the type of offender was manipulated (criminal vs. nationalist terrorist vs. Islamist terrorist offenders) and different attitudes were assessed (general support, incapacitation, treatment effectiveness, and mandated treatment). The results showed less support for rehabilitation programs for Islamist terrorists than for other offenders. Moreover, Islamist terrorists pose a more significant terrorist threat while criminals pose a greater realistic threat, which led to less favorable attitudes towards rehabilitation programs. Finally, individuals with more conservative ideologies had stronger negative attitudes towards programs for Islamist terrorists. We discuss these findings within the framework of integrated threat and system justification theories., This research was conducted as part of project PID2020-116646RB-I00 funded by MCIN/AEI/10.13039/ and by the Agencia Nacional de Investigación y Desarrollo (ANID) through the program FONDECYT Postdoctorado 2020 (Ref. 3200031 - Mario Sainz).

This dissertation addresses the question of what factors and processes explain pathways of individuals with extreme beliefs towards different outcomes, including violent actions (e.g., murder), nonviolent actions (e.g., recruitment), or alternative outcomes (e.g., joining a terrorist organization abroad). The research is based on terrorist suspects in the Netherlands and utilizes a mixed-methods approach. The theoretical background of the research is formed by insights from social control theory, life course criminology and terrorism literature, examining risk and protective factors, triggers (events that accelerate or stop radicalization processes), the concept of “redemption,” and the relationship between terrorism and a criminal past. The aim is to generate more knowledge about terrorist suspects in general and differences between subgroups by using comparison groups. The method for the first section involves analyzing data from the Public Prosecution Service combined with data from Statistics Netherlands and judicial data. The first sub-study quantitatively compares terrorist suspects with regular suspects and siblings, examining various life-course factors one year before the terrorist crime. The next sub-study distinguishes between violent and nonviolent terrorist suspects and addresses demographic characteristics, household composition, socioeconomic status (SES) and criminal background. The second section analyzes probation files from the Dutch Probation Service. Possible signs and triggers leading to the terrorist suspicion, different life domains (socio-demographic characteristics, social network, health, and personality-related variables), criminal history, and online activities are mapped using descriptive statistics and qualitative interpretation. This section first compares violent to nonviolent terrorist suspects, and concludes with a chapter on foreign fighters. Findings in the first sub-study indicate that terrorist suspects share more sim

Pakistan and Afghanistan share deep commonalties-social, cultural, religious, and political; which increases interdependency. This study deeply investigates the security implications for Pakistan since the Taliban regime 2.0. Afghan Taliban have strong connections with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), such deep-rooted ties between the TTP and Afghan Taliban; thus, directly impacting bilateral ties. “Regional Security Complex theory and Constructivism has been applied to explain the whole situation. Pakistan’s security and stability greatly depend on Afghanistan’s internal political and security environments. The Neo-Taliban takeover of Afghanistan poses several challenges to Pakistan. In the aftermath of August 2021, Pakistan has witnessed a rise in militancy. Various articles, research papers, and books regarding the mentioned issue have been reviewed to explain it. In order to counter said challenges, this paper highlights various ways forward for Pakistan such as pragmatic and proactive foreign policy, regional cooperation comprehensive joint plan of action with the Afghan official