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Background and methods: Competition regulation has a strong influence on the relative market power of firms. As such, competition regulation can complement industry-specific measures designed to address harms associated with excessive market power in harmful consumer product industries. This study aimed to examine, through a public health lens, assessments and decisions made by competition authorities in four jurisdictions (Australia, South Africa, the United States (US), and the European Union (EU)) involving three harmful consumer product industries (alcoholic beverages, soft drinks, tobacco). We analysed legal case documents, sourced from online public registers and dating back as far as the online records extended, using a narrative approach. Regulatory decisions and harms described by the authorities were inductively coded, focusing on the affected group(s) (e.g., consumers) and the nature of the harms (e.g., price increases) identified. Results: We identified 359 cases published by competition authorities in Australia (n = 202), South Africa (n = 44), the US (n = 27), and the EU (n = 86). Most cases (n = 239) related to mergers and acquisitions (M&As). Competition authorities in Australia, the US, and the EU were found to make many decisions oriented towards increasing the affordability and accessibility of alcohol beverages, soft drinks, and tobacco products. Such decisions were very often made despite the presence of consumption-reduction public health policies. In comparison, South Africa's competition authorities routinely considered broader issues, including 'Black Economic Empowerment' and potential harms to workers. Conclusion: Many of the competition regulatory decisions assessed likely facilitated the concentration of market power in the industries we explored. Nevertheless, there appears to be potential for competition regulatory frameworks to play a more prominent role in promoting and protecting the public's health through tighter regulation of excessive market power in harmful consumer product industries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aims to determine whether ultra-processed foods (UPFs) are being discussed in news media in Australia and whether this terminology, as described in the NOVA system, is being applied accurately. Design: Interpretive content analysis of online and print media articles that mentioned UPFs from 2009 to 2023 in Australia. Setting: Australia. Participants: Online and print media articles. Results: A total of two hundred ninety-eight Australian media articles were captured. A substantial increase in the number of UPF articles was observed between 2017–2019 and 2021–2023. The UPF concept was inaccurately explained or defined in 32 % of the articles and was frequently used interchangeably with other descriptors, such as 'highly or heavily processed food', 'junk food', 'unhealthy food', 'packaged food' and 'discretionary food'. Most of the articles had a health focus; however, sustainability interest increased, particularly in the past 18 months. Conclusions: UPFs are increasingly being discussed in news media in Australia; however, the concept is still incorrectly presented in over a third of articles. This highlights the importance of improving the literacy about UPFs to ensure that messages are communicated in a way that is salient, accessible and accurate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The use of food packaging as a vehicle for marketing to children is under investigated. Our objective was to determine the prevalence and types of child-directed promotional techniques used on food packaging in Australia. Design: Based on existing literature and regulations, we developed a framework to classify on-pack child-directed promotional techniques involving the use of characters and other elements that appeal to children. We analysed the packaging of all products in eight food categories available for sale from supermarkets in 2019 and recorded the use of child-directed promotions on pack. We assessed the number and proportion of products displaying child-directed promotional techniques overall and assessed the healthiness of products using child-directed promotions against four indicators of healthiness to provide summary data overall and for the manufacturers who most frequently employed child-targeted strategies. Setting: Data were collected from the FoodSwitch database in Sydney, Australia. Results: 901/8006 (11·3 %) products displayed one or more child-directed on-pack element. Most frequent was on foods for infants and young children (n 315), confectionery (n 283), snack foods (n 172) and dairy (n 168). Personified characters were the most commonly used element (n 512). Products using child-directed promotional techniques scored poorly on all four indicators of healthiness: mean health star rating 2·34 (out of 5); 81 % ultra-processed and 6·1 % and 4·5 % products eligible to market to children under Western Pacific and Mexican nutrient profiling schemes, respectively. Conclusions: Australian children are targeted by promotional techniques on the packaging of unhealthy food products. Stronger regulation of these techniques is warranted to protect children's health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Australia's dominant food system encourages the overconsumption of foods detrimental for human and planetary health. Despite this, Australia has limited policies to reduce the burden of disease and protect the environment. Political donations from the food industry may contribute to policy inertia on this issue. We aimed to explore the extent of political donations made by the food industry in Queensland and investigate the timing of public health nutrition policies in relation to these donations. Design: We collected publicly declared political donations data in Queensland, Australia, as it has the most transparent donation records. Policy data were sourced from the Australian National and Queensland State Parliaments, and consultations from the Australian and New Zealand Ministerial Forum on Food Regulation. Setting: Queensland, Australia. Participants: Not applicable. Results: The Liberal National Party (LNP) received 68 % of all donations, with most immediately preceding the 2017 and 2020 state elections. The Australian Labor Party, despite forming government for the time period under study, received only 17 % of total donations. Most donations were given by the meat industry, followed by the sugar industry. Few policies exist to protect and improve human and planetary health, with limited associations with political donations for most industries except sugar. Conclusions: Industry preference for the LNP, particularly as most donations coincided with election periods, may be due to the party's emphasis on minimal state involvement in economic and social affairs. The relationship between industry donations and policies is not clear, partly due to the limited number of policies implemented overall. