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Archives, libraries, and cultural information institutions influence and contextualize our cultural knowledge. Embedded in these practices are white supremacist, colonial legacies that have excluded crucial cultural knowledges and contexts, particularly for BIPOC and LGBTQ+ communities. While momentum is building to create space for other knowledge frameworks, the scholarship broadly has yet to address how archival professionals and students are taught about these concepts, particularly in relation to archival description. Through a critical discourse analysis, we identify the ways in which white supremacist heteronormative practices are upheld within archival description education and training. To highlight interventions, we look at the ways in which scholars are already engaging with alternative or disruptive practices. By applying these approaches more intentionally within these frameworks allows for a more robust and critical archival practice that provides the ability to support the diverse user needs of these communities to create and perpetuate reparative justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the representation of Gypsy/Travellers in Scottish museums using a decolonial perspective. Focusing on a case study of Jamie Macpherson's fiddle and its re-interpretation at the Clan Macpherson Museum in 2021, this article explores the value of using decolonial ideas to frame and interpret Scottish Gypsy/Traveller experience. It argues that, both historically and in the present, Scottish Gypsy/Travellers have been subject to racism and discrimination that are the product of colonialism and its continuing legacies. This theoretical framework of coloniality informed a collaborative project to re-interpret Jamie Macpherson's fiddle at the Clan Macpherson Museum, where the authors worked with activists and members of the Gypsy/Traveller community. The focal point of this re-interpretation was a piece of creative writing by Maggie McPhee, a Scottish Traveller, whose 'Heartbreak Through Her Eyes' re-imagined the story of Jamie Macpherson – hanged at Banff in 1700 for being an 'Egiptian' (Gypsy) – from the perspective of his mother. Centering the experience of both women and Gypsy/Travellers, Maggie McPhee's story demonstrated different ways of knowing the past. Drawing on recent feminist work in South America on the epistemologies of the South, we argue that storytelling such as Maggie's can become an act of decolonial resistance – a form of 'poetic knowledge' that can be an important part of broader efforts to decolonise museums. The enduring coloniality of anti-Gypsy/Traveller racism is challenged by the powerful and beautiful words of Maggie McPhee, centring the Gypsy/Traveller voice in ways that change our understanding of the past and fight racism in the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the second half of the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century, the Indian Ocean became a theatre of the global war waged by European imperial states. This article compares how three colonial powers, in French, Danish, and British colonial territories, dealt with interconnected political threats, in a region where the limits of imperial sovereignty and jurisdictions were often blurred and frequently renegotiated. Rather than a formally sanctioned doctrine and legal category, deportation should be understood as a crude tool for solving a variety of problems. Although the forced removal of criminals, religious minorities or political opponents was not a new instrument to the late eighteenth century, it is often ignored that political deportation was also a widely used legal practice in the Indian Ocean during the 'age of revolutions'. In this region, deportation was used by imperial centres to get rid of political enemies, but also by regional authorities, without referring to metropolitan orders. It was usually not a judicial punishment, but an administrative measure justified in the name of political necessity. This article focuses on three small colonial enclaves, French Reunion, Danish Tranquebar, and British Pondicherry, where a siege mentality and fear of political sedition were omnipresent in this period. Contemporaries believed, with some justifications, that a single conspiracy linked these three colonial theatres, involving the same set of protagonists, who redeployed their projects as they were removed from one place to the next. But in these three sites and societies, deportation raises different issues. Dumping radicals on a foreign shore might have been a short-term fix, but it rarely solved problems in the long term: deportees often returned after some time, which was a direct consequence of the colonial authorities' reluctance to take irreparable decisions, and of the entanglement of empires and polities in the Indian Ocean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In colonial Uruguay black slaves could supervise the work of white creoles and even hold the power to have their wages docked. To most historians this might seem puzzling and almost fictional in the context of the colonial Americas. This article makes sense of the puzzle by examining interactions between the economy and the environment on the Río de la Plata frontier. It argues that the natural world (soils, topography, climate, crops and animals) contributes to explain why this labour system existed, and also why it was efficient, contrary to the historiographical commonplace that enslaved workers would be unable to oversee free labourers effectively. Looking at the experience of both women and men through the lens of gender uncovers the parallels between the authority of these enslaved foremen over free male workers on the open range and their domestic authority over free women, whom they could marry. Their stories invite historians of other places and periods to foreground the environment in the set of structures that can either limit workers' autonomy or give them strength. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers the possibility of what I would call conjunctural translation. While literal translation has accelerated cultural ethnocentrism as well as settler colonial violence, conjunctural translation seeks to glimpse the possibility of solidarity buried beneath the collaborative rule among the empires. This essay first retraces colonial modernity in the British Caribbean and Britain. Reading the selected chapters from Familiar Stranger, I propose that this memoir registers the three phases of colonial modernity: transatlantic slavery, migration to metropolis, and the prison-house of identity politics. In contrast to this, literal translation was at the core of cultural ethnocentrism that underpinned colonial modernity in Korea and Japan. The second part of this essay explicates the relationship between colonialism and modernity in East Asia that is punctuated by the following three phases: settler colonialism, migration to metropolises, and the curtailment of identity and citizenship. In this case, each phase appeared as deprivation of land, migration to Japan and the crises of security, and the loss of nationality during the Cold War era. The last part of the essay concerns unpredictable connections between