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Danish abstract: I dette speciale sammenligner jeg fire historiografiske mesterfortællinger om forbundsrepu-blikken Tyskland (1949-1989) for at undersøge, hvordan forbundsrepublikken er blevet ”for-talt”. Specialet afdækker, hvordan skiftende tolkningsparadigmer muliggør forskellige tolkninger af det samme historiske fænomen, hvilket skærper forståelsen af, at historieskrivningen er lige så meget et historisk produkt som den fortid, den hævder at repræsentere. Efter en tematisk indledning og en forskningsgennemgang indgrænser jeg analysegen-standen til fire historiografiske skildringer af Vesttysklands historie fra 1949 til i dag: Edgar Wolfrums Die geglückte Demokratie (2006), Eckarts Conzes Die Suche nach Sicherheit (2009), Frank Biess’ Republik der Angst (2019) og Frank Trentmanns Aufbruch des Gewissens (2023). Dernæst redegør jeg for mesterfortællingens begrebshistorie og definition, hvorefter jeg ope-rationaliserer begrebet og udvikler en analytisk tragtstruktur, som muliggør en flerdimensional sammenligning af fortællingerne. Analysen forløber i tre trin: For det første analyserer jeg fortællingernes makroniveauer, hvor jeg sammenligner de overordnede tolkningsparadigmer. For det andet analyserer jeg for-tællingernes mezzoniveauer, hvor jeg undersøger, hvilken indvirkning tolkningsparadigmet har på fortællingernes overordnede struktur, herunder periodiseringer og cæsurer. For det tredje undersøger jeg fortællingernes mikroniveau, hvor jeg undersøger, hvordan tolkningsparadig-met påvirker forståelsen af en række historiske fænomener. Analysen viser, at tolkningsparadigmet har en markant betydning for forståelsen af et hi-storisk fænomen og dermed for Vesttysklands historie som helhed. Med afsæt i den erkendel-se diskuterer jeg slutteligt, hvordan det på den ene side er afgørende, at historiografien fortsat tager et opgør med etablerede tolkningsparadigmer, fordi de er fulde af blinde vinkler, men at det på den anden side også er nødvendigt at udvikl

Danish abstract: I dette speciale sammenligner jeg fire historiografiske mesterfortællinger om forbundsrepu-blikken Tyskland (1949-1989) for at undersøge, hvordan forbundsrepublikken er blevet ”for-talt”. Specialet afdækker, hvordan skiftende tolkningsparadigmer muliggør forskellige tolkninger af det samme historiske fænomen, hvilket skærper forståelsen af, at historieskrivningen er lige så meget et historisk produkt som den fortid, den hævder at repræsentere. Efter en tematisk indledning og en forskningsgennemgang indgrænser jeg analysegen-standen til fire historiografiske skildringer af Vesttysklands historie fra 1949 til i dag: Edgar Wolfrums Die geglückte Demokratie (2006), Eckarts Conzes Die Suche nach Sicherheit (2009), Frank Biess’ Republik der Angst (2019) og Frank Trentmanns Aufbruch des Gewissens (2023). Dernæst redegør jeg for mesterfortællingens begrebshistorie og definition, hvorefter jeg ope-rationaliserer begrebet og udvikler en analytisk tragtstruktur, som muliggør en flerdimensional sammenligning af fortællingerne. Analysen forløber i tre trin: For det første analyserer jeg fortællingernes makroniveauer, hvor jeg sammenligner de overordnede tolkningsparadigmer. For det andet analyserer jeg for-tællingernes mezzoniveauer, hvor jeg undersøger, hvilken indvirkning tolkningsparadigmet har på fortællingernes overordnede struktur, herunder periodiseringer og cæsurer. For det tredje undersøger jeg fortællingernes mikroniveau, hvor jeg undersøger, hvordan tolkningsparadig-met påvirker forståelsen af en række historiske fænomener. Analysen viser, at tolkningsparadigmet har en markant betydning for forståelsen af et hi-storisk fænomen og dermed for Vesttysklands historie som helhed. Med afsæt i den erkendel-se diskuterer jeg slutteligt, hvordan det på den ene side er afgørende, at historiografien fortsat tager et opgør med etablerede tolkningsparadigmer, fordi de er fulde af blinde vinkler, men at det på den anden side også er nødvendigt at udvikl

El texto analiza la actividad llevada a cabo por el grupo de oficiales del Ejército español que formó parte de la organización clandestina Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA), especialmente aquella que estuvo encaminada a oponerse a una acción militar contra el Gobierno republicano, por parte de sus colegas de la también clandestina Unión Militar Española (UME). El texto pone de manifiesto la repercusión y el decisivo protagonismo de los miembros de esta organización en los acontecimientos de julio de 1936 y evidencia que, ante la acción planificada de los militares insurrectos para intervenir de manera directa en la política española, otro grupo de oficiales de las Fuerzas Armadas, leales a la República y sus valores, se movilizó para garantizar su pervivencia., The text analyzes the activity carried out by the group of officers of the Spanish Army that formed part of the clandestine organization Unión Militar Republicana Antifascista (UMRA), especially that which was aimed at dissuading and/or opposing a military action against the Republican Government, by his colleagues, from the also clandestine Spanish Military Union (UME). The text reveals the repercussion and the decisive role of the members of this organization in the events of July 1936 and evidences that, before the planned action to intervene directly in the Spanish policy of the insurgent military collective, another collective of officers of the Armed Forces, loyal to the Republic and its values, mobilized to guarantee its survival.

Aquest estudi s’estructura al voltant de la trajectòria educativa d’Àngels Ferrer Sensat entre els anys 1932 i 1941. Durant aquest període, Ferrer fou primer professora de Ciències Naturals a l’Institut-Escola del Parc de la Ciutadella (1932-1939), un institut model d’Escola Nova durant la República. Un cop finalitzada la Guerra Civil espanyola, fou depurada i enviada durant els anys 1940-1941 a l’institut Isabel la Católica, exemple de la Nueva Educación Española de la Dictadura. A través de la comparació de les pràctiques de Ferrer Sensat durant els dos períodes, i des d’una aproximació historicoeducativa, aquest treball pretén analitzar la didàctica pedagògica utilitzada per Ferrer per ensenyar Ciències Naturals en cada context. A la vegada, la recerca permet visualitzar com les pràctiques reals del dia a dia a les aules s’ajustaven — o no—, als ideals d’Escola Nova i Nueva Educación, respectivament. A més, es proposa aquesta docent com un exemple de possibles continuïtats de pràctiques i didàctica de la ciència de l’Escola Nova durant l’etapa de principis del franquisme. Finalment, es vol debatre com els rols de gènere afectaren no només les pràctiques educatives sinó el seu reconeixement., This research deals with Àngels Ferrer Sensat’s educational trajectory between 1932 and 1941. During this period, Ferrer started off as natural sciences teacher at Institut-Escola del Parc de la Ciutadella (1932-1939), an exemplary secondary school of the Escola Nova educational movement under the Spanish Republic. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, Ferrer was purged and sent to Isabel la Católica, a flagship institute of the Francoist dictatorship, where she taught during the first two years of the regime (1940-1941). This paper analyzes Ferrer’s didactic pedagogy used to teach natural sciences within each context through a comparison of her educational practices by a historical-educational approach. At the same time, this research reveals how the real day-to-day practices in the classrooms were in accordance (or otherwise) with the Escola Nova and the Nueva Educación ideals, respectively. Furthermore, this paper proposes Ferrer as an example of possible continuity of the Escola Nova’s scientific practices and didactics during the first phase of Francoism. Finally, it intends to debate how gender roles affected not only educational practices but their acknowledgment.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the concept of citizenship of Niccolò Machiavelli, particu-larly the influence or effects that the institutions and practices of ancient Rome could have on his conceptualization, fundamentally those that stand out or are perceived in the historical ac-count made by Titus Livy in his text Ab urbe condita. To this end, the concept of citizenship is integrated from Machiavelli’s various political writings, especially from the Discourses on the first decade of Titus Livy, from which the most outstanding theoretical features of the concept are identified and compared with the specific passages or elements of Titus Livy’s historical narrative that could serve as a basis or anteced-ent. This will contribute to the analysis and understanding of the concept of citizenship in modern republics and democracies., El objetivo del presente trabajo es analizar el concepto de ciudadanía en Nicolás Maquiavelo, particularmente la influencia de las instituciones y prácticas de la antigua Roma en su conceptualización, fundamentalmente las que se perciben en el recuento histórico de parte de Tito Livio en su texto Ab urbe condita. Para ello, se hace una integración del concepto de ciudadanía de los diversos escritos políticos de Maquiavelo, especialmente de los Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio, a partir del cual se identifican los rasgos teóricos más sobresalientes y se comparan con los pasajes o elementos específicos de la narración histórica de Tito Livio que pudieron servir de base o antecedente. Todo esto con el fin de contribuir al análisis del concepto de ciudadanía en las repúblicas y democracias modernas. Para ello, se hace un análisis e integración del concepto de ciudadanía que se puede extraer de los diversos escritos políticos de Maquiavelo, especialmente de los Discursos sobre la primera década de Tito Livio, a partir del cual se identifican los rasgos teóricos más sobresalientes del concepto y se comparan con los pasajes o elementos específicos de la narración histórica de Tito Livio que pudieron servir de base o antecedente. Todo ello con el fin de contribuir al análisis y comprensión del concepto de ciudadanía en las repúblicas y democracias modernas.

