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Autor analizira stavove slovenskih katoličko-narodnjačkih i liberalnih časopisa glede državnopravnih pitanja u razdoblju od Sarajevskoga atentata 1914. do zagrebačkoga sastanka u ožujku 1918. Katoličko-narodnjačka Slovenska pučka stranka početkom rata zauzela je snažan protusrpski stav. Dok je na vanjskopolitičkom planu dio stranke zazivao vojno kažnjavanje Srbije, na unutarnjem stranka unisono zastupa ideju hrvatsko-slovenske državne jedinice unutar Habsburške Monarhije. Slovenski su liberali na drugoj strani, unatoč osudi čina atentata, osuđivali protusrpske demonstracije te pritom naglašavali odgovornost austrougarske politike za eskalaciju rata. Uslijed širih makrogeopolitičkih događaja, prije svega povećanja vjerojatnosti Antantine pobjede, koja je povećavala strah pred implementacijom Londonskoga ugovora, te činjenice da su velikonjemački austrijski krugovi iskoristili rat protiv Srbije za širu protu(jugo)slavensku kampanju u kojoj se svaka emancipacijska težnja Slovenaca i Hrvata prikazivala kao protudržavni element, slovenski katolički narodnjaci mijenjaju strategiju. Nakon uviđanja da ni iskazivanje najsnažnijih proaustrijskih emocija te ulaganje iznimno velikih napora u predočavanje razlike između slovensko-hrvatske trijalističke vizije i velikosrpskoga koncepta neće uroditi plodom, slovenski su katolički narodnjaci krenuli putem okrupnjavanja vlastitoga političkog legitimiteta preko zauzimanja vodećih pozicija u zastupničkim tijelima austrougarskih Južnih Slavena. Budući da je za to bila potrebna i suradnja sa slovenskim liberalima te austrougarskim Srbima, taj je obrat implicirao i prihvaćanje širega južnoslavenskoga koncepta., The author analyzes the views of Slovenian Catholic populist and liberal magazines regarding Slovenian and South Slavic statehood issues in the period from the assassination in Sarajevo in 1914 to the meeting in Zagreb in March 1918. At the beginning of the war, the Slovenian People's Party (SLS) took a strong anti-Serbian position and even called for military intervention in Serbia. At the same time, the party unanimously advocated the idea of a Slovene-Croatian state unit within the Habsburg Monarchy as the key political goal. Slovenian liberals, on the other hand, despite condemning the act of assassination, criticized the anti-Serbian demonstrations and emphasized the responsibility of Austro-Hungarian policy for the escalation of the war. As a result of wider macro-geopolitical events, foremost the increased probability of the Entente's victory, which implied the possibility of the implementation of the London Pact, as well as the use by Great German circles in Austria of the war against Serbia for a wider anti-(South) Slavic campaign in which every Slovenian and/or Croatian emancipatory aspiration was portrayed as an anti-state element, Slovenian Catholic populists changed their political direction. After realizing that even expressing the strongest pro-Austrian emotions and investing very great efforts in presenting the difference between the Slovenian-Croatian trialist vision and the Greater Serbian concept would not bear fruit, the SLS decided to change its strategy and to consolidate its own political legitimacy by attaining leading positions in the representative bodies of the Austro-Hungarian South Slavs. Since this required collaboration with Slovenian liberals and Austro-Hungarian Serbs, it also implied the acceptance of a broader South Slavic concept.