colonial modernities. Though separately formed in the transatlantic and transpacific regions, these modernities create crosscurrents of thought, struggles, defeats and victories: conjunctures. Published in the early 1950s, the writings of Martin Carter and C. L. R. James differently refer to the Korean War. By comparing their work, this essay concludes that the future of solidarity comes from 'the ability to be exposed'. As Hall unexpectedly encountered the Caribbean migrants in London in the key moments of his memoir, such conjunctural translation was undertaken by the Caribbean intellectuals of the 1950s. To expose oneself to these unexpected encounters is the very momentum that urges us to be vigilant to the dangers of literal translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the debate on coloniality (Quijano 2000a, b) by analysing the case of Libya, an Italian colony from 1911 to 1943. It demonstrates how the triple form of domination – ontological, epistemological and political-military-administrative – to which Libya was subjected during Italian colonisation, has survived its end and persists to this day in the relations between Libya and the Western world. From an ontological perspective, the Italians developed a racist representation of the Libyans, which was both the cause and the consequence of a conscious disregard of its specificities. Today, domination endures in the label attributed to Libya as a 'failed state', along with a general disinterest in the complexity of its history and society. From an epistemological perspective, the production of knowledge about Libya was dominated by Western scholars. This led to a Western perspective in which the agency of the Libyans was often neglected and to the spread of analytical and conceptual frameworks that serve the imperialistic claims of Western powers. Some of these colonialist analytical frameworks still exist in academia today. From a political-military-administrative perspective, the tendency of the Italians to exacerbate internal divisions while simultaneously imposing an inefficient model of a unified state remains relevant. This article makes two contributions: it is a case study and a theoretical one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing essentially on David Spurr's The Rhetoric of Empire (1993), this article discusses the discursive mechanisms that accompany the practice of torture as described in Henri Alleg's La Question (1958). Examining the relation between these mechanisms and the broader discourses of colonialism and subjection, it shows that the inscription of colonial power on the injured and dehumanised body of the tortured is paralleled by the verbal denigration of these victims, reduced to a state of infantilism or, worse, animality, through verbal reflexes such as animalistic adjectives and tutoiement – a form of speech which consists in the use of the singular form of the second person (you) and which is usually reserved for children and those deemed not worthy of respect. More importantly, it argues that, rejecting both the victim status and the dehumanisation to which his jailers attempt to reduce him, Alleg shapes his own empowering rhetorical strategies, in turn debasing the torturers, ridiculing them, or mocking the colonial myths of chivalry and racial superiority. Instead of the latter, Alleg proposes a discourse of humanism and interracial brotherhood that conquers the violence he endures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research is a qualitative analysis of the names that were given to residential places in Zvishavane during the colonial period. It seeks to examine the politics of naming through an analysis of toponyms of Shabbanie Mashava Mines residential areas in a bid to unmask European Hegemony. The research is inspired by nommo, a tenet of Afrocentricity through the use of discourse analysis and semi-structured interviews with the elderly members of Zvishavane community who were mine employees during the colonial period, the research recognises that colonial residential place names of the then Shabbanie mines show the dichotomies that existed between the white population and the black population. The names were meant to communicate colonial ideologies which were meant to place the African race at the periphery and the European race at the centre. The environment that produced toponyms around Zvishavane town reveals an insatiable appetite for the valorisation of European memory and privileges. The study concludes that naming is not a haphazard endeavor, but rather, a weapon that was used in the colonial period to lampoon and castigate the Black race. Through names, the paper exposes the nature of relations that existed between Blacks and Whites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) relocation program starting in 1952, the United States sought to terminate federal trust restrictions for American Indians and while relocating reservation and rural-residing Indigenous people to cities to be assimilated into the American "mainstream." I analyze the BIA's program as part of the specifically settler colonial structure of the U.S. state. Using primary and secondary sources, I ask what explains the BIA's shifting spatial strategies and imaginaries from the rise of the relocation program to its demise? The BIA's project derided reservations as fiscal burdens, depicted the postwar city as a place of "Indian freedom," engaged in gendered surveillance of Indigenous families, and negated Indigenous peoples' histories in U.S. cities. As the program ended, the BIA shifted rhetoric from assimilation to self-determination to maintain the settler colonial relation while paying lip service to critiques of the colonial tactics of relocation. These different moments of the relocation project articulated a type of dispossessory citizenship as a racial and empire state strategy of enacting and justifying settler colonialism. This work analyzes the settler colonial dimensions of the state and its technologies of violence and territory used when it presents itself as supposedly moving past its colonial past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Chinese Indonesians and native Indonesians (Pribumi) is marred by tensions and violence. The Dutch colonial legacies have positioned Chinese Indonesians as perpetual outsiders, making them constantly question their roles and identity in the process of Indonesian nation-building. Despite their centuries-old presence and Indonesia's almost three decades of reform, prejudice towards Chinese Indonesians persists. This was reflected in the 2017 Indonesia National Survey Project, suggesting native Indonesians still perceive their Chinese Indonesian counterparts as an economically privileged group, greedy, selfish, and exclusive. Using integrated threat theory, this study explores the link between the perception of threats and prejudice towards Chinese Indonesians. Using multiple regression analysis, this study found stereotypes, realistic threats, history of intergroup conflicts, and age are strong predictors of prejudice towards the ethnic Chinese in Indonesia. Theoretical, methodological, and practical implications for integrated threat and prejudice are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between humanity