The study of electoral disputes and the transformation of power structures has been notably lacking in the historiography of republican universities during the first half of the 19th century. This article delves into the experiences of faculty members elected through the vote, which played a significant role in reshaping leadership and expanding intellectual culture at Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo between 1827 and 1840. During this period, somewhat uniquely, enlightened republicans established universities at the departmental (provincial) level in what is now the Republic of Colombia. However, there has been limited examination of the trajectories and selection processes of the educated elite from the standpoint of intellectual history. This article argues that the use of the electoral mechanism, in addition to determining representativeness and the rise of representative government in universities, was a pivotal factor in the affirmation of an education and a secular power. This, on one hand, eroded the clerical influence in higher education and, on the other, displaced ecclesiastics from positions of authority. The advent of the university within the framework of representative democracy also led to the emergence of other types of intellectuals, linked to humanistic knowledge, medicine, and even military education in the navy. Methodologically, the goal is to explore the political journeys of these intellectuals who managed to enter the university in the context of electoral disputes that reshaped academic leadership roles., Resumo: O estudo das disputas eleitorais e da transformação das estruturas de poder tem estado praticamente ausente na historiografia sobre as universidades republicanas durante a primeira metade do século 19. Neste artigo, são analisadas as experiências por meio do voto que influenciaram a transformação da liderança e a expansão da cultura intelectual na Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo, entre 1827 e 1840. Nesse período, de maneira inédita, os republicanos iluminados criaram universidades nos contextos departamentais (provinciais) da atual República da Colômbia. Entretanto, as trajetórias e as formas de seleção das elites letradas foram pouco estudadas em termos de história intelectual. Argumenta-se aqui que o uso do mecanismo eleitoral, além de determinar a representatividade ou o surgimento de um governo representativo nas universidades, foi um elemento definitivo no processo de afirmação de uma educação e de um poder secular que acabaram, por um lado, obscurecendo a condição clerical dos estudos superiores e, por outro, deslocando os eclesiásticos das esferas de autoridade. O surgimento da universidade, dentro da estrutura da democracia representativa, também teve um impacto sobre o aparecimento de outros tipos de acadêmicos, relacionados ao conhecimento humanístico, à medicina e até mesmo ao ensino de instrução militar na marinha. Do ponto de vista metodológico, o objetivo é mostrar as trajetórias políticas dos letrados que conseguiram ingressar na universidade no contexto das disputas eleitorais que transformaram as posições de comando na esfera acadêmica., Resumen: El estudio de las disputas electorales y la transformación de las estructuras de poder ha estado prácticamente ausente en la historiografía sobre las universidades republicanas durante la primera mitad del siglo XIX. Este artículo analiza las experiencias de los catedráticos por vía del voto que incidieron en la transformación de los cuadros de mando y la ampliación de la cultura intelectual en la Universidad del Magdalena e Istmo, entre 1827 y 1840. En este periodo, de forma inédita, los republicanos ilustrados crearon universidades en los contextos departamentales (provinciales) de la actual República de Colombia. Sin embargo, poco se han estudiado las trayectorias y las formas de selección de las élites letradas desde la historia intelectual. Aquí se sostiene que el uso del mecanismo electoral, además de determinar la representatividad o la emergencia del gobierno representativo en las universidades, fue un elemento definitivo en el proceso de afirmación de una educación y un poder secular que terminaron, por un lado, desdibujando la condición clerical de los estudios superiores y, por otro, desplazando a los eclesiásticos de las esferas de autoridad. El surgimiento de la universidad, en el marco de la democracia representativa, incidió también en la aparición de otras tipologías de letrados, relacionadas con los conocimientos humanísticos, la medicina y hasta la enseñanza de la instrucción militar en la marina. Se trata, desde el punto de vista metodológico, de mostrar las trayectorias políticas de los letrados que lograron ingresar a la universidad en el contexto de las disputas electorales que transformaron las posiciones de mando en el ámbito académico.

El presente trabajo ha sido llevado a cabo gracias a la obtención de una Ayuda Juan de la Cierva-formación (2017) número FJCI-2017-32068, concedida por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (España). This work was supported by the Ministry of Science and Innovation of the Spanish Government: [grant Juan de la Cierva-Formación (2017) number FJCI-2017-32068]., This paper focuses on Leo Strauss’s reading of the Republic. I argue that Strauss’s ironic interpretation of the dialogue must be understood in the context of a broader intellectual project which aims to criticize modern and contemporary political philosophy. Strauss’s understanding of Plato is strongly influenced by the hermeneutical principles he draws from his studies of medieval Jewish and Arab philosophy. Reading Plato through Alfarabi, Strauss pursues the idea of the conflict between philosophy and politics, which sheds light, also, on the problem of persecution. Accordingly, he stresses the importance of a peculiar art of reading between the lines. In Strauss’s view, this art is the starting point for recovering the esoteric meaning of the Republic. I will argue that Strauss’s interpretation contradicts several dialogical elements because it does not take into account the broader historical framework of the text. Nevertheless, even with these limitations, Plato scholars should consider Straussian insights, because these offer an untraditional and a non-doctrinal reading of the dialogue., Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación (España), Depto. de Filosofía y Sociedad, Fac. de Filosofía, TRUE, pub