Rad analizira ciljeve i taktike slovenskih političkih grupacija od Prvoprosinačkoga akta 1918. do izbora za Konstituantu u studenom 1920. Iako su na vanjskopolitičkom planu ciljevi slovenskih stranaka bili slični, a na unutarnjem su planu sve političke snage pretendirale na sudjelovanje u vlasti, proučavani period obilježili su brojni unutarstranački rascjepi. U Slovenskoj narodnoj stranci vladala je podjela na kritičare velikosrpske politike i oportuniste koji su pokušavali pripremiti poslijeizbornu koaliciju sa srpskim radikalima (Narodna radikalna stranka). Stranka je zahvaljujući ambiciji očuvanja kako statusa najjače slovenske političke opcije tako i koalicijskoga potencijala za participaciju u vlasti, što je nudilo bolju perspektivu za postizanje vanjskopolitičkih ciljeva, ipak uspjela sačuvati organizacijsku cjelovitost. Istovremeno su se slovenski liberali, koji su za razliku od većine konzervativaca iskreno raširenih ruku dočekali Kraljevinu Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, fragmentirali na više stranaka. Tome je doprinijelo očekivanje da će se na slovenskim područjima, uslijed uključivanja u južnoslavensku državu, povećati manevarski prostor za jugoslavensko-unitarističke političke snage, stoga je dio liberala krenuo u osvajanje rubnih segmenata biračkoga tijela koje je prije pripadalo konzervativcima. Prosječni slovenski birač, međutim, nije bio sklon unitarizmu te je najbolji izborni rezultat ostvarila liberalna opcija koja je u predizborno vrijeme naglašavala slovensku autonomiju. Relativno dobar rezultat postiže socijaldemokratski pol, unutar kojega također dolazi do rascjepa. Dok su se reformisti u kritikama usmjeravali direktno na slovensku političku konkurenciju, komunisti se odcjepljuju i odlučuju za radikalniji nastup prema Srbiji. Slovensku narodnu stranku kritiziraju tek implicitno, štoviše preuzimaju i dio njezina predratnoga programa i time bez većega izravnog sukoba ulaze upravo u njezino biračko tijelo., The paper investigates the objectives and strategies of Slovenian political groups during the period spanning from the December 1 Act of 1918 to the elections for the Constituent Assembly in November 1920. Despite shared external political goals among the Slovenian parties and their common ambition to participate in government on the domestic front, this period witnessed numerous internal divisions. Within the Slovenian National Party (Slovenska ljudska stranka – SLS), a rift emerged between critics of Greater Serbian policies and opportunists aiming for a post-election coalition with Serbian radicals (Narodna radikalna stranka). Despite the ambition of both preserving the status of the strongest Slovenian political option and using the coalition potential for government participation, which offered a better perspective for achieving foreign policy objectives, the party successfully preserved its organizational integrity. Simultaneously, the Slovenian liberals, who welcomed the Kingdom of SCS with enthusiasm unlike the majority of conservatives, experienced fragmentation into several parties. This was fuelled by the expectation that Slovenian inclusion in the South Slavic state would create more manoeuvring room in Slovenian territory for Yugoslav unitary political forces. Consequently, some liberals sought to capture the marginal segments of the electorate traditionally aligned with the conservatives. The average Slovenian voter, however, showed a reluctance towards unitarism, and the best electoral result was achieved by the liberal faction emphasizing Slovenian autonomy during the pre-election period. The social democratic pole achieved a relatively good result, even as it experienced internal division. Reformists directed their criticism at their Slovenian political competitors, while communists adopted a more radical approach towards Serbia. They criticized the SLS only implicitly and even absorbed segments of its pre-war program, penetrating its electorate wit

U članku se analizira razvoj jugoslavenskih vizija u Slovenaca u periodu od početka 1918. do 1. prosinca iste godine, kada je stvorena Kraljevina Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca (Kraljevina SHS). To je, naime, razdoblje u kojem se Slovenska pučka stranka (SLS) postupno odriče koncepta Svibanjske deklaracije i uključivanja slovenskih teritorija u južnoslavensku jedinicu unutar Habsburške Monarhije, a potom prihvaća i koncept sjedinjenja sa Srbijom. Unatoč naizgled kohezivnom djelovanju Slovenaca, posebice onim između dominantnih struja slovenskih konzervativaca i liberala, različite su polove slovenske političke scene ipak razdvajale značajne ideološke razlike, koje su se reflektirale i na temeljne geopolitičke parametre zamišljene države. Pored toga su i unutar pojedinih struja postojali pojedinci ili stranački disidenti koji su razvijali alternativne jugoslavenske vizije, a ovaj članak prikazuje dvije od njih, ideju Ivana Šusteršiča i viziju Dragotina Gustinčiča. Autor pritom identificira njihove razlike u odnosu prema zahtjevima iz Svibanjske deklaracije te na kraju prikazuje okolnosti koje su presudno utjecale na način slovenskog sudjelovanja u kreiranju Kraljevine SHS., The paper analyses the development of Yugoslav visions among the Slovenes in the period from the beginning of 1918 to December 1 of the same year, when the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (SCS) was established. This is a period in which the Slovenian People’s Party (SLS) gradually abandoned the concept of the May Declaration and the incorporation of Slovenian territories in the South Slavic unit inside the Habsburg Monarchy, and thereafter accepted the concept of unification with Serbia. Despite the apparent cohesiveness among Slovenes, especially between the dominant streams of Slovene conservatives and liberals, the different political poles were nevertheless separated by significant ideological differences, which were also reflected in the fundamental geopolitical parameters of the imagined Yugoslav state. Additionally, there were individuals and/or party dissidents who developed alternative visions. This article presents two of them, the idea of Ivan Šusteršič and the vision of Dragotin Gustinčič. The author identifies their differences in relation to the stipulations of the May Declaration and at the end describes the circumstances which had a decisive influence on Slovene participation in the creation of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes.