and the soil is an increasingly important topic in social theory. However, conceptualisations of the soil developed by anticolonial thinkers at the high point of the movement for self-determination between the 1940s and the 1970s have remained largely ignored. This is a shame, not least because theorists like Eric Williams, Walter Rodney, Suzanne Césaire and Amílcar Cabral were concerned with the soil. Building on recent work on human-soil relations and decolonial ecology, we argue that these four thinkers conceptualised the connection between soil, empire, and anticolonial revolt. Williams and Rodney ground understanding of soil degradation in global relations of economic power, while Césaire and Cabral reconceptualise postcolonial nationhood in terms of the mutability and diversity of the soil. The article concludes by suggesting that these two anticolonial counterpoints, global connectivity and more-than-human identification, anticipate and deepen contemporary attempts to decolonise ecological thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study redirects attention from English-speaking African diaspora stand-up productions to French and German language expressions of purposively selected comedians with recent immigration history from Africa performing within mainland Europe. Through a socio-historical interrogation of specific colonial histories and joke themes, the paper comparatively explores the French language stage acts of Fary Lopez, Samia Orosemane (France) and Cécile Djunga (Belgium and France) and the German language works of Dave Davis (Germany), Charles Nguela (Switzerland), and Soso Mugiraneza (Austria). The aim is to show how the individuated colonial histories of the nations in which these comics reside and the chronicles of their relations with Africa(ns) and Black peoples feature in joke formulations and satiric jibes of the jokesters. Through these explorations, this essay studies how stand-up comedy's transformative power challenges societal norms and attitudes using the backdrop of the concurrently heterogeneous and dissimilar colonial histories of the African continent and its diasporas. Moreover, through its focus on non-English expressions, it presents the unique intersections of language, "race," ethnicity and colonial histories, as well as the geographic and linguistic spread of the African diaspora beyond European nations with direct colonial contact with the continent. Thus, the enquiry posits joke performances as platforms for cultural expression and critique as well as a site within which African peoples negotiate their presence in non-African environments. Plain language summary: Examination of African diaspora stand-up comedy in German and French The study explores African diaspora stand-up comedy performances outside the English-speaking areas of the West. It studies the acts of six comedians of African origin performing in Western Europe, with a view to showing how the co-opt the histories of marginalization and discrimination against Black peoples in commenting on present-day racializations going on in the world today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of colonialism on environmental disasters in the Caribbean, with a focus on the US Virgin Islands and St Vincent and the Grenadines. The authors argue that colonialism and slavery have influenced the environment and made Black and Indigenous communities more susceptible to disasters. In the US Virgin Islands, hurricanes have exposed the effects of colonialism and white supremacy, resulting in inadequate disaster response and unequal distribution of aid. In St Vincent, the eruption of the La Soufrière volcano highlighted the influence of colonialism on disaster response and the ongoing social inequalities stemming from the colonial past and political state. The authors emphasize that disasters expose and perpetuate layers of inequality in Caribbean islands, regardless of their political status. [Extracted from the article]

For W. E. B. Du Bois and Leslie Silko, ruins are sites of haunting pain and injustice as well as of liberatory hope and renovation. Reflecting on the image of the ruin in their writings against the backdrop of Romanticism, this article depicts two Romantic conceptions of ruins: the picturesque ruin and the Wordsworthian prophetic ruin. Against these contrasting employments of the ruin, the article discusses how Du Bois and Silko subvert the picturesque ruin and radically extend and transform the prophetic ruin. The article then claims that some ruins are so catastrophic, it is not much of an exaggeration to speak of a ruined planet due to such forces as white supremacy, settler colonialism, and climate change. The present article concludes by reflecting on the work of renovation—that is, rebuilding in the shadows of the ruin having learned from its lessons, history, and ghosts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines coloniality of research and discusses the theoretical foundations, ethical imperatives, and practical ways for conducting decolonial research for justice. It emphasises the need to shift away from research paradigms and approaches that perpetuate coloniality to a commitment to embracing the complexities and challenges of conducting decolonial research. The article contributes to the broader discourse on decolonising knowledge production. Drawing on the works of scholars addressing disobedient and defiant research, the article advocates for transformative decolonial praxis, suggesting the need to reimagine research and displace the hegemony and dominance of Western knowledge systems, which marginalise and delegitimise other epistemological traditions. Beyond critiquing coloniality embedded within research, the article proposes practical ways to inform anti-colonial, anti-racist and anti-oppressive research practice. It argues that decolonial research requires defiance and resistance against non-relational, hierarchical, and extractive practices, involving critical examination of assumptions and values, centring non-Western voices and perspectives, dismantling coloniality and working towards social and epistemic justice in solidarity with Indigenous and other historically marginalised and oppressed groups. It calls researchers to integrate decolonial principles and frameworks into their research practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the purpose and development of the journal Ethnic & Racial Studies. The journal was created to provide a dedicated space for publishing discussions about key books and articles in the field of race and ethnic studies. The current issue includes papers on topics such as the changing meanings of race and conviviality, the use of graffiti and murals as a form of resistance in Palestine, and fan racism in sports. The issue also features two book symposia, one on Michèle Lamont's book "Seeing Others" and another on Ali Meghji's book "A Critical Synergy." The journal aims to continue publishing research papers, book symposia, and book reviews in future volumes. [Extracted from the article]