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Diets high in red and processed meat (RPM) contribute substantially to environmental degradation, greenhouse gas emissions and the global burden of chronic disease. High-profile reports have called for significant global RPM reduction, especially in high-income settings. Despite this, policy attention and political priority for the issue are low.Design: The study used a theoretically guided framing analysis to identify frames used by various interest groups in relation to reducing RPM in online news media articles published in the months around the release of four high-profile reports by authoritative organisations that included a focus on the impacts of high RPM production and/or consumption.Setting: Four major RPM producing and consuming countries - USA, United Kingdom, Australia and New Zealand.Participants: None.Results: Hundred and fifty news media articles were included. Articles reported the views of academics, policymakers, industry representatives and the article authors themselves. RPM reduction was remarkably polarising. Industry frequently framed RPM reduction as part of a 'Vegan Agenda' or as advocated by an elite minority. Reducing RPM was also depicted as an infringement on personal choice and traditional values. Many interest groups attempted to discredit the reports by citing a lack of consensus on the evidence, or that only certain forms of farming and processing were harmful. Academics and nutrition experts were more likely to be cited in articles that were aligned with the findings of the reports.Conclusions: The polarisation of RPM reduction has led to a binary conflict between pro- and anti-meat reduction actors. This division may diminish the extent to which political leaders will prioritise this in policy agendas. Using nuanced and context-dependent messaging could ensure the narratives around meat are less conflicting and more effective in addressing health and environmental harms associated with RPM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Diets high in red and processed meat (RPM) contribute substantially to environmental degradation, greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions, and the global burden of chronic disease. Recent high-profile reports from international expert bodies have called for a significant reduction in global dietary meat intake, particularly RPM, especially in high-income settings, while acknowledging the importance of animal-sourced foods to population nutrition in many lower-income countries. However, this presents a major yet under-investigated political challenge given strong cultural preferences for meat and the economic importance and power of the meat industry. Methods: A theoretically-guided narrative review was undertaken. The theoretical framework used to guide the review considered the interests, ideas and institutions that constitute food systems in relation to meat reduction; and the instrumental, discursive and structural forms of power that actors deploy in relation to others within the food system. Results: High production and consumption levels of RPM are promoted and sustained by a number of factors. Actors with an interest in RPM included business and industry groups, governments, intergovernmental organisations, and civil society. Asymmetries of power between these actors exist, with institutional barriers recognised in the form of government-industry dependence, trade agreement conflicts, and policy incoherence. Industry lobbying, shaping of evidence and knowledge, and highly concentrated markets are key issues. Furthermore, prevailing ideologies like carnism and neoliberalism present embedded difficulties for RPM reduction. The literature noted the power of actors to resist meat reduction efforts exists in varying forms, including the use of lobbying, shaping of evidence and knowledge, and highly concentrated markets. Conclusion: There are a number of political challenges related to RPM reduction that contribute to policy inertia, and hence are likely to impede the transformation of food systems. Research on policy efforts to reduce RPM production and consumption should incorporate the role of power and political feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poor diets, including excess added sugar consumption, contribute to the global burden of disease. Subsequently, many nutrition policies have been implemented to reduce added sugar intake and improve population health, including taxes, education, labelling and environmental interventions. A potential consequence of these policy actions is the substitution of added sugars with non-nutritive sweeteners (NNS) in a variety of foods and beverages. NNS are used to reduce the energy and sugar content of foods and beverages while maintaining their palatability. Evidence of the toxicological risks of NNS is inconsistent, though concerns have been raised over the potential substitution effects of ultra-processed foods containing NNS for whole foods. This review aimed to provide an overview of current NNS food supply and consumption patterns, assess added sugar-reduction policies and their impact on NNS, and determine the impact of NNS on