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European capital cities are replete with material traces of colonial times, not only institutional reminders but also ephemeral objects, created to glorify colonial domination. Reactions of descendants of former colonisers to these traces suggest that colonial tropes are still present in their contemporary imaginary about the past. A comprehensive effort of decolonisation, therefore, needs to aim not only at including previously despised minorities, but also at raising majorities’ awareness about the aggressive side of leaving the permanence of material traces of colonialism unquestioned. Moreover, this awareness of implications of material traces could help to redesign European physical contexts to become more welcoming places for descendants of former colonised groups. Our research explores reactions of different generations of descendants of Italian colonisers when presented with an ephemeral trace of past violence—a candy still sold with a colonial wrapping. About 175 participants were presented with the image of the candy, either wrapped in its original colonial package or a neutral one. The image was followed either by a brief explanation of its colonial meaning or not. Reactions to such an apparently inconspicuous reminder of the Italian colonial crimes—still self-censored in the social representations of the Italian national past—proved to vary across experimental conditions and different ages of respondents. In particular, when questioning these ephemeral traces of adult participants show more intense group-based negative moral emotions. Relations between the generational renewal of former colonisers’ group and collective elaboration of intergroup violence are discussed., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Dans le cadre de cette thèse, nous proposons d’analyser les enjeux psychosociaux relatifs à la mobilisation de différents statuts moraux par les membres de minorités actives lors d’une demande de reconnaissance. Pour cela, nous avons étudié la façon dont les membres du groupe majoritaire réagissent aux différents statuts moraux mobilisés par la minorité et la façon dont les membres du groupe minoritaire mobilisent les statuts moraux. En effet, un certain nombre de recherches se sont intéressées aux conséquences positives de la reconnaissance d’un statut de victime, délaissant l’étude d’autres statuts moraux. La thèse a donc pour objectif d’investiguer l’impact de la mobilisation d’autres statuts, avec un accent principalement mis sur les statuts de victime (patient négatif) et de bienfaiteur (agent positif). La thèse est composée de quatre articles. Le premier article vise à investiguer la catégorisation morale de minorités par les membres du groupe majoritaire. Il présente trois études nous permettant d’établir un paysage national relatif aux minorités avec lesquelles les Belges sont amenés à interagir dans la vie de tous les jours mais aussi du passé.Le deuxième article nous amène à nous interroger quant aux conséquences de la reconnaissance du statut passé sur les attitudes intergroupes actuelles. Dans cet article, nous investiguons, au travers de deux études, l’impact de la mémoire collective coloniale sur les relations intergroupes qu’entretiennent les Belges et les Congolais de Belgique.Le troisième article vise à comprendre les différentes réactions du groupe majoritaire lorsqu’il reçoit une demande de reconnaissance sociale de la part d’un groupe minoritaire qui mobilise soit un statut d’agent positif, soit celui de patient négatif. Cet article est composé de trois études mettant en avant un certain nombre de coûts et bénéfices liés à chaque statut moral. Enfin, le quatrième article a pour objectif d’analyser, à travers une analyse thématique d’interviews, l, In this thesis, we propose to investigate the psychosocial issues related to the mobilization of different moral statuses by members of active minorities when seeking recognition. To this end, we have studied how members of the majority group react to the different moral statuses mobilized by the minority and how members of the minority group mobilize moral statuses. Indeed, a number of studies have focused in the past on the positive consequences of victim status recognition, leaving aside the study of other moral statuses. The thesis therefore aims to investigate the impact of the mobilization of other statuses, with a focus on victim (negative patient) and benefactor (positive agent) statuses.The thesis consists of four articles. The first article investigates the moral categorization of minorities by members of the majority group. It presents three studies that allow us to establish a national landscape of minorities with which Belgians interact in everyday life and in the past.The second article investigates the consequences of recognition of past status on current intergroup attitudes. In this article, we investigate, through two studies, the impact of colonial collective memory on intergroup relations between Belgians and Congolese people in Belgium.The third article aims to understand the different reactions of the majority group when it receives a request for social recognition from a minority group that mobilizes either a positive agent or a negative patient status. This article is composed of three studies highlighting a number of costs and benefits associated with each moral status.Finally, the fourth article aims to analyze, through a thematic analysis of interviews, how Afro-descendant activists in Belgium mobilize their own group's moral categorization and how they anticipate the responses of the majority in the context of collective mobilization. This article allows us to observe the multiplicity of moral statuses mobilized by members of this active, Doctorat en Sciences psychologiques et de l'éducation, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N = 1,909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees.