In this article, I propose uncanniness as a defining characteristic of return as I explore the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, where return has starkly ethno-nationalistic connotations. For Palestinians, return is associated with the liberation of Palestine, while for Israelis, it is part of Zionist foundational narratives. By explicating academic research and biographical literature, I consider how the concept of uncanny can further our understanding of what it means to return in this context, and beyond. Uncanniness brings attention to feelings of disorientation, strangeness, and not-at-homeness, and by approaching return as uncanny, I suggest, it is possible to tap into the volatility of "being-at-home" and thus unsettle exclusive and essentialist notions of belonging that define settler colonialism. Consequently, the article offers a way to consider return in a manner that gets from nostalgia to a new beginning and, in the settler colonial context of Palestine/Israel, from settler anxiety to decolonization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Underpinned by Romantic wilderness ideals and American settler colonialism, recurring themes of "conquest culture" in outdoor adventure--social privilege, individualism, and exploitation--are carried out on social media. This study explores how an emerging topic, microadventures, may reinforce or resist these dominant discourses in outdoor adventure. Facebook and Instagram posts tagged "#microadventure" were collected and analyzed using a qualitative critical social media content analysis informed by Hall's (1973) Theory of Encoding and Decoding. We found that half of the posts reinforced conquest culture, while the other half resisted. The discussion of our findings, framed as a critique of neoliberalism, seeks to interrogate, from a U.S. perspective, how conquest culture is perpetuated by representations of adventure across the global social media landscape. Our findings suggest the need to deconstruct market-driven, colonial tendencies in outdoor social media by (1) confronting dominant conquest discourses and (2) (re)constructing neoliberal tendencies in the outdoor field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical interest in the ideologies behind the 'first' British empire have tended, for very understandable reasons, to look towards the colonies of the eastern seaboard of North America and the Caribbean. By contrast, this study of the imperial vision held by the English philosopher and politician Francis Bacon (1561–1626) emphasises a different geography of empire. In an investigation of what Bacon took to be the implications of the union of the kingdoms of England and Scotland in the person of King James VI & I, and in the pacification of Ireland following the conclusion of the Nine Years' War in 1603 and the Flight of Earls in 1607, it argues that Bacon's own imperial ambitions were ultimately directed towards the annexation of the Low Countries and the founding of a new British imperium in western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on William E.B. Sherman's book "Singing with the Mountains", which explores epistemological clashes in nineteenth-century Afghan history through the lens of colonial figures like United Kingdom former President Winston Churchill. Topics include the struggle between rigid knowledge systems and anarchic worldviews; the role of language in shaping colonial interactions; and the ways Churchill's own narratives inadvertently draw him into Afghan epistemic frameworks.

After the rise of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in 2014 and the fight of both Iraqi Kurdish Peshmerga forces as well as the Syrian Kurdish forces of the People's Protection Units (YPG, Yekîneyên Parastina Gel) and the Women's Protection Units (YPJ, Yekîneyên Parastina Jin) against them, Western journalists tried to gather information quickly. Locals were happy to share as much as possible, as ISIS was a great danger. As an often forgotten population under permanent occupation seeking visibility, the Kurds allow Westerners unparalleled access to the field and provide unpaid or underpaid labor, hoping that the world will see their struggle. This deepened the disparity between Kurdish journalists, academics, and writers and their Western counterparts. Using postcolonial theory on the mindset of colonialized peoples, this article shows how the fear of being forgotten, the material disparity between colonizers and colonized, and the coloniality of local political actors are obstacles for Kurdish professionals. Looking at a focus‐group discussion and two interviews with Kurdish journalists, fixers, and translators from Iraq and Syria, the comparison shows that both autonomous regions are projects that sought to end decades of occupation and now face challenges that show similarities and differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the overlooked dimension of Ottoman colonialism through an analysis of resource extraction in the Keban and Ergani mines during the early modern era. Situated in the Kurdistan province, these mines played a pivotal role in furnishing essential minerals for the Ottoman state's fiscal and military exigencies. Departing from conventional narratives, which often emphasize discursive practices or focus solely on settler colonialism, the study adopts an extractive colonialism framework to reveal the intricate relationship between imperialism, resource exploitation, and i ndigenous resistance. Ultimately, it contributes to the burgeoning literature on the coloniality of Kurdistan by providing empirical evidence of economic exploitation, environmental degradation, and the erosion of local autonomy in the face of heightened state centralization, control, and economic expansion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian complicity in colonialism and the need for truth telling and reconciliation with Indigenous peoples have been a central focus of academic theological research shared at the Canadian Theological Society in recent years. Many Canadian churches have offered official apologies and made formal commitments to right relations with Indigenous peoples. This paper considers the experience of "people in the pews." Taking a diffuse visual art installation of white ceramic feathers as a starting point, it traces the contours of how local congregations in the Anglican Diocese of Ottawa are engaged with truth and reconciliation intellectually, emotionally, and actively. It names the need to bridge the gaps between academic theology and lived theology, and official church statements and everyday practices in congregations. It invites academic theologians to consider the questions: To whom are we listening? Who is listening to us? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Far beyond the contributions of African and western thought on the right to freedom of expression, there are now normative developments under international human rights law on how states can protect online expression. However, these developments are not applied in African countries. A reason for this is the extant provisions in various laws that threaten online expression. This article applies postcolonial legal theory to understand why and how these provisions threaten online expression in African countries. It identifies relevant thoughts on the right to freedom of expression, normative developments on the right and a new form of digital colonialism in Africa. It concludes that for African states and other actors to combat this new form of digital colonialism head-on, they must carry out targeted legal reform that repeals and amends these provisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper addresses two calls emerging out of Sociological theory—against methodological nationalism and methodological whiteness—in relation to the study of nations, nation‐states and nationalisms. Building on Meghji's synergy of decolonial and race critical theory, I propose a historicized and globalized analysis of nationalisms and the nation‐state which can respond to these calls whilst also being attentive to the nation‐state and nationalism as sites of violence. I insist upon the importance of understanding 'race' and coloniality as foundational aspects to the emergence and functioning of nationalisms and nation‐states. I do so based on the empirical case of the nation‐state Romania and Romanian nationalism, what I call a 'colonial gray zone'. I argue: (1) that modern colonialism and imperialism shaped the emergence of nation‐states and that, as a result, coloniality shapes the functioning of nation‐states and nationalisms; (2) that modern/colonial 'race' is central to the emergence and operation of nation‐states and nationalisms. Ultimately, I urge those concerned with the study of nations, nation‐states and nationalisms to shift their analytical tools towards coloniality and racism, and the scholarship and struggles against them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author index from the journal "Technology & Culture" for Volume 65 (2024) offers a comprehensive list of authors, titles, and reviewers of books and articles on diverse topics such as media, cultural history, and scientific agriculture. The reviews provide insights into global perspectives on technology and culture, covering subjects like gendered labor, global health, energy transition, and regional histories of technology. Each review offers a critical analysis of the content, contributing to a deeper understanding of the complex relationships between technology, society, and culture. [Extracted from the article]

Paul Beatty, as a representative writer of contemporary African American literature, pays close attention to the living space of African Americans, and their inheritance of their own history and culture in his Booker-Prize-winning novel The Sellout. Based on Henri Lefebvre's spatial triad, this article analyzes how characters draw inspiration from their historical and cultural legacy, compete for their living space, remedy spatial injustice, and obtain their right of habitation in an erased black ghetto of Los Angeles, i.e., Dickens, with an attempt to elucidate the essence of their spatial practices of reinstituting slavery and segregation. It argues that beneath the surface of spatial change lies the pain caused by colonialism, the constraints of existing policies and the struggle of African Americans. Dickens, a seemingly marginal space, is, in effect, a representation of the negligible existence of Black people in America as well as a basis of their identity. By delving deep into the characters' peculiar spatial practices that deconstruct state-level structural racism, this article demonstrates that Beatty criticizes the history of racial discrimination against Black people, expresses his concerns on the possible vulnerability of contemporary African Americans, and provides a new insight into their survival strategy in the so-called post-racial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the current global landscape, characterized by religious fervour, social and political unrest, economic instability, and environmental challenges, spiritual leaders stand as pivotal agents of change. Their role is especially crucial in contexts marred by ingrained injustices and persistent conflicts, such as the Palestinian–Israeli settler colonial context—a reality I have been intimately involved with over three decades of reconciliation work. This paper contextualizes scholarship on spiritual leadership within the Palestinian–Israeli context by integrating it with settler colonial theory. By applying insights about spiritual leadership to this context, three key traits of spiritual leaders—(1) spiritual authority, (2) discernment, and (3) the ethical use of power—are identified as essential for envisioning an alternative future. By embodying these traits, spiritual leaders can effectively guide their communities through the multifaceted realities, advocating a transformative approach to leadership and interreligious work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sense of place has become relevant in Latin America in recent decades. Although many scholars have looked at people‐place relationships there, language barriers have limited the international exposure of these studies. By assembling a collection of works mainly published in Spanish and Portuguese, we trace the fields of research where the concept has taken root and reflect upon the regional characteristics of sense of place. Overall, this review provides empirical insights into the human experience of place in a culturally diverse region marked by historical injustices, inequalities, and instability. These structures have created specific, often ambivalent senses of place, organized around resistance and adaptation. A more nuanced understanding of sense of place, which emphasizes the richness and complexities of people‐place connections, will help avoid oversimplification and idealization in future theories. To frame our analysis, we investigate sense of place from the perspective of humanistic geography. Overlapping with other non‐representational inquiries, the humanistic lens focuses on human‐environment relationships—encompassing experiences, behaviors, ideas, and feelings—to deepen our understanding of the intricate and multifaceted human condition and the essential role of place in human life. Our review shows that sense of place has proven helpful in shedding light on critical Latin American socio‐spatial phenomena such as mobilities, territorialities, and fear. Regionally, researchers center on marginalized and oppressed senses of place framed by longstanding structural inequalities stemming from a colonial legacy, capitalism, and neoliberalism. We highlight "geographies of terror," "diabolic places," and "necroplaces" as powerful categories that address the grim reality in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses an inclusive research program where colleagues and co-researchers (with intellectual disability) guide and inform future research practice to ensure research is targeted to areas of significance and relevance to them. The research program is about sites of former disability institutions. Many people with intellectual disability in Australia were segregated and forced to live in disability institutions until deinstitutionalisation efforts became mainstream in the late 20th Century. We are a team of four people based in New South Wales, Australia. Our team includes disability advocates and researchers who have contributed to a program of research exploring connections between sites of former disability institutions and contemporary disability rights. In this article, we reflect on conversations