food choice, energy intake and diet quality. NNS are widely available in a variety of products, though most commonly in carbonated beverages, dairy products, confectionery, table-top sweeteners and fruit drinks. However, the longitudinal trends of different product categories, and differences between geographies and economy-income levels, require further study. Few studies have examined NNS consumption trends globally, though an increase in NNS consumption in beverages has been observed in some regions. Research examining how the increased availability of low-sugar, NNS-containing products affects global dietary patterns is limited, particularly in terms of their potential substitution effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The aggressive marketing of breastmilk substitutes (BMS) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the World Health Assembly adopted the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes (The Code), many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, commercial milk formula (CMF) markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt the Philippines as a case study to understand the battle for national Code implementation. In particular, we investigate the market and political strategies used by the baby food industry to shape the country's 'first-food system', and in doing so, promote and sustain CMF consumption. We further investigate how breastfeeding coalitions and advocates have resisted these strategies, and generated political commitment for a world-leading breastfeeding policy framework and protection law (the 'Milk Code'). We used a case study design and process tracing method, drawing from documentary and interview data. Results: The decline in breastfeeding in the Philippines in the mid-twentieth Century associated with intensive BMS marketing via health systems and consumer advertising. As regulations tightened, the industry more aggressively promoted CMFs for older infants and young children, thereby 'marketing around' the Milk Code. It established front groups to implement political strategies intended to weaken the country's breastfeeding policy framework while also fostering a favourable image. This included lobbying government officials and international organizations, emphasising its economic importance and threats to foreign investment and trade, direct litigation against the government, messaging that framed marketing in terms of women's choice and empowerment, and forging partnerships. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national breastfeeding policy framework and Milk Code, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates and mothers. Conclusion: The Philippines illustrates the continuing battle for worldwide Code implementation, and in particular, how the baby food industry uses and adapts its market and political practices to promote and sustain CMF markets. Our results demonstrate that this industry's political practices require much greater scrutiny. Furthermore, that mobilizing breastfeeding coalitions, advocacy groups and mothers is crucial to continually strengthen and protect national breastfeeding policy frameworks and Code implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The global milk formula market has 'boomed' in recent decades, raising serious concerns for breastfeeding, and child and maternal health. Despite these developments, few studies have investigated the global expansion of the baby food industry, nor the market and political practices corporations have used to grow and sustain their markets. In this paper, our aim is to understand the strategies used by the baby food industry to shape 'first-foods systems' across its diverse markets, and in doing so, drive milk formula consumption on a global scale. We used a theoretically guided synthesis review method, which integrated diverse qualitative and quantitative data sources.Results: Global milk formula sales grew from ~US$1.5 billion in 1978 to US$55.6 billion in 2019. This remarkable expansion has occurred along two main historical axes. First, the widening geographical reach of the baby food industry and its marketing practices, both globally and within countries, as corporations have pursued new growth opportunities, especially in the Global South. Second, the broadening of product ranges beyond infant formula, to include an array of follow-up, toddler and specialized formulas for a wider range of age groups and conditions, thereby widening the scope of mother-child populations subject to commodification. Sophisticated marketing techniques have been used to grow and sustain milk formula consumption, including marketing through health systems, mass-media and digital advertising, and novel product innovations backed by corporate science. To enable and sustain this marketing, the industry has engaged in diverse political practices to foster favourable policy, regulatory and knowledge environments. This has included lobbying international and national policy-makers, generating and deploying favourable science, leveraging global trade rules and adopting corporate policies to counter regulatory action by governments.Conclusion: The baby food industry uses integrated market and political strategies to shape first-foods systems in ways that drive and sustain milk formula market expansion, on a global scale. Such practices are a major impediment to global implementation of the International Code of Marketing of Breastmilk Substitutes, and other policy actions to protect, promote and support breastfeeding. New modalities of public health action are needed to negate the political practices of the industry in particular, and ultimately to constrain corporate power over the mother-child breastfeeding dyad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Summary: Understanding the drivers and dynamics of global ultra‐processed food (UPF) consumption is essential, given the evidence linking these foods with adverse health outcomes. In this synthesis review, we take two steps. First, we quantify per capita volumes and trends in UPF sales, and ingredients (sweeteners, fats, sodium and cosmetic additives) supplied by these foods, in countries classified by income and region. Second, we review the literature on food systems and political economy factors that likely explain the observed changes. We find evidence for a substantial expansion in the types and quantities of UPFs sold worldwide, representing a transition towards a more processed global diet but with wide variations between regions and countries. As countries grow richer, higher volumes and a wider variety of UPFs are sold. Sales are highest in Australasia, North America, Europe and Latin America but growing rapidly in Asia, the Middle East and Africa. These developments are closely linked with the industrialization of food systems, technological change and globalization, including growth in the market and political activities of transnational food corporations and inadequate policies to protect nutrition in these new contexts. The scale of dietary change underway, especially in highly populated middle‐income countries, raises serious concern for global health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: The aims of this study were to: (1) identify the characteristics of patients with chronic hepatitis B (CHB) who do not attend their hospital liver clinic appointments; and (2) raise awareness among general practitioners (GP) of alternative pathways to care for CHB in order to prevent long-term complications of CHB (liver cancer and cirrhosis). Methods: This prospective study was conducted between May 2018 and January 2019 at one site of a tertiary referral hospital in western Melbourne. Patients with minimal liver complications who did not attend their first two initial appointments were included in the study, in addition to referring GPs of new CHB patients to the liver clinic who had minimal liver complications (characterised by minimal fibrosis (<7 kPa)) and no liver comorbidities (including cirrhosis and/or hepatocellular carcinoma). GPs of patients who failed to attend the liver clinic as a new patient were sent an alternative discharge letter that included information on alternative pathways to care in the community for their patients. A follow-up survey to referring GPs was conducted afterwards for feedback. Demographic data was also collected for included patients. Results: Thirty patients with non-complicated CHB were included in the study (median age 32.5 years). Patients were from 11 different countries and six regions. The mean wait time from referral to clinic date was 424 days (SD 218.9). Only four GPs responded to the letter, with non-responding GPs surveyed primarily not participating due to having over 1 year of no contact from the patient or hospital. Conclusion: This study showed that there were long waiting lists for CHB referrals and alerting GPs to alternative pathways after patients failed to attend appointments was ineffective. There needs to be improved coordination between tertiary and primary services to provide timely and effective care for patients with CHB. What is known about this topic?: There are 239 000 Australians living with CHB: most recent estimates indicate that only 62% have been diagnosed, 15% are being monitored and 6% of those requiring treatment are receiving antiviral therapy. The complications of CHB (liver cancer and cirrhosis) can be averted by routine monitoring and timely commencement of highly effective oral antiviral therapy. In Australia, both GPs and specialists in gastroenterology and infectious diseases are involved in the management of CHB patients, but most prescribing occurs in specialist services. The current specialist-centred model of CHB care has been described as neither practical nor sustainable given the limited resources and capacity of specialist services, and the challenges for people with CHB to access public hospitals for routine care. What does this paper add?: Non-attending patients were a primarily young population. The median wait time for a clinic appointment in this hospital setting was 424 days, with some patients waiting ≥800 days for an appointment. This extensive wait time for a largely asymptomatic condition may have affected attendance rates. Although this particular intervention to engage GPs in collaborative care had limited results, it is clear that management of CHB by GPs, transparency in wait lists and adequate resourcing of specialist services would help alleviate the referral burden on hospitals. What are the implications for practitioners?: GPs should be aware that waiting lists for liver clinic appointments can be extensive in public hospital settings due to the high referral burden and limited resources of these services. Alternative pathways to care, such as GPs trained to prescribe Schedule 100 drugs, are an effective means of alleviating this burden while also ensuring CHB patients are seen in a timely manner and receive routine monitoring. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Chronic Hepatitis B (CHB) infection and subsequent liver complications are rising in prevalence in Australia due to increased migration from endemic regions. Nearly 50% of all those living with CHB in Australia are undiagnosed, leading to missed opportunities for liver cancer and cirrhosis prevention. Health literacy around CHB among refugee communities such as Afghan, Rohingyan, and Sudanese populations (all with a high prevalence of CHB) is low, partly due to a paucity of targeted health promotion programmes; despite the release of the Victorian Hepatitis B Strategy (2016–2020). We developed a peer‐education intervention in these three communities to deliver CHB focused radio programmes and community forums in their own language, following a needs assessment consisting of semistructured interviews and surveys. Effectiveness of this intervention was measured through paired comparison of disease‐knowledge assessment pre and post forum. Community forums were held between 2015 and 2016, with 25 attendees at the Rohingyan forum (68% male), 10 attendees at the Afghan forum (90% male) and 0 attendees at the Sudanese forum. Participants demonstrated a