El presente trabajo ha sido llevado a cabo gracias a la obtención de una Ayuda Juan de la Cierva-formación (2017) concedida por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades y la consecuente incorporación en el Grupo de investigación “Historia y ontología del presente: la perspectiva hispana” (GIPEL) de la Universidad Complutense de Madrid, dirigido por el Prof. José Luis Villacañas Berlanga., Throughout the philosophical tradition that stems from Plato, Socratic irony has represented an enigma that all interpreters of the Platonic dialogues have had to face from different points of view. In this article I aim to present the peculiar Straussian reading of Socratic irony. According to Leo Strauss, Socratic irony is a key element of Plato’s political philosophy, linked to the «logographic necessity» that rules his texts. I will therefore examine the genesis and the main features of Straussian hermeneutics. I will end the article by highlighting the relevance of the esoteric interpretation of Platonic thought as a conceptual tool that responds to the crisis of modern political philosophy., A lo largo de la tradición filosófica la ironía de Sócrates ha representado un enigma con el que han tenido que confrontarse, desde distintos puntos de vista, todos los intérpretes de los diálogos platónicos. En este artículo presentaremos la original lectura straussiana de la ironía socrática. Según Leo Strauss, la ironía de Sócrates es un elemento clave de la filosofía política de Platón, vinculado con la «necesidad logográfica» que gobierna sus textos. Examinaremos, por tanto, la génesis y los rasgos principales de la hermenéutica straussiana y, finalmente, destacaremos la relevancia de la interpretación esotérica del pensamiento platónico en tanto que herramienta conceptual para responder a la crisis de la filosofía política moderna., Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (España), Depto. de Filosofía y Sociedad, Fac. de Filosofía, TRUE, pub

El 5 de agosto de 1936 las tropas sublevadas se adentraban por Sur de la provincia de Badajoz en su objetivo por alcanzar Madrid. Tras este suceso, comenzaron unas hostilidades en la provincia que se prolongaron hasta los momentos finales de la Guerra Civil española cuando en marzo de 1939 los franquistas se hicieron con el control del Noreste provincial, última sección que quedaba bajo poder republicano en Badajoz. A continuación, se ofrece una reconstrucción de la evolución que el conflicto siguió en la provincia, así como de la represión desplegada por ambos bandos sobre su población, siendo además caracterizado el perfil del represaliado gracias a una base de datos de más de 13.000 casos represivos. Por último, se aborda un estudio demográfico de la provincia de Badajoz en los años 1930 a fin de conocer el impacto que la Guerra Civil y su represión tuvieron sobre la población., On August the 5 th of 1936 the revolted troops made though the South of the province of Badajoz with the goal of reaching Madrid. After this incident, many hostilities started in the province that would last until the end of the Spanish Civil War when in March of 1939 the franquistas seized control of the provincial North-West region, which was the last section of Badajoz under the republican domain. In this document will be afforded a reconstruction about the evolution that the event followed at the province along with the repression that both blocks raised up, being characterized the profile of the victims thanks to a database with more than 13.000 cases of repression. To finish with, a demographic study will be presented about the province of Badajoz in the 1930’s with the objective to know the impact that the Civil War and it`s repression caused over the population.

El presente trabajo es un análisis desde una perspectiva de género de la evolución del concepto de pax asociado al dios Jano en la Roma antigua. Se pone el foco en aquellos elementos asociados a lo masculino y femenino en el lenguaje de pax romano, y en su evolución y resignificación. Durante la época romana las puertas de Jano simbolizaron las relaciones externas de la ciudad de Roma, abriéndose cuando había guerra y cerrándose cuando había paz externa. Este ritual del cierre de las puertas se revitalizó durante el principado de Augusto, lo que se plasmó en la literatura e iconografía augustea, asociándolo además a la idea de pax y saeculum aureum. El concepto de pax hasta entonces había aludido a la sumisión del otro a lo largo de la República; fue durante la crisis de la misma cuando se usó como promesa política que implícitamente significaba el final de los enfrentamientos, externos e internos, y el bienestar subyacente. El auge de la pax se produjo durante el Principado de Augusto, quien se presentó como garante de ese principio. En este contexto la pax adquirió nuevas connotaciones, asimilándose a Eirene, diosa de la paz en el mundo griego. Por tanto, el concepto de pax asociado a Jano, deidad que había simbolizado la guerra y la paz externa en época republicana, se helenizó y feminizó al representarse incluso en forma de mujer. Este trabajo pretende contribuir a la comprensión de cómo los conceptos de paz fueron reformulados y redefinidos durante la crisis de la República y empleados como parte de la propaganda de la Pax Augusta. Para ello se han analizado tanto fuentes numismáticas e iconográficas como textos escritos., This paper is an analysis of the evolution of the concept of pax linked to the god Janus in Ancient Rome from a gender perspective. It focuses on those feminine and masculine elements present on the language of the Roman pax, as well as on their evolution and meaning shifts. In Roman times, the gates of Janus symbolised the external relations of the city of Rome. In fact, before the Principate of Augustus they were only closed in two moments. This is why, during the Principate of Augustus, this ritual was revived as a way of promoting the end of war. Augustan literature and iconography reflects this phenomenon, associating it with the idea of pax and saeculum aureum. Whereas in Republican times the concept of pax referred to the submission of the other, during the crisis of the Republic it was used as a political promise concerning the end of confrontations (both external and internal) and the underlying well-being. The rise of pax occurred during the Principate of Augustus, who presented himself as its guarantor. In this context, the notion of pax acquired new connotations when it was assimilated to Eirene, the Greek goddess of peace, implying the Hellenization and feminisation of a concept previously associated with Janus. This paper aims to contribute to the understanding of how concepts of peace were reformulated and redefined during the crisis of the Republic, and then employed as part of the propagation of the Augustan pax. For this purpose, a meaningful combination of different methodologies of historical research is proposed, namely the analysis of coins, iconography and written sources.

Spanish written version of the lecture: “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais” given on November 7th 2019 during the “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza” celebrated at the Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela. This event was organized by the Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, the USC and the Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia)., Versión escrita, traducida al castellano, de la conferencia “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais”, dictada el 7 de noviembre de 2019, en el marco del “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza”, en la Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela, organizada por la Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, la USC y la Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia).

The article reviews the bibliography produced by the Brazilian academy about the poor, destitute and delinquent minority in Brazil, in the period that corresponds to the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. Within this chronological frame, the article explores the role of the public power in the care of poor and disadvantaged minors and gives special attention to the Orphans Court and to the asylum institutions that worked in the assistance and education. Issues such as the criminalization of minors and the discussion about child labor are also covered.

Versión escrita, traducida al castellano, de la conferencia “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais”, dictada el 7 de noviembre de 2019, en el marco del “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza”, en la Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela, organizada por la Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, la USC y la Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia)., Spanish written version of the lecture: “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais” given on November 7th 2019 during the “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza” celebrated at the Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela. This event was organized by the Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, the USC and the Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia).

Extraordinary commands remain a controversial subject in the history of the Roman Republic, especially regarding whether (or how) such commands contributed to the ultimate collapse of Rome’s republican government. Unfortunately, there is no consensus on the definition of extraordinary commands or the criteria for identifying them in modern scholarship, without which historians are unable to discern the true significance of these commands in Roman history. This dissertation argues that extraordinary commands are best understood as deviations from the Roman constitution, wherein the socio-political norms and laws intended to regulate Rome’s magistracies were subordinated, through either senatorial decree or popular vote, in order to accommodate the creation of an otherwise illegal military command. Starting with a historiographical survey of the modern discussion surrounding extraordinary commands, the early chapters of the dissertation also focus on analyzing the socio-political norms and rules that formed the basis of Rome’s republican constitution, as well as a detailed examination of Rome’s political institutions, especially the development of its executive magistracies. Next, a philological analysis of the terms extra ordinem, extraordinarium, and their Greek equivalents examines how Romans and Greeks themselves perceived extraordinary commands. The final chapters of this dissertation argue that the identification of extraordinary commands ultimately comes down to three analytical perspectives: the potential legal criteria of irregular magistracies, the magnitude of their occurrence, and whether they represented a deviation from Roman constitutional law. Finally, the dissertation concludes with an overview of all exceptional and extraordinary commands occurring over the course of the Roman Republic (509-31 BCE), along with a statistical analysis of the changing trends and evolution of extraordinary commands over time. In the end, a proper method of defining and i