about our research undertaken so far and where the research goes from here. We explore five pillars of action informing how research relating to disability institutions can progress: 1. Current use: research exploring erasure of experiences of institutionalisation communicated through educational resources and maps about current use of sites of former disability institutions; 2. Reparative planning processes: research developing frameworks for alternative approaches to planning and heritage processes supporting alternative uses of former sites of disability institutions; 3. Official recognition and redress: research exploring perspectives on governments formally recognising and remedying experiences of people with disability who were institutionalised; 4. Community-led repair and remembrance: research identifying practices for both celebrating advocates with disability and reckoning with and repairing familial and social bonds broken through institutionalisation; 5. Community-inclusive practices: research exploring endurance of institutional practices in disability accommodation in community settings. These five pillars are underpinned by three foundational layers: advancing disability human rights; reckoning with intersections between disability institutions and settler colonialism, other dynamics of oppression, and eugenics; and using inclusive practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak famously thematised the question 'can the subaltern speak?' through the dual meanings of 'representation,' as both depiction and political proxy. This paper draws on Spivak's analysis to question the capacity of the settler-colonial Australian imagination to represent (or recognise) the sovereignty of Aboriginal peoples – and especially of children, as infants (in-fans, literally speechless). The former sense of representation (depiction) bears implications for the second, as Indigenous sovereignty is displaced by settler representations of indigeneity – and particularly of Indigenous 'childhood' and 'children' as neglected 'piccaninnies,' without parentage or inheritance. Such portrayals, in this light, may even be read as continuous with colonial logics of elimination, as strategies to sever the connection to land that undergirds Indigenous conceptions of sovereignty and to thwart Indigenous futures. The article interrogates settler colonial investments in representing Aboriginal childhood in the context of recent public discourse about the constitutional recognition of First Peoples, and a political imperative to re-present the Australian 'nation' as post- (rather than currently) colonial. The questions that animate this inquiry include: what, if anything, can a settler-Australian politics of recognition offer First Peoples? Is it possible to represent (or recognise) Blak sovereignty through modifications to the settler constitution? And how does the settler image repertoire of Aboriginal children speak to this possibility? If that fabricated 'Aboriginal child' could speak, what would this ultimate 'subaltern' say? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "After rights? Politics, ethics, aesthetics: an introduction" published in the International Journal of Human Rights explores the complexities of human rights in the aftermath of disposability and abandonment. The authors and contributors critically examine the limitations of liberal rights frameworks and question the effectiveness of human rights in addressing issues of abandonment, precarity, and debility. Through interdisciplinary perspectives, the article delves into the implications of thinking 'after rights' and calls for a radical reimagining of human rights beyond traditional frameworks. The contributors highlight the need to reconfigure the understanding of rights, engage in reparative practices, and envision alternative futures that go 'after rights' while acknowledging the ongoing struggles and complexities of the present. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on the concept of refusal, particularly as it has been developed within critical Black studies and critical Indigenous studies within anthropology and beyond. It argues that while both Foucauldian and Gramscian frames have generated often exquisite analyses of the animations and counter-animations of power, they have not, in a general sense, sufficiently attended to the foundational processes that charted the possibilities of modern personhood and political life not only in the West but globally. Nor did they tend to acknowledge the genealogies of Black and Indigenous radical thought that were informing approaches to political life within these communities, locally and transnationally. I contend that any significant reformulation of the discipline of anthropology must deliberate anew about the logics and mechanisms of political struggle in a way that recognizes and foregrounds—in nuanced and dynamic ways—the ongoing coloniality and racism that constitute the afterlives (and still lives) of conquest. Refusal provides inroads to this project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relevance of the journal Lotus: Afro-Asian Writings, a trilingual (Arabic, English, French) quarterly published by the Afro-Asian Writers Association from 1968 to 1991, for the development of critical and anticolonial pedagogies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This teaching tool is based on Savera (Dawn), a left-wing literary periodical published quarterly on the Indian subcontinent from 1946 onward under the leadership of the Progressive Writers' Movement. The tool foregrounds the genealogy of "critical realism," a revolutionary form of Urdu realism that perpetuated the movement's aim of bringing about social transformation in a former colony by critiquing India's indigenous conceptions of class, gender, nationalism, language, and religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document contains summaries of four different texts. The first text, "Bibliographical Records," discusses Lauren Benton's book on imperial violence and its impact on the development of international law. The second text, "Habsburger und Osmanen," explores the bilateral history between the Habsburg Empire and the Ottoman Empire. The third text, "Hitler's Personal Prisoner," is a biography of Martin Niemöller and his opposition to the Nazi regime. The fourth text, "England and the Thirty Years' War," examines English involvement in the war and the extent of their participation. The book "Uniformzwang" by Michael Hochedlinger explores the "militarization" of dynastic representation and family portraits in the Habsburg Monarchy from 1750 to 1815. The book provides a detailed analysis of the effects of this militarization on courtly portraiture and the history of uniforms in the Austrian army. Manfred Görtemaker's biography of Rudolf Hess provides a comprehensive account of his life and explores his motivations and role within the Nazi Party. The book "Fascists, Fabricators and Fantasists: Anti-Semitism in South Africa from 1948 to the Present" objectively analyzes anti-Semitism in South Africa during and after the Apartheid era, exploring its roots and decline over time. It also delves into contemporary issues such as anti-Zionism and the conflict between Israel and Palestine in the context of South African politics [Extracted from the article]