To understand recent anti-refugee protests in Europe, we examined how different levels of inclusiveness of group identities (national, European, and global) are related to intentions to protest among native Europeans. We focused on the mediating role of autochthony (a belief that the first inhabitants of a territory are more entitled) and the moderating role of threat. Survey data from 11 European countries (N=1909) showed that national identification was positively associated with autochthony, and therefore, with the intention to protest against refugees. In contrast, global identification was related to lower protest intentions via lower autochthony. These paths were found only among Europeans who perceived refugees as a threat. European identification was not related to the endorsement of autochthony or to collective action. These findings indicate why and when majority members are willing to participate in collective action against refugees, and underscore the importance of global identification in the acceptance of refugees., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

This contribution discusses the pragmatic effects of different rhetoric strategies conveying evidence of past ingroup violence after a long lasting social denial (Cohen, 2001). In particular, a case study is presented on the making of a civic discourse on controversial historical past: war crimes committed by the Italian Army during the colonial invasion of Ethiopia (1935-36). Although very well proved (Del Boca, 2005), these facts were only recently inserted in Italian history textbooks (Leone & Mastrovito, 2010; Cajani, 2013). In this same period, evidence of these crimes was officially presented during discussions of the Italian Parliament. In spite of these recent acknowledgments of the Italian responsibilities for these crimes, a social myth is still widely shared by the public opinion, representing Italians as good fellows (Italiani, brava gente: cfr. Del Boca, 2005), unable to be cruel both in everyday life and in wartimes (Volpato et al., 2012). This specific situation, denying even the reality of facts happened, has been defined literal social denial, i.e. the deepest among the three possible states of denial (literal, interpretive, implicative: cfr. Cohen, 2001). The issue of literal social denial of past ingroup violence is at the intersection among theories on narratives on national past (László, 2003), social representations of history (Liu et al., 2014), conflict ethos (Bar-Tal et al., 2012; Kelman, 2008), group-based emotions (Allpress et al., 2010; Leone, 2000) and intergroup reconciliation processes (Nadler et al., 2008). Namely, understanding how a social denial could break down implies the theorization of human mind’s reflexivity as grounded on historical awareness (Ortega y Gasset, 1930), and the notion of social change as primarily rooted in natality, i.e. the fact that each birth represents a new beginning (Arendt, 1958). Drawing on this theoretical background, we will present an ongoing research program (Leone, in press) on the literal social

I dati di questo studio, condotto nel tentativo di dare ragione degli effetti a medio e lungo termine dell’esposizione alla violenza in adolescenti che hanno vissuto un conflitto politico durante l’infanzia, sembrano confermare la centralità del fattore acquiring meaning e making meaning.. I dati esposti testimoniano che, almeno in questo campione, l’aver vissuto la guerra non ha avuto un effetto diretto sul benessere ma lo ha influenzato attraverso la variabile Sense of Coherence, indicatore del processo si resilienza ( Almedom, 2005). Il costrutto di Senso, nella duplice accezione di significato e direzione (Scabini, 2008) si configura nei nostri risultati più come processo che come contenuto. La capacità di attribuire senso a ciò che si vive (o si è vissuto) non sembra eliminare l’insorgenza di sintomi riconducibili al PTSD ma sembra affiancare a questi, come due facce della stessa medaglia, elementi di benessere che non neutralizzano i primi ma permettono di mantenere un equilibrio dinamico verso una crescita positiva. Il senso, o la costruzione del senso, è una competenza tipicamente umana e centrale per il benessere, perché risulta basilare per la capacità di coping e enachment dell’identità. (Vignoles, 2006). Nella ricerca qui esposta il livello individuale della variabile Sense of Coherence si connota come la chiave di volta del processo di resilienza, segno che, in fondo, anche il benessere in periodo post bellico è una conquista che si gioca a livello del singolo adolescente. Essendo però il soggetto parte di un sistema in interazione costante, la variabile individuale si apre ad essere influenzata da variabili contestuali. In particolare il contesto familiare kosovaro sembra esercitare la sua influenza attraverso due dinamiche di natura prettamente relazionale quali la percezione da parte dell’adolescente che la propria famiglia sia in grado di comprendere e gestire gli eventi e che sia possibile in essa e da essa trarre sostegno e condivisione

I dati di questo studio, condotto nel tentativo di dare ragione degli effetti a medio e lungo termine dell’esposizione alla violenza in adolescenti che hanno vissuto un conflitto politico durante l’infanzia, sembrano confermare la centralità del fattore acquiring meaning e making meaning.. I dati esposti testimoniano che, almeno in questo campione, l’aver vissuto la guerra non ha avuto un effetto diretto sul benessere ma lo ha influenzato attraverso la variabile Sense of Coherence, indicatore del processo si resilienza ( Almedom, 2005). Il costrutto di Senso, nella duplice accezione di significato e direzione (Scabini, 2008) si configura nei nostri risultati più come processo che come contenuto. La capacità di attribuire senso a ciò che si vive (o si è vissuto) non sembra eliminare l’insorgenza di sintomi riconducibili al PTSD ma sembra affiancare a questi, come due facce della stessa medaglia, elementi di benessere che non neutralizzano i primi ma permettono di mantenere un equilibrio dinamico verso una crescita positiva. Il senso, o la costruzione del senso, è una competenza tipicamente umana e centrale per il benessere, perché risulta basilare per la capacità di coping e enachment dell’identità. (Vignoles, 2006). Nella ricerca qui esposta il livello individuale della variabile Sense of Coherence si connota come la chiave di volta del processo di resilienza, segno che, in fondo, anche il benessere in periodo post bellico è una conquista che si gioca a livello del singolo adolescente. Essendo però il soggetto parte di un sistema in interazione costante, la variabile individuale si apre ad essere influenzata da variabili contestuali. In particolare il contesto familiare kosovaro sembra esercitare la sua influenza attraverso due dinamiche di natura prettamente relazionale quali la percezione da parte dell’adolescente che la propria famiglia sia in grado di comprendere e gestire gli eventi e che sia possibile in essa e da essa trarre sostegno e condivisione. A parità