Insecurity characterizes Spain after April 14, 1931. Knowing the factors that triggered the collective dissatisfaction, as well as the protagonists of the anarchist subversions in the province of Murcia is the purpose of the article, which has based its methodology on studying the different primary sources (press, judicial files, etc.), and the bibliography. We will check the militant trajectory of the most actively committed men, the actions they carried out and their consequences, not only in order to get an analysis of the lives of these men, but also os the society of their time., La inseguridad caracterizó España después del 14 de abril de 1931. Conocer los factores desencadenantes de la insatisfacción colectiva, así como a los protagonistas de las subversiones anarquistas en la provincia de Murcia es la meta del artículo, el cual ha basado su metodología en estudiar las distintas fuentes primarias (prensa, archivos judiciales, etc.) y la bibliografía. Comprobaremos la trayectoria militante de los hombres más activamente comprometidos, las acciones que llevaron a cabo y sus consecuencias, no solo con el fin de conseguir un análisis de la vida de estos hombres, sino también de la sociedad de su tiempo.

The aim of this paper is to clarify the sense of the arguments elaborated by Aristotle against the conception of the Idea of Good proposed by Plato, and to evaluate those arguments on the basis of what Plato holds in his Dialogues concerning the Idea of Good., El objetivo de este trabajo es clarificar el sentido de los argumentos que elabora Aristóteles contra la concepción de la Idea del Bien propuesta por Platón. También se calibra el alcance de dichos argumentos tomando como fundamento lo que sostiene Platón en sus Diálogos a propósito de la Idea de Bien.

This talk will begin by exploring Rousseau's distinction between education for man and citizen, based on Emile and The Social Contract. Crucial in this respect are the distinctions between self-sufficiency and dependence, existing for oneself and others, as well as between two forms of self-love: amour de soi-même and amour propre. The question will be can these two educational models be reconciled in Rousseau's philosophy, and how, as well as what can that tell us about the relation between individual and society. The key issue to be explored concerning this is what it means to educate for freedom and whether such an education breeds a lack of societal responsibility. Next, implications will be drawn for the idea of republican education. Rousseau's preference for domestic education over public education will be critically compared with the argument in favor of public education as providing a necessary common ground in a pluralist society. Finally, the talk will analyze challenges faced by contemporary republics related to the role of the state in education and the ensuing conflicts over the educational content imparted in schools. Rousseau's rich insights can serve as a springboard for exploring the republican educational ideal, offering valuable reflections on the intricate interplay between individual freedom and societal obligations in contemporary republics.

This talk will begin by exploring Rousseau's distinction between education for man and citizen, based on Emile and The Social Contract. Crucial in this respect are the distinctions between self-sufficiency and dependence, existing for oneself and others, as well as between two forms of self-love: amour de soi-même and amour propre. The question will be can these two educational models be reconciled in Rousseau's philosophy, and how, as well as what can that tell us about the relation between individual and society. The key issue to be explored concerning this is what it means to educate for freedom and whether such an education breeds a lack of societal responsibility. Next, implications will be drawn for the idea of republican education. Rousseau's preference for domestic education over public education will be critically compared with the argument in favor of public education as providing a necessary common ground in a pluralist society. Finally, the talk will analyze challenges faced by contemporary republics related to the role of the state in education and the ensuing conflicts over the educational content imparted in schools. Rousseau's rich insights can serve as a springboard for exploring the republican educational ideal, offering valuable reflections on the intricate interplay between individual freedom and societal obligations in contemporary republics.

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

The study titled “Debates on Politics and Ideologies in Turkey on the 100th Anniversary of the Republic” primarily focuses on the hundred-year period of the Republic, as is evident from its title, and it reveals the ideological processes in this regard. The history of the Republic has experienced different ideological transformations. Delving into these aspects would require volumes of books. However, this study aims to contribute to the literature by examining certain aspects of this matter. The first chapter of the book, in fact, serves as a summary of the entire political history. It identifies the areas where ideological transformations have occurred in Turkey and establishes six key pillars in this regard. Within this framework, the six pillars identified as ”historical, cultural, and economic foundations”, “political parties”, “political actors/leaders”, “domestic and foreign political events,”, “political institutions” and “political policies” have been examined in the study, with examples from political history. The second part of the book focuses on a more specific point and examines the processes of the Kadro Movements in the Early Republic period and the development and reflections of the idea of statism. This chapter aims to examine and analyze the idea of statism adopted in the Early Republic period in the context of the needs of the Republic. At the same time, it aims to reveal how the statism approach of the Kadro Movement contributed to the realization of economic independence and the adoption and maintenance of the principles and values of the Republican philosophy by the society. It offers a wide repertoire for these purposes. In the third part of the book, how the military interventions in Turkey affected the political ideologies in Turkey was analyzed through elections and parties. Therefore, the relationship between the positioning of ideologies in Turkish politics and military interventions has been examined. The study has focused on the short, “Cumhuriyetin 100. Yılında Türkiye’de Siyaset ve İdeolojiler Üzerine Tartışmalar” başlıklı bu çalışma adından da anlaşıldığı üzere yüz yıllık Cumhuriyet dönemini esas almakta ve bu konuda siyasi ve ideolojik tartışmaları ortaya koymaktadır. Cumhuriyet tarihi birbirinden farklı siyasi ve ideolojik dönüşümler yaşamıştır. Bu yönleri derinlemesine incelemek ciltler dolusu kitap gerektirir. Ancak bu çalışma bu meseleye dair bazı hususları incelemeye alarak alanyazına katkı sağlamayı amaçlamıştır. Kitabın birinci bölümü aslında tüm siyasi tarihin özeti niteliğindedir. Türkiye’deki ideolojik dönüşümlerin hangi alanlarda gerçekleştiğini ortaya vii koymakta ve bu hususta altı sacayağı belirlemektedir. Bu çerçevede “tarihi, kültürel ve ekonomik dayanaklar”, “siyasi partiler”, “siyasi aktörler/liderler”, “iç ve dış siyasi olaylar”, “siyasi kurumlar” ve “siyasi politikalar” şeklinde tespit edilen altı sacayağı çalışmada siyasi tarihten örnekler baz alınarak incelenmiştir. Kitabın ikinci bölümü ise daha spesifik bir noktaya odaklanarak Erken Cumhuriyet dönemindeki Kadro Hareketleri’nin süreçlerini ve devletçilik düşüncesinin gelişimi ile yansımalarını incelemiştir. Bu bölüm, Erken Cumhuriyet döneminde benimsenen devletçilik düşüncesini, Cumhuriyetin gereksinimleri bağlamında incelemeyi ve analiz etmeyi amaçlamaktadır. Aynı zamanda, Kadro Hareketi’nin devletçilik yaklaşımının ekonomik bağımsızlığın gerçekleşmesine, Cumhuriyet felsefesinin ilke ve değerlerinin toplum tarafından benimsenmesine ve sürdürülmesine nasıl katkı sağladığını ortaya koymayı hedeflemektedir. Bu amaçlar doğrultusunda geniş bir repertuar sunmaktadır. Kitabın üçüncü bölümünde Türkiye’de gerçekleşen askeri müdahalelerin Türkiye’deki siyasi ideolojileri nasıl etkilediği konusu seçimler ile partiler üzerinden analiz edilmiştir. Dolayısıyla Türk siyasetindeki ideolojilerin siyasal hayattaki konumlanma biçimi ile askeri müdahaleler arasındaki ilişki irdelenmiştir. Çalışma askeri müdahaleler özelinde siyasal hayatta