Apartheid has become an increasingly important framework for understanding and challenging Israeli rule in Palestine. The Apartheid Convention states apartheid is a crime against humanity. We contend what is missing from this definition of apartheid is an economic and ontological link. Although the current legal definition focuses solely on the political regime, it does not provide a strong basis for critiquing the economic aspects of a settler colonial state embedded in apartheid. To address this concern, we propose a more comprehensive definition of apartheid which grew out of the struggle in South Africa during the 1970s that gained support among revolutionaries due to the limits of decolonisation in South Africa after 1994 — highlighting the reality(ies) that apartheid is intimately connected to capitalism. This conceptualisation was termed racial capitalism. This article argues that racial capitalism provides a more thorough understanding of the destructive dynamics of the Israeli settler colonial project, one that insists that the struggle against Israeli domination must confront both the apartheid state and the racial capitalist system if Palestinians ever hope to achieve liberation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article theorises the relationship between empire and Israeli settler colonialism through the interplay between violence and capital accumulation in colonial racial capitalism. It argues that Israel's genocidal violences of land theft is the means and grounds for Israeli and US imperial capital accumulation. This can be observed in the genocidal operation in the Gaza Strip. The first section contextualizes the genocide in the Gaza Strip within a larger structure of genocide. The section highlights the centrality of the conquest of land in the Zionist settler colonial project and how that appealed to the British empire in the early parts of the twentieth century. The second section examines why the US empire has actively participated in the genocide. States in the US imperial bloc essentially reduce the whole question of Palestine to a simple equation where Palestinian liberation does not equate with their own economic interests, while Israeli settler colonialism does. Though there exists a tension between imperial and settler colonial interests around the question of what kind of violence is preferable for capital accumulation, the article concludes by arguing that a transformation of the logics and systems of colonial racial capitalism cannot arise without activism and pressure from below on states and capitalist structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the development of capitalism in Palestine under British colonialism and the Zionist settler colonial project. It examines first, Israel's internal and external capitalist dynamism, including its treatment of its non-European citizens, namely indigenous Palestinians, and non-Ashkenazi (Arab) Jewish settlers. Second, it explores the state's interdependent relationship with Western, especially US imperialism. The article argues that the British colonial state was crucial in enabling the Zionist project to materialize, leading to weakening the socio-economic fabric of the Palestinians in their own lands and homeland, creating a favourable condition for the Zionist project to gradually penetrate the land of Palestine and dispossess its population. As a European (Jewish) settler colonial movement, Zionism, founded on racism and racialization, aimed at establishing a new Jewish enclave separate and independent from the indigenous Palestinians. This separateness made it resemble apartheid South Africa, yet the historical specificity of Palestine, where the Zionist settlers did not just alienate, exclude and when needed, use and exploit the Palestinians, but also expelled the indigenous Palestinians and claim Palestine as a 'pure' Jewish state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking as a starting point the desire of many to locate the unfolding genocide in Gaza in the irrationality of its perpetrators — the Israeli state and/or its imperial backers — this article proposes instead to understand it as an extreme expression of the continuous violence necessary to maintain not only local settler colonial rule, but the global capitalist system as a whole. Building on the existing literature on settler colonialism and racial capitalism, and insisting on the ways that both should be understood not as discrete, self-contained objects of study, but as co-constitutive elements of the global order, this article attempts to illuminate the structural logics at play in Israel's latest and most brutal assault on Palestinian life. In doing so, the article emphasises Zionism's role in maintaining western imperialism at a crucial nodal point of the world economy and, in turn, the latter's commitment to guaranteeing its stability and dominance. The article resists, however, the urge to move from explaining current structures of domination to declaring them as final or unshakable. It therefore ends by proposing possible different tomorrows, through an engagement with the Palestinian revolutionary tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article situates racial capitalism as a historical-theoretical framework to generate new and alternative theory on the question of Palestine. It argues that the genocidal assault on Gaza must be understood as the clearest expression of the logic of racial capitalism and the terrain upon which we must generate theory and strategy able to dismantle Zionism, colonialism and Imperialism. Many of the critiques of Zionism deploy frameworks of apartheid, understood by radicals in South Africa as a social structure reproduced by racial capitalism. It was understood that such a system could only be effectively dismantled through a national liberation project which understood race, class, capital and Imperialism as a single contradiction which must be overthrown as a totality. Similarly, earlier theorists within the Palestinian anti-colonial struggle, such as Fayez Sayegh, understood Zionist settler colonialism as an outpost of Western Imperialism. By tracing the emergence of racial capitalism within the South African anti-apartheid struggle and the similarities between the white minority regime and Zionism, this article acts as a point of departure to drawing together histories of the Black radical tradition and the Palestinian struggle in crafting radical theory relevant for our present moment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contending with the structural erasure and appropriation of their land, culture, history, and traditions imposed by the settler state, Palestinians have adopted/adapted traditional cultural elements to further their nationalist aspirations and assert their rights as Palestine's Indigenous people. In the diaspora, Palestinians practice and perform the dabke folkdance, as a tool of anti-colonial memory maintenance and knowledge transfer. In this context, the dabke has been (re)shaped to keep up with the invasive nature of settler colonialism, by evolving to protect indigeneity, resist imagined settler geographies, and represent an embodied