significant improvement in CHB knowledge between pre‐ and post‐forum surveys (p‐value < 0.05). A peer‐educator approach was a cost‐effective health promotion strategy in building CHB knowledge and dispelling misconceptions within the Afghan and Rohingya communities. There were significant barriers in the engagement of the South Sudanese community, which will inform future strategies for health promotion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The burden of chronic Hepatitis B (CHB) infection and associated complications such as hepatocellular carcinoma is growing significantly in Australia due to increased migration from countries with a high prevalence of CHB. Significant barriers to screening and engagement with healthcare persist due to stigma and perceptions associated with CHB within these communities. Our study was a pilot intervention aimed at engaging Afghan, Rohingyan, and Sudanese populations into CHB care through an initial needs assessment. Twenty six patients from Afghan, Rohingyan, and Sudanese communities, identified in the Monash Health CHB database, participated in a combination of survey questionnaires and semi-structured interviews. Language and cultural barriers, lack of HBV knowledge, housing and family reunification priorities associated with new settlement, as well as previous experiences of healthcare engagement were all identified as obstacles to accessing CHB care. Healthcare and health promotion workers should be sensitive to the additional health barriers associated with seeking asylum, as these barriers can take priority over the often asymptomatic and chronic nature of CHB. Communities with high prevalence of CHB require culturally relevant education tools delivered at a community level in order to improve their knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The aggressive marketing of breastmilk substitutes (BMS) reduces breastfeeding, and harms child and maternal health globally. Yet forty years after the World Health Assembly adopted the International Code of Marketing of Breast-milk Substitutes (The Code), many countries are still to fully implement its provisions into national law. Furthermore, despite The Code, commercial milk formula (CMF) markets have markedly expanded. In this paper, we adopt the Philippines as a case study to understand the battle for national Code implementation. In particular, we investigate the market and political strategies used by the baby food industry to shape the country's 'first-food system', and in doing so, promote and sustain CMF consumption. We further investigate how breastfeeding coalitions and advocates have resisted these strategies, and generated political commitment for a world-leading breastfeeding policy framework and protection law (the 'Milk Code'). We used a case study design and process tracing method, drawing from documentary and interview data.Results: The decline in breastfeeding in the Philippines in the mid-twentieth Century associated with intensive BMS marketing via health systems and consumer advertising. As regulations tightened, the industry more aggressively promoted CMFs for older infants and young children, thereby 'marketing around' the Milk Code. It established front groups to implement political strategies intended to weaken the country's breastfeeding policy framework while also fostering a favourable image. This included lobbying government officials and international organizations, emphasising its economic importance and threats to foreign investment and trade, direct litigation against the government, messaging that framed marketing in terms of women's choice and empowerment, and forging partnerships. A resurgence in breastfeeding from the mid-1980s onwards reflected strengthening political commitment for a national breastfeeding policy framework and Milk Code, resulting in-turn, from collective actions by breastfeeding coalitions, advocates and mothers.Conclusion: The Philippines illustrates the continuing battle for worldwide Code implementation, and in particular, how the baby food industry uses and adapts its market and political practices to promote and sustain CMF markets. Our results demonstrate that this industry's political practices require much greater scrutiny. Furthermore, that mobilizing breastfeeding coalitions, advocacy groups and mothers is crucial to continually strengthen and protect national breastfeeding policy frameworks and Code implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The role of processed foods in nutrition transition in the Pacific is receiving some attention in the context of a significant obesity and diet-related noncommunicable disease health burden. However, trends, patterns and underlying drivers of processed food markets in the Pacific are not well understood. The aim of this study was to investigate recent trends and patterns of processed food markets in the region and interpret the findings by engaging key literature on relevant food systems drivers. Methods: We conducted a mixed-methods approach involving two steps; (1) We analysed Euromonitor market sales data for processed food and beverage products sold from 2004–2018 for 16 countries differentiated by income level, and (2) guided by a food systems conceptual framework, we drew upon key literature to understand the likely drivers of our observations. Results: We observed plateaus and declines in processed food sales in some high-income countries but increases in upper-middle and lower-middle income countries, and most rapidly in the latter. Beverage markets appear to be stagnating across all income groups. Carbonated soft drinks, baked goods, vegetable oils, processed meats, noodles and sweet biscuits made up the majority of sales in transitioning countries. These observations are likely a result of income growth, urbanising populations, trade and globalisation, and various policies implemented by Pacific governments. Conclusions: A processed foods nutrition transition is well underway in the Pacific region and accelerating most prominently in lower-middle income countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]