Our presentation will consist of two parts. The first part will focus on the ambivalences of Rousseau's republican freedom and critique the interpretation of Rousseau offered by Isaiah Berlin. Berlin's interpretation ignores essential aspects, including the fact that the social contract itself, as the preservation of citizens, does not simply manifest positive freedom. Similarly, the more obviously republican thought, that freedom is not being subjected to the arbitrary will of other agents, embodies a complex concept of freedom. The complexity of the Rousseauian republican concept of freedom, with its multiplex combination of positive and negative aspects, is revealed when we take into consideration the various layers of Rousseau's quadrotomy of freedom (natural freedom, civil freedom, democratic freedom, moral freedom), without resorting to reductionist interpretative strategies. Rousseau will also be analyzed as an advocate of freedom as non-domination and in the role of watching over and critiquing the government. Based on this analysis and in light of the discussion about the positive and negative aspects of Rousseau’s conception of republican freedom, the second part will examine Hegel's critique of Rousseau. It will be demonstrated that while Hegel does indeed resolve some of the paradoxes of republican freedom, which he implicitly identified through his criticism of Rousseau, he introduces new ones within his political philosophy. At the same time, it will be shown that when the negative aspect of Rousseau's conception of republican freedom is taken into account some of Hegel's criticisms directed at Rousseau’s ‘general will’ have merit and cannot be reduced to a mere misreading as is often done.

This article analyzes the relationship between the working of political system of the Second Spanish Republic and the Justice. It analyzes specifically on the period between the general elections of 1936 and the beginning of the civil war. Various primary archival, newspaper and parliamentary sources are used to describe, contextualize, and analyze the purpose and scope of the idea of republicanization of Justice postulated by the members of the Popular Front electoral coalition, also clarifying the differences that existed among them. In this regard, novel and meaning data are provided on the complexity surrounding the work of the judges in a context of increasing violent conflicts with political motivation. In addition, it is explained the context of debate and public controversies with respect to the behavior of some judges and how this contributed to the presentation and parliamentary defense of a broad and important package of legislative reforms related to the judicial issue., Este artículo se ocupa de la relación entre el funcionamiento del sistema político de la Segunda República española y la Administración de Justicia. Se analiza específicamente el período comprendido después de las elecciones generales de 1936 y hasta el 17 de julio de ese mismo año. Mediante diversas fuentes primarias archivísticas, hemerográficas y parlamentarias se describe, contextualiza y analiza el propósito y alcance de la idea de «republicanización» de la Justicia postulada por los integrantes del pacto de Frente Popular, clarificando también las diferencias que hubo entre ellos. Al respecto, se aportan datos novedosos y significativos sobre la complejidad y los desafíos que rodearon la labor de los jueces en unas circunstancias de aumento de la violencia política. Además, se reconstruye el contexto de debate y polémicas públicas a propósito del comportamiento de algunos jueces y cómo eso coadyuvó a la presentación y defensa parlamentaria de un amplio e importante paquete de reformas legislativas relacionadas con la cuestión judicial.

Our presentation will consist of two parts. The first part will focus on the ambivalences of Rousseau's republican freedom and critique the interpretation of Rousseau offered by Isaiah Berlin. Berlin's interpretation ignores essential aspects, including the fact that the social contract itself, as the preservation of citizens, does not simply manifest positive freedom. Similarly, the more obviously republican thought, that freedom is not being subjected to the arbitrary will of other agents, embodies a complex concept of freedom. The complexity of the Rousseauian republican concept of freedom, with its multiplex combination of positive and negative aspects, is revealed when we take into consideration the various layers of Rousseau's quadrotomy of freedom (natural freedom, civil freedom, democratic freedom, moral freedom), without resorting to reductionist interpretative strategies. Rousseau will also be analyzed as an advocate of freedom as non-domination and in the role of watching over and critiquing the government. Based on this analysis and in light of the discussion about the positive and negative aspects of Rousseau’s conception of republican freedom, the second part will examine Hegel's critique of Rousseau. It will be demonstrated that while Hegel does indeed resolve some of the paradoxes of republican freedom, which he implicitly identified through his criticism of Rousseau, he introduces new ones within his political philosophy. At the same time, it will be shown that when the negative aspect of Rousseau's conception of republican freedom is taken into account some of Hegel's criticisms directed at Rousseau’s ‘general will’ have merit and cannot be reduced to a mere misreading as is often done.

Spanish written version of the lecture: “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais” given on November 7th 2019 during the “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza” celebrated at the Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela. This event was organized by the Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, the USC and the Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia)., Versión escrita, traducida al castellano, de la conferencia “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais”, dictada el 7 de noviembre de 2019, en el marco del “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza”, en la Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela, organizada por la Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, la USC y la Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia).

Spanish written version of the lecture: “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais” given on November 7th 2019 during the “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza” celebrated at the Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela. This event was organized by the Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, the USC and the Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia)., Versión escrita, traducida al castellano, de la conferencia “Menéndez Pidal, Castela e as identidades medievais”, dictada el 7 de noviembre de 2019, en el marco del “Bienio Pidalino en Galiza”, en la Facultade de Xeografía e Historia de Santiago de Compostela, organizada por la Fundación Ramón Menéndez Pidal, la USC y la Dirección Xeral de Política Lingüística (Xunta de Galicia).

Rad ukazuje na nepomirljive razlike i unutrašnje tenzije koje pod terminom „republika“ baštini, prevashodno, njoj naklonjeni osamnaesti vek. Ta nesaglasja i ambivalencije, koje u dobroj meri određuju i savremenu teoriju, izlažu se, redom, kroz razumevanja republike u prosvetiteljstvu, romantizmu, republikanizmu i u tradiciji „Republike ljudi od pera“. Zaključuje se da emancipatorski potencijal koji se investira(o) u republiku, ako i ima istu ili sličnu tačku otpora – recimo: monarhiju, crkvenu dominaciju društvenim životom, ono što se nekad jezgrovitom krilaticom nazivalo „tron i oltar“, ukidanje privatizovanih i/ili partikularnih monopola odlučivanja i svih zabluda, predrasuda, te autoriteta koji ih ozakonjuju – uopšte nema ni približno istu ili sličnu viziju poželjnog stanja pošto se prevrat odigra, odnosno u ime čega se ustanovljuje republika., The work points to irreconcilable differences and internal tensions that under the term ‘republic’ are inherited, primarily, by the eighteenth century, which was favorable to it. Those disagreements and ambivalences, which determine modern theory to a good extent, are presented, respectively, through understandings of the republic in the Enlightenment, romanticism, republicanism and in the tradition of the ‘republic of letters’. It is concluded that the emancipatory potential that is invested in the republic, if it has the same or a similar point of resistance – for example: monarchy, church domination of social life, what was once called the concise catchphrase ‘throne and altar’, the abolition of privatized and/or particular decision-making monopolies and all misconceptions, prejudices, and the authorities that legitimize them – did not have at all the same or a similar vision of the desirable state after the coup has taken place, that is, in the name of what the republic should be established.