The perspectives of purism in the Croatian context The article explores the problem of purism and the criteria for identification of purist interventions that usually occur after changes of political systems. From a theoretical point of view, the article analyzes the definition of purism and discusses the dilemma regarding the existence of a neutral period from the aspect of purism. In that context, it tries to explain why some Croatian linguists denote only some parts of Croatian history as purist. In the first part, the author identifies the problem of the definition of purism and the methodological problems of its observation, while in the second part the article offers a brief comparative overview of perspectives on the need for intervention in the Croatian language in the period 1918 - 1990. The author argues that purism should be assessed according to the degree and methods of removing undesired words from usage, and concludes that partial historical analyses will always result in finding that a particular regime pursued the policy of purism. Therefore, future studies of purism should include elements of comparison and criteria for the evaluation of the policy aggressiveness and of the ideology behind it. Without the latter, linguistic debates on purism, although not intended to qualify certain political regimes, remain primarily indicators of their authors’ political preferences., The article explores the problem of purism and the criteria for identification of purist interventions that usually occur after changes of political systems. From a theoretical point of view, the article analyzes the definition of purism and discusses the dilemma regarding the existence of a neutral period from the aspect of purism. In that context, it tries to explain why some Croatian linguists denote only some parts of Croatian history as purist. In the first part, the author identifies the problem of the definition of purism and the methodological problems of its observation, while in the second part the article offers a brief comparative overview of perspectives on the need for intervention in the Croatian language in the period 1918 - 1990. The author argues that purism should be assessed according to the degree and methods of removing undesired words from usage, and concludes that partial historical analyses will always result in finding that a particular regime pursued the policy of purism. Therefore, future studies of purism should include elements of comparison and criteria for the evaluation of the policy aggressiveness and of the ideology behind it. Without the latter, linguistic debates on purism, although not intended to qualify certain political regimes, remain primarily indicators of their authors’ political preferences.