landmark of Palestinian existence and history. In this paper, we examine the digital platforms of a diasporic dabke dance academy in Ontario, Canada, highlighting the innovations of using social media to broadcast the teachings and performance of dabke while promoting Palestinian cultural continuity against settler colonialism. We employ the theoretical framework of sumud, a specifically Palestinian mode of steadfast anti-colonial being/becoming to explain that the performance of dance, and the subsequent broadcasting via digital social media platforms is an innovative approach to counter settler colonialism. Cultural and community leaders such as dancers, teachers, and choreographers celebrate Palestinian resilience, resistance, and restoration, while mobilizing global solidarities through social media and dance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces the Special Issue on unsettling geographies of tourism. The overarching aim of this collection of articles is to bring together critical and creative analyses that help destabilize tourism's relationship to settler colonialism. In this Introduction, we provide an overview of literature on geographies of settler colonialism and tourism, which works to situate the 'unsettling' agenda in relation to the decolonial and Indigenous geographies and the respective contributions of each article in the Special Issue. We also review the ethics of care and decolonizing approach that oriented our process of peer reviewing articles, understanding that peer review is fraught with practices of erasure, exclusion, and prescription and that decolonizing tourism geographies must include intentional practices of transforming our individual and collective responsibilities to each other and with the lands and waters from which scholarship originates. Towards the end of our Introduction, we present a summary of each article that amplifies and synthesizes their respective contributions to unsettling tourism geographies knowledge and research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how affects animate and uphold tourism and settler colonialism. Engaging a 'curious' postdisciplinary research methodology informed by the relational power of listening, I trace the emergence of two interrelated atmospheres in the city of Niagara Falls, Ontario, Canada, both of which exemplify how settler colonialism is built and maintained as a structure of feeling that supports larger processes of worldmaking via tourism. In detailing these two atmospheres and their effects, I illuminate the mechanisms and practices through which tourism-related atmospheric infrastructures overtly and covertly contribute to worldmaking; exemplify how settlers might learn to destabilize, disrupt, or diffuse such atmospherics in and through tourism as a practice of unsettling; and expand on the literature detailing how we might research affective, embodied, and atmospheric moments of tourism. I take inspiration from related critical, interventionist, and narrative work in tourism and build on it to suggest that unsettling tourism—or tourism worldmaking—must be oriented toward mediating agencies of worldmaking like light and sound. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism development in the 'post-conflict' Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) region of Bangladesh proliferated after the CHT Peace Accord was signed in 1997. The Accord positioned tourism as an important component in reasserting Indigenous Jumma peoples' rights and facilitating regional socio-economic recovery. However, the Jumma people have remained firmly on the periphery of development discourse and the region's growing tourism industry has since paved the way for the forces of settler colonialism - namely through the actions and mobilities of the non-Indigenous Bengali majority - to manifest in several ways, including the acquisition of land and the marginalisation of Indigenous communities. In response, and without formal support, Indigenous tourism stakeholders have utilised domestic tourism as a form of resistance to help build more stable modes of Indigenous employment and improve community access to education and healthcare. Increasing interest in Indigenous tourism also aided the establishment of 'counter-narratives' to address negative perceptions. In short, tourism has been harnessed by Indigenous communities to address heavily entrenched socio-economic inequalities and long-standing misconceptions of Indigenous cultures even though state-government strategies have largely sought the opposite. Drawing on an interpretivist paradigm, through semi-structured interviews with Jumma participants who are employed in the tourism industry, this paper distils the paradoxical challenges and opposing forces of tourism development in the CHT that continue to simultaneously stabilise and destabilise the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unique among marginalized groups, American Indians are both citizens of the United States and citizens of sovereign tribal nations, as recognized (but not granted) by federal Indian law. However, even as tribal nations exert increasing economic and political power, criminal legal outcomes for tribal members—who interface with an array of tribal, local, state, and federal law enforcement and justice systems—remain detrimental or are worsened. These outcomes also include increased contact with state courts and the delegitimization of tribal courts, which uniquely implicate the civil justice context. We use the settler colonial framework to investigate how tools of state criminal law, such as heavy policing and disparate punishment, may impact the civil justice needs of Indigenous people, and more broadly, the very sovereignty these policies aim to protect. Drawing on interviews and observations in tribal and county-level courts, we examine the experiences of American Indians and other stakeholders in Indian country. We identify how enforcement practices, surveillance of space, and the complexities of layered policing within a "jurisdictional maze" contribute to the deterioration of tribal sovereignty. We contextualize our findings by considering the historical, cultural, and socio-economic factors that influence the experiences of American Indians in the criminal justice system, and by examining the civil justice implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Facebook's censorship of Kurdish political activism at the request of the Turkish government. I argue that Facebook's censorship of political voices belonging to the marginalized Kurdish community is an articulation of platform coloniality, an outcome constituted by the intersecting of the social media giant's global political economy imperatives with racialized and hierarchized conceptions of human worth. The effects of platform coloniality are exacerbated due to it being mediated by the Turkish nation-state's internal colonial politics and militarist regional policies, thus intensifying the marginalization of Kurds inside and outside Turkey. Covered in a typical neoliberal discourse of freedom and human rights, platform coloniality represents a continuation of the age-old patterns of Western power and its flow toward the Global South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]