Rad ukazuje na nepomirljive razlike i unutrašnje tenzije koje pod terminom „republika“ baštini, prevashodno, njoj naklonjeni osamnaesti vek. Ta nesaglasja i ambivalencije, koje u dobroj meri određuju i savremenu teoriju, izlažu se, redom, kroz razumevanja republike u prosvetiteljstvu, romantizmu, republikanizmu i u tradiciji „Republike ljudi od pera“. Zaključuje se da emancipatorski potencijal koji se investira(o) u republiku, ako i ima istu ili sličnu tačku otpora – recimo: monarhiju, crkvenu dominaciju društvenim životom, ono što se nekad jezgrovitom krilaticom nazivalo „tron i oltar“, ukidanje privatizovanih i/ili partikularnih monopola odlučivanja i svih zabluda, predrasuda, te autoriteta koji ih ozakonjuju – uopšte nema ni približno istu ili sličnu viziju poželjnog stanja pošto se prevrat odigra, odnosno u ime čega se ustanovljuje republika., The work points to irreconcilable differences and internal tensions that under the term ‘republic’ are inherited, primarily, by the eighteenth century, which was favorable to it. Those disagreements and ambivalences, which determine modern theory to a good extent, are presented, respectively, through understandings of the republic in the Enlightenment, romanticism, republicanism and in the tradition of the ‘republic of letters’. It is concluded that the emancipatory potential that is invested in the republic, if it has the same or a similar point of resistance – for example: monarchy, church domination of social life, what was once called the concise catchphrase ‘throne and altar’, the abolition of privatized and/or particular decision-making monopolies and all misconceptions, prejudices, and the authorities that legitimize them – did not have at all the same or a similar vision of the desirable state after the coup has taken place, that is, in the name of what the republic should be established.

This article offers a micro-spatial analysis of the canton of Cartagena (1873), examining closely the small revolutionary society to uncover its links, both human and ideological, with a wider context. While in the Spanish historical imagination, the cantonal revolution symbolizes the blindest localism, the article shows that the political project of the insurgents was by no means restricted to the region, and that it relied instead on unprecedented solidarities on the scale of the nation, the Spanish empire and the world. Following the lessons of micro-history, the article uses the itineraries of some renowned (or more forgotten) leaders of the Canton to make these broad connections visible. It then focuses on the anonymous insurgents, male and female workers from popular classes, to understand the motives and forms of their solidarity with worlds other than their own., Este artículo ofrece un análisis microespacial del cantón de Cartagena (1873) mediante el examen minucioso de la pequeña sociedad revolucionaria para descubrir sus vínculos humanos e ideológicos con un contexto más amplio. Mientras que en el imaginario histórico español la revolución cantonal simboliza el localismo más ciego, el artículo muestra que el proyecto político de los insurgentes no se limitó en absoluto a la región y que, por el contrario, se apoyó en solidaridades inéditas a escala de la nación, del imperio español y del mundo. Siguiendo las lecciones de la microhistoria, utiliza los itinerarios de algunos dirigentes del cantón para hacer visibles estas amplias conexiones. A continuación, se centra en los insurgentes anónimos, hombres y mujeres trabajadores de clase popular, para comprender los motivos y las formas de su solidaridad con mundos distintos al suyo.

This paper evaluates the impact of state visits on export flows and the specific role of the head of state based on the five Nordic countries: Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway, and Sweden. We construct a complete and comprehensive dataset containing all outgoing state visits from the Nordic countries between 1973 and 2022. Our main empirical strategy is to apply a difference-in differences (DiD) approach using a novel robust estimation method by Callaway and Sant’Anna (2021) to estimate the effect of state visits on export flows and the role that the head of state plays during state visits. We also employ a traditional two-way fixed effects (TWFE) DiD approach to compare the results. Furthermore, we employ a series of placebo tests and robustness checks to validate our results. Our analysis reveals that outgoing state visits made by the Nordic countries have a significant impact on export flows with an average post-treatment effect of 276.8 million USD. The role of the head of state is less pronounced, although our results indicate that state visits conducted by monarchs drive the results more than state visits performed by presidents.

The aim of this article is to revisit the 2008conflict between the countryside and thegovernment based on the interpretationmade by the group of Argentine intellec-tuals Carta Abierta in their first public interventions. Forged in the heat of that conflict, which opened a new period of polarization in Argentine democracy, this group’sinterpretation brings into play uses of theconcepts of republic and democracy thatgo back to our transitional theoretical-political tradition, in order to account for a space of experience and a horizon of expecta-tions opened by that critical juncture, which will mark the evolution of Argentine democracy in the following years, El presente artículo se propone revisitar el conflicto campo-gobierno del año 2008 a partir de la interpretación que del mismo realizara el colectivo de intelectuales argentinos Carta Abierta en sus primeras intervenciones públicas. Conformado al calor de dicho conflicto, que abre un nuevo periodo de polarización de la democracia argentina, este grupo pone en juego en su interpretación usos de los conceptos de república y democracia que remiten a nuestra tradición teórico-política transicional, a partir de los cuales se da cuenta de un espacio de experiencia y un horizonte de expectativas abiertos por aquella coyuntura crítica, que signará el devenir de la democracia argentina en los años subsiguientes

From his departure from Spain in February 1938, in the middle of the civil war, to give lectures in London, until his death in Mexico on November 5, 1963, Luis Cernuda will live twenty-five years of exile in which he will remain firm and loyal to the ideals of the Republic and against the dictatorship in his country. Throughout this time, with different tones and modulations, he will develop his poetic work in which the experience of exile will be fundamental while, in his letters, in his critical and essay writing, he offers his personal vision of Spain, Europe and the World in the central decades of the 20th century. We will approach these interpretative keys, putting Cernuda's meditative poetry in contact with other more explicit texts, from his conviction that the cause for which he had fought was still valid despite the defeat, and that this should be remembered as an example for the future., Desde su salida de España en febrero de 1938, en plena guerra civil, para dar unas conferencias en Londres, hasta su muerte en México el 5 de noviembre de 1963, Luis Cernuda vivirá veinticinco años de exilio en los que se mantendrá firme y leal a los ideales de la República y contra la dictadura en su país. A lo largo de este tiempo, con diferentes tonos y modulaciones, desarrollará su obra poética, en la que la experiencia del exilio será fundamental al tiempo que, en sus cartas, en su escritura crítica y ensayística, ofrece su personal visión de España, Europa y el mundo en las décadas centrales del siglo XX. Nos aproximaremos a estas claves interpretativas poniendo en contacto la poesía meditativa de Cernuda con otros textos más explícitos, desde su convencimiento de que la causa por la que él había luchado seguía vigente a pesar de la derrota y que ello debía ser recordado como ejemplo para el futuro.

From the confrontation of the agricultural employers at the beginning of the first government of Cristina Fernández (2007-2011) around Resolution No. 125, which established mobile withholdings on four granary commodities (corn, wheat, sunflower and soybean) began to be installed forcefully, in the public debate, the confrontation between the supporters of the “republic” and the “populists”. This confrontation is the visible surface of a deeper dispute between two antagonistic economic models that have, as their center of gravity, the exercise of State government. In this article we will analyze how such a confrontation that crosses political life in Argentina today is presented and unfolds., A partir del enfrentamiento de las patronales agropecuarias a inicios del primer gobierno de Cristina Fernández (2007-2011) en torno a la Resolución n° 125, que establecía retenciones móviles a cuatro commodities granarios (maíz, trigo, girasol y soja) comenzó a instalarse con fuerza, en el debate público, el enfrentamiento entre los partidarios de la “república” y los “populistas”. Esta confrontación es la superficie visible de una disputa más profunda entre dos modelos económicos antagónicos que tienen, como centro de gravedad, el ejercicio del gobierno del Estado. En este artículo analizaremos cómo se presenta y se desenvuelve tal confrontación que atraviesa a la vida política en la Argentina actual.