Cilj je članka predstaviti motive geopolitičkog uređenja Jugoistočne Europe s naglaskom na analizi odnosa između Jugoslavije i Bugarske potkraj Drugoga svjetskog rata. U tom su kontekstu najprije identificirani međuratni interesi četiriju uključenih strana: jugoslavensko i bugarsko komunističko vodstvo te politički predstavnici Sovjetskog Saveza i Ujedinjenoga Kraljevstva. U drugom dijelu autor opisuje razvoj ideje jugoslavensko-bugarskoga povezivanja nakon rata, najprije u razdoblju zbližavanja jugoslavenske i bugarske Komunističke partije, a zatim i u vrijeme raskola u Informbirou te dramatičnoga zaokreta u njihovim odnosima. Autor osim raznih makrogeopolitičkih vizija uočava i značajne razlike u motivima na mikrogeopolitičkoj razini. Suprotno od proklamirane ideje "južnoslavenskoga bratstva", Komunistička partija Jugoslavije ideju povezivanja s Bugarskom percipirala je prije svega kao sredstvo za manevriranje u odnosima s Britanijom i Sovjetskim Savezom, dok je Bugarska komunistička partija koncept (kon)federativnoga saveza s Jugoslavijom rabila višeslojno. U prvom je redu ta ideja predstavljala dio strategije rješavanja makedonskoga pitanja, no savez s Jugoslavijom bio je i sredstvo zaštite bugarskih teritorija u odnosima s Grčkom, pa onda i sredstvo jačanja unutarnjega položaja bugarskih komunista u procesu učvršćivanja poslijeratne vlasti., This article aims to present the motives of the geopolitical restructuring of South-East Europe at the end of World War II with an emphasis on relations between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria. In this context, the author first identifies the interwar interests of four involved parties, namely: the Yugoslav and Bulgarian communist leaderships, and the political representatives of the Soviet Union and the United Kingdom. In the second part, the author describes the development of the idea of Yugoslav-Bulgarian integration after the War, first during the period of rapprochement between two communist parties, and then in the period of the Cominform crisis and the dramatic turnaround in their relations. Besides different macro- -geopolitical visions, the author also identifies significant differences in motives at the micro-geopolitical level. Contrary to the proclaimed idea of the 'South Slavic Brotherhood', the Communist Party of Yugoslavia perceived the idea foremost as a maneuvering tool in its relations with the UK and the Soviets, while the Bulgarian Communist Party used the (con)federal idea for pursuing multi-layered interests. It was primarily a part of the strategy for resolving the Macedonian question, but the alliance with Yugoslavia was also a tool for protecting Bulgarian territories in the relations with Greece, and consequently leverage for strengthening the internal position of Bulgarian communists in the post-war consolidation process.

Istraživanje percepcije znanja i korisnosti hrvatskoga jezika među slovenskim studentima na području ekonomije i poslovanja provedeno je s ciljem dobivanja relevantnih informacija na temelju kojih bi se mogla donijeti odluka o uvođenju izbornog predmeta Hrvatski jezik za ekonomiju i poslovanje u slovenski sveučilišni sustav. Rezultati pokazuju da hrvatski jezik kod proučavane populacije u kontekstu 21 stranog jezika zauzima drugo mjesto prema prosječnoj razini znanja i treće mjesto prema percepciji korisnosti ovladavanja jezikom. Kod proučavane studentske populacije ujedno postoji i razmjerno velik interes za učenje hrvatskog jezika, koji je kod te mlađe slovenske populacije jasno identificiran kao zaseban jezik., The research of the perception of knowledge and usefulness of the Croatian language among Slovenian students in the field of economics and business was conducted with the aim of obtaining relevant information on the basis of which a decision could be made on introducing the elective course “Croatian language for economics and business” in the Slovenian higher education system. The results show that the Croatian language in the studied population takes second place (among 21 foreign languages) according to knowledge and third place according to the perception of the usefulness of language acquisition. At the same time, there is a relatively high interest among the Slovenian student population in the field of economics and business in learning the Croatian language. The results also indicate a changed attitude towards the Croatian language in Slovenian society, and that younger Slovenians make a clear distinction between the Croatian and other South Slavic languages.

This article aims to disclose the role of strategic factors in the context of a sport club performance. We used 73 basketball clubs from four countries and tested the relationships between four segments of variables (grouped into: a) environmental factors’ set, b) strategic factors’ set, c) human resource management (HRM) factors’ set, and d) behavioral factors’ set) and two different aspects of organizational performance: 1) top-sport-financial and 2) recreational-non-financial performance. The conduction of multiple regression analyses resulted with disclosure of significant direct effect of the strategic factor on both aspects of the sport clubs performance. The results offer explanation how the strategic planning enhances the performance. Better results are achieved by the clubs that pursue specific organizational goals linked to only one aspect of performance. While the theoretical contribution reflects through the evaluation of the importance of different sets of organizational performance factors, from the practical perspective tis study discloses complementary organizational objectives and those organizational aims which are, from an aspect of sport club performance, in contradiction with each other.