This contribution brings together a plural discussion on the recent Luigiaurelio Pomante’s work, L’Università della Repubblica (1946-1980). Quarant’anni di Storia dell’istruzione superiore in Italia. In this paper, the quality of the work was highlighted, especially its methodological rigour and the author’s ability to analyze unpublished and printed sources. The text traces the history of the Italian university in the Republican age, covering a significant chronological arc in the evolution of Italian higher education, bringing out strengths and above all critical issues.

In the following essay I attempt a broad consideration of the problem of the strong institution starting from the question of the metaphorical double of language and its metaphysical-principial articulation. This is a problematic question that could be placed as a possible prolegomenon to Jacques Lezra’s thought on a heteroclit cosmology and a material or savage republic –a thought according to which “savage republicanism” would depend on producing and instituting defective concepts of political association that give rise to “defective institutions”. For this I point to Lezra’s work on the web of relations between language, institution and deconstruction in Paul de Man; to the paradigmatic reductio ad unum in the institution of language and its maximization as an ideal unit of meaning and logical structure of the world in Edmund Husserl’s phenomenology; to Lezra’s necrophilology as a materialist theory of concepts and ontological instability; and finally to the question of the principle of general equivalence and translatability in the age of global capitalism., En el siguiente ensayo intento una consideración amplia del problema de la institución fuerte a partir de la cuestión del doblez metafórico del lenguaje y su articulación metafísico-principial. Se trata de una cuestión problemática que cabría situar como un prolegómeno posible de acceso al pensamiento Jacques Lezra en torno a una cosmología heteróclita y una república material o salvaje –pensamiento según el cual el “republicanismo salvaje” dependería de producir e instituir conceptos defectivos de asociación política que den lugar a “instituciones defectivas”. Para ello apunto al trabajo de Lezra sobre la trama de relaciones entre lenguaje, institución y deconstrucción en Paul de Man; a la paradigmática reductio ad unum en la institución del lenguaje y su maximización como unidad ideal del sentido y estructura lógica del mundo en la fenomenología de Edmund Husserl; a la necrofilología de Lezra como teoría materialista de los conceptos y de la inestabilidad ontológica del mundo; y, por último, a la cuestión del principio de equivalencia y traductibilidad general en la época del capitalismo global.

In República salvaje, Jacques Lezra returns to Lucretius to re-think the republic against the anti-democratic political context of our times. Lucretius’ politics allow us to think the material aspect of the encounter with others, in order to think the republic from its materiality. Lezra appeals to Lucretius in order to open the possibility to create a multiple sovereignty that corresponds to a savage republic. As an analogy of this Republic, Lezra suggests the defective biting between lovers as Jacques Derrida understands it, as a sixth sense whose de-organizing and horizontalizing power is analogous to the Lucretian atomic sex. This article analyses how this biting is the metaphor of a political relation that overcomes the fascism of our times, which is the result of the way the capitalist axiomatic productive relations are organized as a vampire-like power structure in the words of Marx., En República salvaje, Jacques Lezra vuelve a Lucrecio para repensar la república frente al desconcierto antidemocrático de nuestro tiempo. La política de Lucrecio nos permite pensar lo político en el encuentro con el otro, en lo aleatorio, en lo casual: pensar la república a partir del encuentro material. Lezra apelará a Lucrecio para abrir la posibilidad de crear una soberanía de lo múltiple correspondiente a una república salvaje. Como analogía de ello Lezra propone la mordida entre amantes o defectiva como la piensa Jacques Derrida, como sexto sentido cuya des-jerarquización y horizontalidad igualitaria es análoga al sexo atómico lucreciano. Lo que veremos aquí es cómo esta mordida es la metáfora de una relación política otra, superadora del autoritarismo fascista y antidemocrático de contexto, producido por el devenir de la axiomática de las relaciones de producción capitalistas que se manifiesta de forma vampírica según Marx.

This essay reads Wild Materialism by Jacques Lezra following the ethics of terror that the author proposes in his thought of republicanism. Specifically, it traces the terror of the encounter with woman in the text. According to Lezra, the concept of Woman is pivotal to understand how the (weak) concepts emerge. Once and again in his work, the encounter with woman corrodes the fantasy of the strong concept and the sovereign and another logic arises, republican, non-scatological, non-heroic, and non-sacrificial. We will focus on the failure of the Sadean community and the emergence of another possible community in María Zambrano. Thus, this article proposes a feminist re-reading of Lezra’s work, tracing the (un)work of woman in the construction of the concept and concludes that the structure of the republican event as thought by Lezra is feminine in terms of Jacques Lacan’s sexuation formulas.&nbsp, Este ensayo lee Materialismo Salvaje de Jacques Lezra siguiendo la ética del terror que propone el autor en su pensamiento del republicanismo. Específicamente rastrea en el texto el terror del encuentro con la mujer. De acuerdo con Lezra, el concepto de Mujer es pivote para comprender cómo los conceptos (débiles) emergen. Repetidamente en su obra, el encuentro con la mujer corroe la fantasía del concepto fuerte y del soberano, y surge otra lógica republicana, no escatológica, no heroica, no sacrificial. Nos enfocaremos en el fracaso de la comunidad sadiana y en la emergencia de otra posible comunidad en María Zambrano. Así, este artículo propone una relectura feminista del trabajo de Lezra, rastreando el efecto corrosivo de la mujer en la construcción del concepto y concluye que la estructura de este evento republicano tal como lo piensa Lezra es femenina en términos de las fórmulas de sexuación de Jacques Lacan.

Owning a wealthy home around the Roman Forum at the end of the 1st c. BCE was a gamble in a changing political landscape. The homes of the Senatorial elite around the Forum were historically tied to their political duties of governing Rome. As Augustus established a monarchy, he abated the powers of the Senate while slowly transforming the Forum into museum of Rome’s past. The Augustan building program subsumed any senatorial houses around the Forum into architectural projects reflecting the new power of the monarchy. Since the Forum reflected Rome’s historical social memories in monuments and buildings, the Augustan regime found a perfect location to create new social memories for the rising monarchy.This thesis argues that during the 1st c. BCE – 1st c. CE the rise of the Emperorship reflected the removal of senatorial houses within and around the Roman Forum. Despite the demolition of these houses, they retained social memories of their past lives in the changing landscape of the Forum. I will be examining three houses, the house of Sextus Pompeius attached to the Forum of Augustus outside of the Forum proper. the house underneath the Horrea Agrippiana and the house of Aemilius Scaurus within the Forum proper. The Roman state utilized the houses differently where the first becomes a public gathering space for the Forum of Augustus, the second is the foundation of the Horrea Agrippiana and the last is the foundation for the Horrea Vespasiani. I will show the topographical and architectural changes of these houses through color-coded AutoCAD drawings. Each house offers different glimpses into how the Roman state adapted and preserved elite Late Republican housing in the new landscape of the Forum.

This article aims to analyze the poems and school anthems that were used in the Pará Republican school education as diffusers of the Republican thought. The poems "O credo", "A casa" and "A Pátria" by Olavo Bilac (1904), "A Instrução" by Fernandes Bello (1904), "Anjo Enfermo" by Affonso Celso Junior (1905) and "Bons Conselhos" by Octaviano Mello (1905) were used as sources, besides the school hymns "A Marselheza do Estudo" by Raymundo Bertoldo Nunes (1904), "Hymno ao Estudo" by Guilherme de Miranda (1904), "Hymno do Grupo Escolar José Veríssimo" by Antonio Macedo (1905) and the "Hymno Escolar" by Theodoro Rodrigues (1905). The theoretical contribution is based on Souza, R. A. (2014), Mclaren (1991), Santos (2018), and Lopes (2018), authors who contributed to understanding education in the First Republic, as well as the feeling of patriotism in circulation at the time. It was found that school poems and anthems contributed to spread among children the republican sentiment of love for the motherland and the struggle for intellectual development. Therefore, it is considered that in the first republic, different artifices were used to guide the students in the path of civility and good moralism., Este artigo tem por objetivo analisar os poemas e os hinos escolares que eram utilizados na educação escolar republicana paraense como difusores do pensamento republicano. Foram utilizadas como fontes os poemas “O credo”, “A casa” e “A Pátria” de Olavo Bilac (1904), “A Instrução” de Fernandes Bello (1904), “Anjo Enfermo” de Affonso Celso Junior (1905) e “Bons Conselhos” de Octaviano Mello (1905), além dos hinos escolares “A Marselheza do Estudo” de Raymundo Bertoldo Nunes (1904), “Hymno ao Estudo” de Guilherme de Miranda (1904), “Hymno do Grupo Escolar José Veríssimo” de Antonio Macedo (1905) e o “Hymno Escolar” de Theodoro Rodrigues (1905). O aporte teórico assenta-se em Souza, R. A. (2014), Mclaren (1991), Santos (2018) e Lopes (2018), autores que contribuíram para compreender a educação na Primeira República, bem como o sentimento de patriotismo em circulação à época. Verificou-se que as poesias e hinos escolares contribuíram para difundir entre as crianças o sentimento republicano de amor pela pátria e de luta pelo desenvolvimento intelectual. Portanto, considera-se assim que na primeira república foram utilizados diferentes artifícios para trilhar o caminho do alunado nos moldes da civilidade e do bom moralismo., Este artículo tiene por objetivo analizar los poemas y los himnos escolares que eran utilizados en la educación escolar republicana paraense como difusores del pensamiento republicano. Fueron utilizadas como fuentes los poemas “O credo”, “A casa” y “A Pátria” de Olavo Bilac (1904), “A Instrução” del Fernandes Bello (1904), “Anjo Enfermo” de Affonso Celso Junior (1905) y “Bons Conselhos” de Octaviano Mello (1905), además de los himnos escolares “A Marselheza do Estudo” de Raymundo Bertoldo Nunes (1904), “Hymno ao Estudo” de Guilherme de Miranda (1904), “Hymno do Grupo Escolar José Veríssimo” de Antonio Macedo (1905) y o “Hymno Escolar” de Theodoro Rodrigues (1905). El aporte teórico se asienta en Souza, R. A. (2014), Mclaren (1991), Santos (2018), Lopes (2018), autores que contribuyeron para comprender la educación en la Primera República, así como el sentimiento de patriotismo en circulación en la época. Se verificó que las poesías e himnos escolares contribuyeron a difundir entre los niños el sentimiento republicano de amor por la patria y de lucha por el desarrollo intelectual. Por lo tanto, se considera así que en la primera república se utilizaron diferentes artificios para recorrer el camino del alumnado en los moldes de la civilidad y del buen moralismo.

Reiew of the book La Masonería Hispana y sus luchas democráticas. Sueños de libertad de José Antonio Ferrer Benimeli. Oviedo: masónica.es, 2022. 491páginas. ISBN: 978-84-19044-27-3. Reviewed by Juan José Morales Ruiz, Reseña del libro La Masonería Hispana y sus luchas democráticas. Sueños de libertad de José Antonio Ferrer Benimeli. Oviedo: masónica.es, 2022. 491páginas. ISBN: 978-84-19044-27-3. Reseñado por Juan José Morales Ruiz

The circulation of Machiavelli’s Art of War made a fundamental contribution to the development of sixteenth-century vernacular military cultures. This article analyses some specific aspects of the story of its reception and, in particular, focuses on the requirement of “one’s own arms” promulgated by Machiavelli’s book. This article deliberately examines two texts, which are different in both ideology and chronology: one originated in the context of the wars of religion and the diaspora of the French Protestants in the Swiss area, the other one dates back to the first half of the century. In fact, these works bring to light some of the most controversial aspects of the reception of the Florentine’s military thought. Further, they expose the difficulties that arise from applying a modern concept of authorship to texts born in a context which was characterized by a continuous recycling and reworking of themes and features, which had evolved within a long tradition of military writing and which, however, have been transformed, if not revolutionized by Machiavelli., La circulación de El arte de la guerra de Maquiavelo ha supuesto una contribución fundamental al desarrollo en lengua vernácula de la cultura militar europea del siglo xv. Este artículo analiza algunos aspectos específicos de la recepción de esta obra en la producción escrita militar de su tiempo, concentrándose en particular en aquellos elementos vinculados con la cuestión de las “armas propias” que tan ampliamente propagó este libro de Maquiavelo. Con este propósito, se ha escogido deliberadamente el ejemplo de dos obras diversas tanto en naturaleza ideológica como en su altura cronológica: la primera data de la primera mitad del siglo xv, la otra se originó en el contexto de las guerras de religión y de la diáspora de los protestantes franceses hacia suelo helvético. Se trata, en efecto, de dos libros que permiten comprender matices poco conocidos del proceso de reutilización de ciertos conceptos maquiavelianos que en su momento podrían ser considerados políticamente controvertidos. Al mismo tiempo, ambas obras son capaces de señalar o enfatizar la dificultad que emerge cada vez que se trata de aplicar el concepto moderno de autor a textos nacidos en un contexto caracterizado por un continuo reciclaje y reelaboración de temas y elementos adscribibles a una larga y articulada tradición de escritura militar desarrollada a lo largo del siglo, y que, sin embargo, había vivido un proceso crucial de transición con la contribución de Maquiavelo.

The circulation of Machiavelli’s Art of War made a fundamental contribution to the development of sixteenth-century vernacular military cultures. This essay analyses some specific aspects of the story of its reception and, in particular, focuses on the requirement of “one’s own arms” promulgated by Machiavelli’s book. This article deliberately examines two texts, which are different in both ideology and chronology: one originated in the context of the wars of religion and the diaspora of the French Protestants in the Swiss area, the other one dates back to the first half of the century. In fact, these works bring to light some of the most controversial aspects of the reception of the Florentine’s military thought. Further, they expose the difficulties that arise from applying a modern concept of authorship to texts born in a context which was characterized by a continuous recycling and reworking of themes and features, which had evolved within a long tradition of military writing and which, however, have been transformed, if not revolutionized by Machiavelli., La circolazione dell’Arte della guerra di Machiavelli ha dato un fondamentale contributo allo sviluppo della cultura militare europea in volgare del Cinquecento. Questo saggio analizza alcuni specifici aspetti della ricezione di quest’opera nella produzione scrittoria militare del tempo e in particolare si concentra su quegli elementi di pensiero legati al tema delle “armi proprie” fortemente propagandato dal libro machiavelliano. A questo proposito, si è qui deliberatamente scelto di offrire l’esempio di due opere diverse per natura ideologica e altezza cronologica: l’una risalente alla prima metà del Cinquecento, l’altra originatasi nell’ambito delle guerre di religione e della diaspora dei protestanti francesi in area elvetica. Si tratta, in effetti, di due libri che permettono di comprendere sfumature poco note del processo di riuso di certi concetti machiavelliani che all’epoca potevano essere considerati politicamente controversi. Al tempo stesso, le due opere sono capaci di far risaltare le difficoltà che emergono ogni volta che si prova ad applicare il moderno concetto di autore a testi nati in un contesto caratterizzato da un continuo riutilizzo e dalla rielaborazione di temi ed elementi ascrivibili a una lunga e articolata tradizione di scrittura militare che si sviluppò lungo il corso del secolo, la quale, tuttavia, aveva trovato un momento di passaggio cruciale nel contributo di Machiavelli